# NEEC Evaluation: Georgism / Land Value Tax (LVT) **Scoring document — Step 1b; scored in Session 6, natively on the v2 structure; in the canonical corpus (`neec_scores.csv`) since Session 8.** Follows Appendix H.9's submission template exactly. Scored against the fully-specified 26-criterion v2 structure (Section 12.3, Appendix H.7v2) rather than the legacy 25-criterion structure, since this is a new system with no prior C1.2 score to preserve — consistent with the handoff's explicit instruction that Step 1b systems use the v2 structure directly. Its row was added to `neec_scores.csv` in Session 8. It has not been independently cross-checked by a second scorer (H.9 Step 6) — flagged as open per this project's disclosure norms (NEEC_CONTRIBUTING.md §2, Appendix H.6). --- ## 13 [pending renumbering]. Georgism / Land Value Tax ### Overview Georgism (also called Geoism) is the economic-policy tradition founded on Henry George's 1879 *Progress and Poverty*: because land's value derives from location, natural endowment, and surrounding community investment rather than from any effort by its titleholder, that value ("economic rent") should be publicly captured through a **Land Value Tax (LVT)** — a recurring levy on the unimproved value of land, explicitly excluding the value of buildings and other improvements — while taxes on labor, productive investment, and trade are reduced or eliminated. George's own 1888 proposal paired this with a **Citizen's Dividend**: surplus LVT revenue, after funding public goods, distributed equally to all residents. This evaluation scores that paired system (LVT + Citizen's Dividend) rather than LVT-as-a-standalone-revenue-tool, since the dividend is what gives Georgism its distinct claims on NEEC's Human Autonomy and Automation Resilience criteria — a reader evaluating a jurisdiction that adopts LVT *without* a dividend component should not import this evaluation's scores for dividend-dependent criteria uncritically (each such criterion is flagged inline below). **Evidentiary tier (Appendix H.6) — mixed, and this matters throughout.** The land value tax mechanism itself sits in the *real-world implementation* tier: Denmark has run a land tax (grundskyld) since 1924; Pennsylvania has authorized split-rate (land-favoring) property taxation since 1913, with Pittsburgh adopting it that year and 33 municipalities having used it at some point since; Estonia has run a pure land-only tax (no building component at all) nationally since 1993; the Australian Capital Territory is roughly halfway through a published 20-year statutory transition from stamp duty to a broad-based land tax, begun 2012; land value tax variants have also operated in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore. The Citizen's Dividend component also has a real precedent this paper already treats as proven elsewhere (the Alaska Permanent Fund Dividend, 40+ years). But the *combination* — LVT as a jurisdiction's primary tax base, paired with a Citizen's Dividend, at anything close to George's original "single tax" intensity — has never been implemented anywhere at any scale. Every real implementation above runs LVT as one modest-rate revenue source alongside ordinary income, sales, and other taxes. This gap between well-evidenced *components* and entirely unevidenced *full-intensity integration* recurs across many criteria below and is the single most important thing to understand about this evaluation before reading the individual scores. --- ### Domain 1: Material Security #### C1.1 Poverty Elimination Capacity: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** A Citizen's Dividend funded by LVT is, structurally, the same kind of mechanism NEEC's existing UBI evaluation credits with 1.0 on this criterion "at a sufficient level" — an unconditional, universal cash transfer. Whether Georgism could reach that sufficient level is a genuine, unresolved quantitative question rather than a settled one. On the optimistic side, Georgist economists estimate a full land value tax could raise on the order of 30–50% of current U.S. federal-and-state tax receipts even at a comparatively low rate — a large enough revenue base that a poverty-eliminating dividend is plausible in principle. On the evidenced side, every real-world land dividend actually modeled or paid is far smaller: a 2020s UK Centre for Basic Income model of a 1% LVT projected roughly £55 billion annually, working out to on the order of $90–100/month per person — a meaningful supplement, not a poverty-line income. No jurisdiction has tested a dividend anywhere near the "sufficient" end of this range. Estonia's, Denmark's, Pennsylvania's, and the ACT's land taxes all run at rates well below single-tax intensity and fund general government revenue, not a per-capita dividend at all. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — a real, theoretically-grounded mechanism of the same *kind* NEEC already credits favorably elsewhere, with a plausible (Georgist-estimated) revenue base for a fully-funded version, but no implementation at any scale approaching what "sufficient" would require, and the one concrete per-capita estimate located (UK, ~$90–100/mo) falls well short of a poverty-line-clearing amount. #### C1.2a Wealth Building for Resilience: 0.0 (Structural Failure) **Rationale:** This criterion asks whether participants can build a $70,000+/20-year household buffer through the system's own mechanism — a different question from C1.1's poverty-elimination test, and Georgism fails it for a structural reason, not merely a scale reason. NEEC's own existing UBI evaluation establishes the relevant precedent directly: UBI scores 0.0 here even though its C1.1 (poverty elimination) score is a full 1.0, because "provides income but no wealth-building mechanisms... maintains wealth-excluded underclass despite income provision" — income consumed for living expenses is not, by itself, an asset-accumulation vehicle, regardless of how large it is, unless specifically structured as one (a distinction this paper's own C1.2a text draws explicitly). A Citizen's Dividend, as George himself proposed it and as every modern Georgist proposal located in this research describes it, is a direct annual pass-through of that year's land-rent surplus — not a growing, held corpus the way Alaska's actual Permanent Fund (which invests its principal and distributes only a portion of returns) or a Public Trust Foundation's acre-equity mechanism are. The same reasoning that sinks UBI's C1.2 applies to a bare Citizen's Dividend with equal or greater force, independent of the funding-scale question C1.1 turned on. **Score Justification:** Structural failure (0.0) — the dividend mechanism Georgism actually proposes is, in NEEC's own terms, an income mechanism rather than a wealth-building one, matching UBI's precedent on this exact distinction; reduced/eliminated income and capital taxes provide indirect, generic savings-capacity improvement but not a designed accumulation vehicle, and no implementation demonstrates $70k/20yr accumulation for a broad share of participants. #### C1.2b Prevention of Exploitative Accumulation: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** This is arguably Georgism's most direct point of contact with any NEEC criterion — capturing unearned land-rent accumulation is not a side effect of LVT, it is the entire point. The mechanism specifically targets one well-documented, historically significant channel of wealth concentration (land and location value capture, including the well-known dynamic where public infrastructure investment inflates private land values that titleholders capture without having funded the investment themselves). This is structural, not incidental, in the same sense Appendix H.7v2's measurement guidance asks for. However, it is also narrow: it does nothing about wealth concentration through equity ownership, business profits, or financial assets — all major and, in most advanced economies, larger components of top-end wealth concentration than land specifically. No Gini figure specific to any real Georgist implementation exists to cite (none has run at the intensity that would make such a figure meaningful), so this score rests on the strength of the targeted mechanism rather than a demonstrated outcome, and is flagged explicitly as an estimate per Appendix H.6/H.8a's disclosure convention. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — a genuine, structurally-targeted mechanism against a specific, real, named driver of wealth concentration (closely paralleling why this sub-criterion exists at all, per Section 12.1's Integral-derived motivation), but narrow in scope relative to total wealth inequality and unevidenced at the Gini-threshold level. #### C1.3 Housing Security: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** LVT's core housing-relevant claim is supply-side: because holding land undeveloped or underused still incurs the tax, LVT discourages speculative land-banking and rewards development, and empirical work across Pennsylvania's split-rate cities (most rigorously a 15-municipality study by Plassmann & Tideman, and separately Banzhaf's cross-tract analysis) finds real, measurable effects — split-rate jurisdictions show several additional percentage points of housing-unit growth relative to comparable single-rate jurisdictions, and the mechanism is credited with increased construction density. Detroit's currently-stalled LVT proposal projects roughly 97% of homeowners would see a tax cut, since most homeowners' land-to-building ratio is far below that of vacant-lot speculators. Against this, LVT does not directly address rental-market stability, eviction protection, or affordability for non-owners the way a system with explicit tenant protections or public housing does, and the mechanism has not proven itself against genuine speculative pressure even where implemented: Estonia's land tax, in place since 1993, did not prevent a real speculative housing bubble in Tallinn between roughly 2003 and 2008, a finding a 2012 study attributes in part to the tax's low effective rate. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — real, evidenced supply-side and construction effects from actual implementations, but no direct tenant-stability mechanism, and the clearest available real-world test case (Estonia) did not prevent a genuine speculative bubble. #### C1.4 Automation Resilience: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** *Dividend-dependent criterion — see Overview.* The Georgist case for automation resilience is indirect but genuine: if automation-driven productivity gains capitalize into land values (because valuable locations remain scarce and desirable even as production automates), an LVT-funded dividend would capture a growing share of automation's surplus over time without needing to tax labor, robots, or AI systems directly — a mechanism recent Georgist writers explicitly frame as "taxing automation indirectly, through land." This is a real, citable argument, not merely asserted, but it depends on an assumption that is more secure for earlier, more geographically-tied automation waves than for the current one: AI-era automation's capital (data centers, compute, model weights, intellectual property) is comparatively mobile and un-tied to specific parcels of land in a way that, say, a factory or a distribution hub is not, so how much AI-driven surplus actually capitalizes into *land* rather than into corporate equity, IP value, or other asset classes is genuinely uncertain and was not something this research could resolve with a citable figure. No stress-testing across NEEC's 30/50/70% displacement scenarios exists for any Georgist proposal. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — a real, non-trivial, and distinctively Georgist mechanism (unlike C1.1's more generic UBI-style reasoning), but indirect, dependent on an increasingly questionable assumption for AI-specific automation, and entirely untested at any stress severity. #### C1.5 Universal Wealth Access (narrowed — access breadth only): 0.0 (Structural Failure) **Rationale:** This narrowed criterion asks whether the population has broad *access* to an *active mechanism producing asset growth* — access breadth, not accumulation adequacy (that is C1.2a, immediately above) or concentration prevention (C1.2b). In principle, a Citizen's Dividend paired with reduced taxes on productive investment is about as universally *accessible* as a mechanism can be — no membership gate, no employment requirement, no means test, exactly the properties that earned Nordic Social Democracy and cooperative systems credit under the legacy version of this criterion. But C1.5's own text requires "not just eligibility but an actual mechanism producing asset growth," and C1.2a's analysis above already establishes that the dividend mechanism Georgism actually proposes does not function as an asset-growth vehicle at all, for any participant, regardless of access breadth — it is a pass-through income stream. Access to a mechanism that does not itself produce asset growth does not satisfy this criterion's own stated requirement. **Score Justification:** Structural failure (0.0) — for the same underlying reason as C1.2a (a design-level, not merely a scale-level, gap), rather than an access-breadth problem; access is arguably the one part of this pairing Georgism gets right, but the criterion requires more than access to a mechanism that doesn't itself build assets. **Domain 1 Total: 2.0/6 (33%)** — Two structural failures (C1.2a, C1.5), both traceable to the same underlying finding: Georgism's Citizen's Dividend, as classically proposed, is a well-evidenced *income* mechanism that performs creditably on poverty- and demand-relevant criteria (C1.1, C1.4) but does not function as a *wealth-building* mechanism on the criteria that specifically test for one (C1.2a, C1.5) — the same income-versus-wealth distinction NEEC's own UBI evaluation already establishes, encountered here for a second, differently-motivated system. --- ### Domain 2: Human Autonomy #### C2.1 Freedom from Coercion: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** *Dividend-dependent.* A modest unconditional dividend plus reduced land/housing costs would provide some genuine reduction in survival-based labor compulsion relative to a pure wage-labor baseline, but at the scale actually evidenced (on the order of $90–100/month in the one concrete per-capita modeling located), this is a marginal effect, not the kind of step-change UBI pilot evidence shows at more substantial transfer levels. No autonomy-survey or revealed-preference data specific to any LVT-dividend jurisdiction was located. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — directionally correct, real mechanism, but thin relative to what NEEC's 70%-autonomy threshold implies, and unevidenced by any autonomy-specific study. #### C2.2 Labor Non-Necessity: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** *Dividend-dependent.* Per Appendix H.7's own guidance, this criterion's partial/full distinction turns primarily on *conditionality* rather than *size* — a Citizen's Dividend, structured as George proposed it ("share and share alike," unconditional, no means test), would clear the unconditionality bar cleanly. What it does not clear, at any evidenced real-world scale, is "covering 100% of basic needs" — the transfer sizes located in this research are a small fraction of a basic needs budget in any high-income context. A system that is genuinely unconditional but genuinely inadequate in size does not cleanly match either the 1.0 anchor (unconditional and adequate) or the 0.0 anchor (no baseline security at all) — it sits in between, which is what the 0.5 band is for, reached here by a different specific reasoning path than the Nordic conditionality-based 0.5 anchor example, but landing at the same rounded score. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — unconditional by design (a real strength distinct from means-tested welfare systems), but not close to covering basic needs at any evidenced funding level. #### C2.3 Creative Development Opportunities: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** *Dividend-dependent, and one of the more indirect channels in this evaluation.* Georgism does not itself reduce working hours, fund cultural programming, or otherwise directly enable creative/developmental time the way systems built explicitly around this goal do. Whatever effect exists runs through two indirect channels: modest additional disposable income from the dividend, and potentially lower land/housing costs freeing up income otherwise spent on rent or a mortgage (per the capitalization argument and the PA construction/affordability evidence above). Both are real but weak compared to purpose-built mechanisms elsewhere in the corpus. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — plausible marginal effect through indirect channels; not a designed feature of the system. #### C2.4 Democratic Participation: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** Georgism, as classically formulated, is a fiscal policy — a tax-and-transfer mechanism — not a governance system. It specifies no deliberative or participatory architecture of its own, unlike Participatory Economics, Integral, or CCO-PTF-CIP-SZH. Every real implementation located (Estonia, Denmark, Pennsylvania's cities, the ACT) operates within an entirely ordinary representative democracy, unmodified by anything Georgism-specific. The honest scoring approach is therefore to credit this criterion exactly as this paper already credits an unmodified representative democracy with concentrated economic power elsewhere in the corpus (Status Quo Market Capitalism's own C2.4 score) — the same structure, since that is precisely what every Georgist implementation actually is layered onto, with no distinctive addition either way. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — inherits, without modification, whatever democratic structure the host jurisdiction already has; this is not a distinctively Georgist score so much as an acknowledgment that Georgism does not specify a governance layer at all. #### C2.5 Exit Rights and Mobility: 1.0 (Pass) **Rationale:** LVT attaches to land, not to people — an individual can relocate freely without penalty, and (unlike Nordic-style comprehensive welfare states) a Georgist jurisdiction does not require near-universal population participation to remain solvent; a single city, state, or territory can run this on its own, as Pennsylvania's individual cities, Estonia, and the ACT all demonstrate independently of what neighboring jurisdictions do. The ACT's own two-decade phase-in, and Pennsylvania's long history of individual cities adopting *and* rescinding split-rate taxation without triggering any broader collapse, both demonstrate that exit — at the jurisdictional level as well as the individual level — is low-cost and does not compromise the system's basic function elsewhere. **Score Justification:** Pass (1.0) — no coercive lock-in at the individual level; demonstrated, low-consequence exit at the jurisdictional level in multiple real cases (Altoona's 2016 reversal, five other Pennsylvania cities reverting after 2000). **Domain 2 Total: 3.0/5 (60%)** — No structural failures, but no clean passes either apart from exit rights; the pattern across C2.1–C2.4 is consistently "real, correctly-directed mechanism, evidenced at a scale short of NEEC's threshold" — see the cross-cutting note in the Critical Assessment section. --- ### Domain 3: System Resilience #### C3.1 Crisis Response Capacity: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** A standing Citizen's Dividend, structured as an automatic annual (or more frequent) payment rather than a discretionary appropriation — the way Alaska's PFD already operates without a fresh legislative vote each year — would continue flowing during a crisis without the multi-month legislative delay that afflicts discretionary stimulus. This is a real advantage over purely discretionary systems. But nothing in Georgist design calls for the dividend to *scale up* during a downturn the way CCO's documented 50%-during-crisis automatic increase does, or the way unemployment insurance's eligibility-based expansion does; land tax revenue itself is, if anything, prized in public-finance literature specifically for its *stability* across the business cycle relative to income tax — a genuine fiscal-reliability advantage for government budgets, but the mirror image of a countercyclical stabilizer for citizens, since a revenue source that doesn't fall during a recession also has no automatic reason to rise. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — automatic, non-legislatively-gated continuity is a real strength; automatic crisis-scaling is not part of the design and nothing located suggests otherwise. #### C3.2 Inflation Control Mechanisms: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** No specific inflation-control innovation is part of Georgist theory; a Georgist economy inherits whatever monetary policy its host country already runs, exactly the same reasoning this paper already applies to other systems layered onto an otherwise-ordinary market economy (Market Socialism and Stakeholder Capitalism both score 0.5 here for materially the same reason). **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — matches the established anchor for "no innovation beyond conventional monetary policy." #### C3.3 Multi-Failure Resistance: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** A land-tax-funded dividend provides some continuity of income during compound crises, since (per C3.1/C3.2) the revenue base is comparatively stable through recessions and doesn't depend on wage income directly. This is a modest, real advantage over purely wage- or income-tax-dependent systems under compound stress. It is not a designed multi-failure architecture the way federated or distributed systems elsewhere in the corpus have. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — a real but incidental resilience property (stable revenue base), not a designed compound-crisis response. #### C3.4 Epistemic Adaptability: 1.0 (Pass) **Rationale:** This is unusually well-evidenced for a criterion that often rests on projection elsewhere in the corpus. Every real Georgist implementation located demonstrates genuine, ongoing parameter adjustment through ordinary democratic and administrative process, without collapse: Denmark has revised its land-tax rate structure multiple times, most recently effective 2024 with a new statutory cap and phase-in mechanism running through 2028; Estonia has conducted four national mass revaluations (1993, 1996, 2001, 2022) and adjusted local rate-setting authority over time; the ACT publishes a structured evaluation of its own 20-year transition roughly every four years and has adjusted implementation details (e.g., commercial/industrial deferral options introduced from 2024) along the way; Pennsylvania's individual cities have both adopted and rescinded split-rate taxation repeatedly since 1913 without any broader system failure. This is a system whose adjustability is demonstrated by a genuine multi-decade, multi-jurisdiction operating record, not merely claimed. **Score Justification:** Pass (1.0) — repeatedly and independently demonstrated parameter adjustment (rates, valuation methodology, phase-in schedules) across multiple real jurisdictions over periods ranging from years to over a century, with no case of collapse-from-adjustment located. #### C3.5 Failure-Mode Transparency: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** The valuation/assessment process specifically is unusually transparent where well-implemented — Estonia's system, for instance, publishes mass-valuation results and provides an explicit public feedback and correction channel for landowners who believe their parcel's data is wrong. This is a genuine, evidenced strength specific to the mechanism's own operation. But this transparency is scoped narrowly to the tax mechanism itself; Georgism has no broader architecture for surfacing externalized costs, ecological damage, or social costs the way systems built around comprehensive monitoring do, and — as discussed under C4.3 below — the assessment process itself carries a documented, currently unaddressed disparate-impact risk that a purely "transparent" valuation process does not, by itself, resolve. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — real, evidenced transparency specific to the valuation mechanism; no broader failure-surfacing architecture beyond that. **Domain 3 Total: 3.0/5 (60%)** — One clean pass (C3.4, unusually well-evidenced), no failures, three partials reflecting genuine but modest or narrowly-scoped resilience properties. --- ### Domain 4: Ethical Integrity #### C4.1 Intergenerational Justice: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** The Georgist ethical premise is explicitly intergenerational — land is framed as belonging equally to all generations, not something any single titleholder or cohort may permanently enclose — and LVT revenue could fund infrastructure or environmental preservation benefiting future residents. But no specific carbon-reduction trajectory, debt-management rule, or other measurable intergenerational-transfer commitment is part of core Georgist theory; the ethical framing is real but the operational commitment is not specified. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — strong normative framing, no specific measurable commitment. #### C4.2 Ecological Compliance: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** The anti-sprawl case is genuinely evidenced, not merely argued: the Pennsylvania density-effect findings cited under C1.3 are directly on point, and a "Green Georgism" line of argument tracing back over a century (Georgist figures influenced conservation policy under both Roosevelt presidents, per historical accounts) treats reduced sprawl and efficient land use as core rather than incidental benefits. More directly, an empirical panel-data study of land-use taxation's effect on construction-land carbon-emission efficiency across 30 Chinese provinces exists in the current academic literature, indicating this is an actively studied causal channel rather than pure advocacy. Densification itself is identified in recent IPCC assessment work as a significant climate abatement lever, which strengthens the plausibility of the causal chain (LVT → density → lower per-capita emissions) without itself constituting direct evidence for LVT specifically. Set against this: Georgism imposes no hard ecological ceiling or absolute-emissions constraint the way Degrowth or CCO-PTF's carbon-tax-funding design do; its ecological benefit is a structural side effect of the land-rent mechanism, not a designed planetary-boundary compliance system. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — real, evidenced, actively-studied co-benefits (density, construction-land carbon efficiency), but no designed hard constraint or absolute-reduction mechanism. #### C4.3 Racial and Gender Equity: 0.5 (Partial) — flagged as a genuinely contestable score **Rationale:** This criterion sits on real evidence pulling in both directions, and is flagged explicitly (per Appendix I's spirit) as a case where a different reasoner could defensibly land elsewhere. In favor: a universal, unconditional Citizen's Dividend shares UBI's own credited reasoning here — universal provision avoids the bureaucratic discrimination inherent in means-tested benefit systems, and some Georgist advocacy literature argues explicitly that shifting the basis of land-based wealth away from "protecting property values" (a phrase with a direct, documented history as a segregationist justification) could help erode one specific channel of exclusion. Against this: current U.S. property tax assessment carries a well-documented, quantified racial bias — a 2020 study (Avenancio-León & Howard, Washington Center for Equitable Growth) finds Black and Hispanic homeowners face an assessment gap translating to roughly $300–390 in additional annual property tax burden at median home values, rooted partly in a documented history of assessors deliberately over-valuing Black-owned property in the past. Land valuation specifically is harder and more assessor-discretion-dependent than combined property valuation (see C5.1), which plausibly *amplifies* rather than mitigates this risk absent explicit correction, and no explicit reparative or disparity-correction mechanism is part of core Georgist theory. No evidence was located of any real LVT implementation being evaluated for this specific risk in either direction. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — a real, credited universalist benefit (matching UBI's own precedent) weighed against a real, documented, quantified, currently-unaddressed assessment-bias risk specific to the land-valuation mechanism; presented as a close call rather than a confidently-resolved one. Under protocol 6.1 (decision D16) the call is encoded with both alternatives, 0.0 and 1.0, and the tier is not robust to it: at 0.0 the entry would score 13.0/26 with 3 structural failures (Partially Adequate); at 1.0, 14.0/26 with 2 (Potentially Adequate, as scored). #### C4.4 Power Distribution: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** LVT targets a specific, historically significant channel of wealth-based political power: land rent capture, and specifically the incentive dynamic in which landowners lobby for public infrastructure improvements precisely because they can privately capture the resulting land-value windfall — an incentive LVT is designed to blunt, since the windfall would be taxed away regardless of who lobbied for it. This is a real, structurally-grounded mechanism, paralleling C1.2b's reasoning. But it is narrow: it does nothing about corporate, financial, or monopoly power concentration, and NEEC's own threshold here also asks about citizen proposal-adoption rates and democratic accountability — dimensions C2.4 already establishes Georgism does not touch at all. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — a real, targeted mechanism against one specific, well-documented channel of power concentration; silent on every other channel NEEC's threshold names. #### C4.5 Exploitation Elimination: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** NEEC's own C4.5 rationale names three target relationships: landlord-tenant, employer-employee, and creditor-debtor. Georgism speaks directly and specifically to only the first, and even there only partially — it captures the *unearned* (land-rent) component of what a landlord extracts, while leaving the return on any genuine building/improvement investment untouched, and the landlord-tenant relationship itself (rent payment for the use of a dwelling) continues to exist. It says nothing about employer-employee or creditor-debtor extraction; ordinary wage employment and credit markets continue unmodified under a Georgist system. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — direct, well-targeted, but partial elimination of exactly one of the three named extraction mechanisms; the other two are entirely outside its scope by design. **Domain 4 Total: 2.5/5 (50%)** — Uniform partials across all five criteria; no failures, no passes. This domain most clearly shows Georgism's character as a single, well-targeted structural intervention (on land rent specifically) layered onto an otherwise unmodified market economy — strong wherever the evaluation touches land rent directly, flat 0.5 everywhere else. --- ### Domain 5: Implementation Viability #### C5.1 Proven Component Foundation: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** The individual components are unusually well-proven for this corpus — LVT itself has 100+ years of continuous real-world operation across multiple independent jurisdictions (Denmark since 1924, Pittsburgh since 1913, Estonia since 1993), and the Citizen's Dividend component has its own 40+-year precedent (Alaska PFD) already credited elsewhere in this paper. This is arguably a stronger multi-jurisdiction, multi-decade component base than several already-scored systems' component foundations. But the *specific* integration this evaluation scores — LVT as a jurisdiction's primary revenue base, paired with a universal dividend, at anywhere near single-tax intensity — is not merely unproven; it has been *tried and failed* at least once in a directly relevant way: Britain's 1910 Land Value Duty (part of Lloyd George's "People's Budget"), a serious historical attempt at exactly this kind of ambitious land-value capture, collapsed under valuation disputes and administrative cost that reportedly ran to roughly four times the actual revenue collected, was never successfully resolved, and was eventually repealed — contributing, by some accounts, to the long-term erosion of Britain's broader property tax system rather than strengthening it. This is a materially different evidentiary situation than Integral's "components proven, integration merely untested" (0.5) — it is components very robustly proven, *and* one directly-relevant integration attempt that is documented to have failed, alongside others (Estonia, Denmark, the ACT) that succeeded at more modest intensity. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — an unusually strong component record pulled down by a genuine, on-point historical integration failure at the specific intensity this evaluation scores, alongside successful (if lower-intensity) integration cases elsewhere. #### C5.2 Staged Transition Pathways: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** The ACT's transition is a genuinely strong, currently-live example of exactly the kind of staged, gradual pathway NEEC's own C5.2 template describes: a published 20-year timeline beginning 2012, structured public progress evaluation roughly every four years, and specific transition mechanics (e.g., a deferred-payment option for commercial and industrial buyers introduced partway through). This is stronger, more concrete, currently-operating evidence than many already-scored systems have for their own gradual-transition claims. What is missing is any credible *rapid* (≤36-month) crisis-deployment pathway — nothing located in this research proposes one, and the one historical case of relatively fast introduction (Britain, 1910, under budget-crisis pressure) is the clearest failure case in the entire evidence set, arguably a cautionary tale against rapid deployment specifically rather than a template for it. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — satisfies NEEC's gradual-pathway requirement about as well as any system in this corpus, with unusually concrete, live, ongoing evidence; no credible rapid-deployment pathway located, and the closest historical analogue to one is a failure case. #### C5.3 Partial and Parallel Deployability: 1.0 (Pass) **Rationale:** Every real-world case located demonstrates this directly rather than by projection: a single city (Harrisburg, Altoona, or any of Pennsylvania's other adopting municipalities), a single sub-national territory (the ACT), or a single country (Estonia, Denmark) can adopt LVT independently, coexisting completely normally with an ordinary market economy and with neighboring jurisdictions that have not adopted it. No case of adoption requiring, or even attempting, simultaneous multi-jurisdiction coordination was located. **Score Justification:** Pass (1.0) — demonstrated, not merely claimed, across every real case in the evidence base; possibly the single most strongly-evidenced criterion in this entire evaluation. #### C5.4 Political Coalition Potential: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** The cross-ideological intellectual case is unusually strong and well-documented: historical supporters span from Winston Churchill, William F. Buckley Jr., and Milton Friedman on the right to Bertrand Russell, John Dewey, and Paul Krugman on the left — a genuinely unusual span for a single tax-policy idea. Currently: a 2026 survey by the Community Service Society of New York found majority support for a specific pending LVT bill among both renters and homeowners statewide; Detroit's currently-pending LVT plan is backed by 83% of a surveyed panel of 31 national economists (including four Nobel laureates: Deaton, Hart, Holmström, and Maskin) and is projected to cut taxes for roughly 97% of the city's homeowners. Against this: Detroit's plan remains stalled in the Michigan Legislature despite this expert backing, a concrete, current instance of the gap between elite/expert support and legislative success; the broader 2026 U.S. property-tax political environment is oriented toward cutting or eliminating property taxes generally (Florida, Texas, Georgia ballot measures) rather than restructuring their base toward land value, suggesting the current political energy runs orthogonal to, not toward, Georgist reform; and Altoona's 2016 local reversal is a direct instance of an actual implementation later losing its political coalition. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — unusually broad and well-evidenced cross-ideological *intellectual* support, including current expert and Nobel-laureate backing for a live 2026 proposal, but recurring, concrete legislative friction and at least one direct implementation reversal; short of NEEC's demanding ≥60% current-reality threshold. #### C5.5 Cultural Adaptability: 0.5 (Partial) **Rationale:** The geographic and cultural spread of real implementations is genuinely broad — post-Soviet Eastern Europe (Estonia), Scandinavia (Denmark), Anglo-federal Australia (the ACT), U.S. municipal contexts (Pennsylvania), and East Asian contexts with land tax variants (Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, per historical accounts) — arguably a wider documented spread than several already-scored systems achieve. The important caveat: what has actually been validated across this spread is *modest-rate LVT as one revenue source among several*, not the full-intensity, dividend-paired "single tax" system this evaluation scores throughout. The narrower, real claim is well-supported; the broader claim this evaluation is nominally testing is not, which is the same evidentiary gap running through most of this evaluation and is reflected here rather than set aside. **Score Justification:** Partial (0.5) — broad, genuine cultural/economic spread for the modest-intensity version actually implemented; no validation at the intensity this evaluation otherwise scores. **Domain 5 Total: 3.0/5 (60%)** — One clean pass (C5.3, strongly evidenced), no failures, four partials — the domain's overall shape mirrors Domain 1's and Domain 4's: real, evidenced, but capped short of NEEC's thresholds by the gap between modest real-world intensity and the full-intensity system under evaluation. --- ## Summary Scores **Domain Totals:** - Material Security: 2.0/6 (33%) - Human Autonomy: 3.0/5 (60%) - System Resilience: 3.0/5 (60%) - Ethical Integrity: 2.5/5 (50%) - Implementation Viability: 3.0/5 (60%) **Overall Score: 13.5/26 (52%)** *Explicit sum, per Appendix H.4: 2.0 + 3.0 + 3.0 + 2.5 + 3.0 = 13.5.* *Score distribution: 3 criteria at 1.0 (C2.5, C3.4, C5.3), 21 criteria at 0.5, 2 criteria at 0.0 (C1.2a, C1.5).* **Structural Failures: 2** (C1.2a Wealth Building for Resilience, C1.5 Universal Wealth Access) — both traceable to the single finding that a Citizen's Dividend is an income mechanism, not an asset-building one, in NEEC's own terms. **Adequacy Classification: Potentially Adequate** (fewer than 3 structural failures, per Section 8.3) — but see the framework note below; this classification sits uneasily next to the system's low percentage score and should not be read as implying comparable overall adequacy to this tier's other members. **On the canonical CSV.** This evaluation was added as a row of `neec_scores.csv` in Session 8, after the schema update Step 1c required (Domain 1 out of 6, Total out of 26). It was held back until then because the schema of the time assumed the legacy 25-criterion structure, with Domain 1 out of 5, and a partial, single-row update would have created exactly the kind of schema inconsistency the project's scratch-before-insert discipline exists to prevent. --- ## Final Assessment **Key Strengths:** - The single strongest, most direct point of contact with any NEEC criterion: C1.2b (Prevention of Exploitative Accumulation) and C4.4 (Power Distribution) both credit a real, structurally-targeted mechanism against a specific, well-documented, historically significant channel of wealth and power concentration — this is genuinely what LVT is *for*, and it shows. - Exceptionally well-evidenced for a system this partial-implemented overall: C3.4 (Epistemic Adaptability) and C5.3 (Partial and Parallel Deployability) both reach a full Pass on the strength of *demonstrated*, not merely projected, multi-decade, multi-jurisdiction real-world behavior — a rarer combination in this corpus than it might first appear, since many higher-scoring systems substitute strong theoretical argument for this kind of direct evidence on at least some criteria. - C5.2's evidence (the ACT's live, published, structured 20-year transition) is about as concrete and current as staged-transition evidence gets anywhere in this corpus. - Unusually broad, genuinely cross-ideological political and intellectual support, spanning from Churchill and Friedman to Russell and Krugman historically, and including current (2026) Nobel-laureate-backed expert support for a live U.S. municipal proposal. **Key Deficiencies:** - Both structural failures trace to one root cause: George's own Citizen's Dividend proposal is, in NEEC's own terms (already established via the UBI precedent), an income-distribution mechanism rather than a wealth-building one. This is not a scale problem that a larger dividend would necessarily fix on its own — it would require deliberately restructuring the dividend as an accumulating, held vehicle (closer to Alaska's actual Permanent Fund structure, or to a Public Trust Foundation's acre-equity design) rather than a direct annual pass-through, which is a real, specifiable design change future Georgist proposals could adopt but which classical Georgism as evaluated here does not include. - No domain reaches even 2 of its 5 (or, for Domain 1, 6) possible criteria at a full Pass; the profile is dominated by Partial scores (21 of 26) reflecting a consistent pattern — genuine, evidenced, correctly- directed mechanisms that fall short of NEEC's demanding thresholds because no real implementation has ever run at anywhere near the intensity ("single tax," full-dividend) this evaluation is nominally testing. - C4.3's racial-equity risk (documented current assessment bias, potentially amplified by land-specific valuation's greater technical difficulty) is real, current, and — per this research — entirely unaddressed by any located Georgist proposal or implementation. - C5.1's evidence includes a genuine, on-point historical failure (Britain, 1910) at close to the specific intensity this evaluation scores, not merely an absence of evidence. **A note on the adequacy-tier result, for the NEEC framework itself.** Georgism/LVT lands in the Potentially Adequate tier (2 failures, under the Section 8.3 threshold) with the lowest percentage score of any system this paper has evaluated in that tier — 52%, well below the next-lowest member, Market Socialism (16.5/26, 63%; MMT + Job Guarantee, 64% under the legacy 25-criterion count when this was written, has been Partially Adequate since the Step 1c retrofit). This is a real, if narrow, illustration of a pattern Section 8.3's failure-count-based classification makes possible: a system can earn "Potentially Adequate" status by having very few outright zeros while still being decisively mediocre in aggregate, because failure-count classification and percentage score are measuring different things by design (Section 10.3's whole argument for why NEEC prefers dominance/ failure-count analysis over scalar totals). This is not presented as a flaw in the classification system — Section 10.3 already explains why NEEC treats fine-grained scalar rank as the least important of its comparative tools — but it is a clean, real (not hypothetical) case worth having on record for whoever next revisits the adequacy-tier discussion, alongside Integral's own contribution of the first genuine Partially Adequate case. A future Appendix I proposal arguing for some kind of "percentage floor" alongside the failure-count threshold, or arguing against one, would have a concrete case to reason from here rather than a hypothetical. **Comparison to other systems in the corpus.** On the canonical corpus, Georgism is strictly dominated by one system, CCO-PTF-CIP-SZH, and dominates none. It scores below every other Potentially Adequate entry (Nordic Social Democracy, Market Socialism, Degrowth Economics, Participatory Economics and CCO-PTF-CIP-SZH) on raw percentage. Qualitatively, its profile — one sharp structural strength (land-rent capture specifically), otherwise consistently Partial — most resembles Stakeholder Capitalism's "narrow, real reform layered onto an unmodified system" shape more than it resembles any Potentially Adequate system's shape, even though its actual score and failure count land it in the higher tier. This tension is exactly what the note above flags for the framework's own attention. --- ## Reviewer disclosure (per NEEC_CONTRIBUTING.md §2 / Appendix H.6) This is a first-pass scoring by a single AI reasoner (Claude), based on web research conducted in this session rather than a systematic literature review, and has not yet been independently cross-checked by a second scorer per H.9 Step 6. Sources were drawn from a mix of academic papers (Lincoln Institute of Land Policy publications, a Washington Center for Equitable Growth working paper, a ScienceDirect article on Estonian urban development, a China-focused carbon-efficiency panel study), government and policy-institute material (Estonian Tax and Customs Board, ACT/Prosper Australia transition reports, Housing Australia, Grattan Institute), press coverage of live 2026 political developments (Detroit's LVT plan, New York's LVT bill), and both pro-Georgist advocacy sources (the Progress and Poverty Institute, Scott Santens) and skeptical/critical sources (Works in Progress magazine's British-history piece, a LessWrong critique, Nicholas Decker's Substack critique) — an attempt at genuine balance rather than a one-sided case, but not a substitute for a formal literature review. The clearest candidates for independent disagreement are flagged inline: C4.3 (explicitly marked contestable above), the C1.2a/C1.5 income-vs-wealth reasoning (a real interpretive choice, even though this evaluation believes it follows directly from NEEC's own UBI precedent), and the overall "dividend-dependent criteria" framing choice described in the Overview, which a scorer evaluating a different pairing (LVT without a citizen's dividend, or LVT paired with a different redistribution mechanism) should not import wholesale. --- ## Summary block The machine-readable summary of this entry (protocol section 9; schema `neec-summary-block/1.0`, `summary_block_schema.json`). It is generated from the canonical corpus and the Session 28 staging (`summary_blocks_s28.json`), not typed, and validated by `neec_entry.py`. ```json { "schema": "neec-summary-block/1.0", "key": "Georgism / Land Value Tax", "code": "GEO", "display_name": "Georgism / Land Value Tax (LVT + Citizen's Dividend)", "record": {"documents": ["NEEC_Georgism_LVT_scoring_scratch.md"], "scored": "Session 6, natively on the v2 structure", "structure": "native-v2"}, "scope": {"class": "mechanism", "basis": "stated", "source": {"file": "NEEC_Ostrom_Commons_scoring_scratch.md", "locator": "document", "phrase": "Commons governance joins archetype 1, narrow single-mechanism systems, as its fifth member after Georgism, Mutual Credit / LETS, Sovereign Wealth Fund Statism and Islamic finance."}}, "vector": { "C1.1": 0.5, "C1.2a": 0.0, "C1.2b": 0.5, "C1.3": 0.5, "C1.4": 0.5, "C1.5": 0.0, "C2.1": 0.5, "C2.2": 0.5, "C2.3": 0.5, "C2.4": 0.5, "C2.5": 1.0, "C3.1": 0.5, "C3.2": 0.5, "C3.3": 0.5, "C3.4": 1.0, "C3.5": 0.5, "C4.1": 0.5, "C4.2": 0.5, "C4.3": 0.5, "C4.4": 0.5, "C4.5": 0.5, "C5.1": 0.5, "C5.2": 0.5, "C5.3": 1.0, "C5.4": 0.5, "C5.5": 0.5 }, "summary": {"D1": 2.0, "D2": 3.0, "D3": 3.0, "D4": 2.5, "D5": 3.0, "total": 13.5, "failures": 2, "tier": "Potentially Adequate"}, "flags": [ {"criterion": "C4.3", "scored": 0.5, "alternatives": [0.0, 1.0], "basis": "both-directions", "reading": null, "tracks": null, "source": {"file": "NEEC_Georgism_LVT_scoring_scratch.md", "locator": "C4.3", "phrase": "a different reasoner could defensibly land elsewhere"}} ], "joint_readings": [ {"id": "scored", "label": "as scored", "basis": "scored", "resolve": {}, "result": {"total": 13.5, "failures": 2, "tier": "Potentially Adequate"}}, {"id": "up", "label": "every flagged call resolved upward", "basis": "extremes", "resolve": {"C4.3": 1.0}, "result": {"total": 14.0, "failures": 2, "tier": "Potentially Adequate"}}, {"id": "down", "label": "every flagged call resolved downward", "basis": "extremes", "resolve": {"C4.3": 0.0}, "result": {"total": 13.0, "failures": 3, "tier": "Partially Adequate"}} ], "scenarios": [] } ```