New York, May 4, 1836.
Hon. L. F. Linn:
Dear Sir:
Yours of 1st. instant I received to-day on my return from Philadelphia,
(where I went, at the solicitation of a committee from there,) in
conjunction with my colleagues, Archer and Wharton, to attend a Texas meeting
on the 2d.
I presume you have seen in the Philadelphia papers the result of the
meeting— (see the Pennsylvania Inquirer, U. S. Gazette, Ledger, etc.) It
was very enthusiastic and ardent in the cause of Texas, and was held in a
wing of that Temple of Liberty where, in '76, those principles were
proclaimed which have ever since been a beacon-light to the benighted and
enslaved of all nations. The spirit of '76 was there. That spirit, and hearts
of the vast multitude, told them what to do. No cold or selfish influence of
policy or of party cast its chilling breath over that meeting.
You ask me what can be done in favor of Texas? Ask your heart, my
friend and fellow-citizen, (for such you are in feeling, although an
invisible line separates our domicils— ask the noble spirit of your and my
fathers— ask every freeman, every philanthropist on earth— ask every man
who is not a politician, and who acts from the warm and honest impulses
of a patriotic heart, and you will receive a satisfactory answer.
A war of extermination is raging in Texas—a war of barbarism and of
despotic principles, waged by the mongrel Spanish-Indian and Negro race,
against civilization and the Anglo-American race.
For fifteen years I have been laboring like a slave to Americanize
Texas—to form a nucleus around which my native countrymen could
collect and grow into a solid body that would forever be a barrier of safety
to the southwestern frontier, and especially to the outlet of the western
world—the mouth of the Mississippi—and which would be a beacon-light
to the Mexicans in their search after liberty.
But the Anglo-American foundation, this nucleus of republicanism, is to
be broken up, and its place supplied by a population of Indians, Mexicans,
and renegadoes, all mixed together, and all the natural enemies of white
men and civilization.
What I have been the means of effecting towards the Americanism of
Texas, is of more real service to the protection of Louisiana, Arkansas, and
Missouri, than the expenditure of thirty millions of dollars on the
fortifications of that frontier; yes, more than a standing army of 10,000 men
there would be; and yet it is to be broken up, because the people of Texas
have too much of the spirit of their fathers to lay down beneath the feet of
military despotism, and debase and damn their blood and their education;
it is to be broken up, because it will not do for the United States
government to interfere with a usurper, a base, unprincipled, bloody monster,
who sets the laws of civilization and of humanity at defiance, who
desolates Texas under the bloody flag of a pirate, and whose avowed intention
is to excite the Indians and negroes, and crimson the waters of the
Mississippi, and make it the eastern boundary of Mexico, (for such an intention
has been avowed.) No. This monster cannot be interfered with, because
a treaty was made with the federal republic of Mexico, which republic no
longer exists.
Oh! spirit of our fathers, where are you? Just and omnipotent God,
where is thy influence? Where is the fatherly care and protection of a wise
and watchful government that applies cheap and prompt preventives
beforehand, in preference to the expenditure of millions for remedies, after an
evil has occurred?
But you ask, What preventive can be applied? The answer is plain—Let
an army of the United States march into Texas, and say to the pirate Santa
Anna, "Stop:" a great and philanthropic and free people will not stand
tamely by and see justice, constitutional right, and humanity, wantonly
violated at her door—nor can a paternal government tolerate a state of
things on its most vulnerable and important frontier, that will, and must
bring the bloody tide of savage war and the horrors of negro insurrection
within its limits.
It is madness and folly—it is deceiving yourselves and your constituents
to believe that the Texas war is not a war of extermination against
Anglo-Americans and their principles and interests. The republican party in
Mexico are now subdued and crushed: they, by their own acts and
misplaced confidence in Santa Anna, have put the sword into his hands to cut
their own throats. He has acquired all his power by deceiving the federal
republican party of Mexico, and by making blind instruments of them. He
is now continuing the same policy, for he has united all the influence and
resources of that party against Texas. He and the monarchial party now in
power, who have overturned the federal constitution of 1824, know very well
that to expect any thing like tranquility, or even comparative security in the
enjoyment of their usurpations, they must keep out Anglo-American
republicanism, and stop the moral invasion that was spreading over the eastern
and internal states (now military provinces) of Mexico. How is this to be
done? By exterminating the American population in Texas, and filling that
country with Indians and negroes, who (as he thinks) will form an
impenetrable barrier from the Sabine river to the Rio del Norte, and thus restore
the old Spanish policy, which was "to prevent even a bird from crossing
the Sabine river if possible"
And the United States Government are to stand by with its hands folded,
over scruples about interposing in the holy cause of humanity, philanthropy,
of liberty, and of protection to its own exposed frontier! Oh! I cannot—do
not—will not believe it. Of one thing I am certain, the people, the freemen
of this nation, will not permit, nor will they tolerate the barbarities and
usurpations of a Mexican tyrant. No—they will obey the dictates of their
hearts, and fly to the rescue of their countrymen and of free principles.
They will, of their own accord, save the bulwark of the whole Southwestern
frontier, and Arkansas from the greatest peril that has ever threatened any
portion of the United States territory since it became a nation. I do not
mean the peril of Mexican invasion—it would be an insult to the people of
the United States to call that a peril— I mean the peril of an Indian and
servile war—the murder of women and children, and the loss to civilization (at least for some time) of Texas.
I have seen the communication you speak of in the ****. That
newspaper seems to lean towards scruples, or party interests, or perhaps to
Mexican influence. I do not read or look at any papers of that character. I am,
however, willing to believe that they do not properly understand the
ORIGIN, PRINCIPLES and OBJECTS of the Texas war, and are acting under
Mistaken views, and not from want of principle, or even the common
impulses of justice and humanity.
I must, however, say that it looks very badly for men to condemn a whole
people who are struggling for self-preservation, before they understand the
subject, and analyze it sufficiently to judge of its Moral as well as Political
merits.
Let such men take up the history of Mexican misrule in Texas, and all
over Mexico; let them inquire into the present state of things in that
important nation; let them ascertain whether the present consolidated
despotism which exists there, has or has not been established by revolutionary
means, by force, fraud, and violence; whether the federal social compact of
Mexico, to which the People of Texas bound their allegiance, is not illegally
dissolved; whether the People of Texas did or did not oppose this illegal
dissolution of their Government, as they were bound by their oaths to do,
and whether they did not grimly adhere to THEIR duty and obligations as
Mexican citizens, under the Constitution, so long as it existed. Let them
read an exposition of the Texas war, made by me at Louisville, Kentucky,
on 7th March last, that made in this city by W. H. Wharton, Esq. on the
26th ult. and other documents on this subject. In short, let them
understand the question, before they attempt to approve or condemn, and I am
confident they can form but ONE OPINION, which is, that the Texians are
RIGHT, and that under similar circumstances all freemen ought to, and
would have done as they have.
An expression of opinion in Congress, or by the Executive favorable to
the cause of Texas, would settle this matter and end this war; it would be a
preventive which will cost nothing, and violate no treaty or other obligation,
no more than the Greek Revolution did; and it will save the expenditure of
millions hereafter, and the loss of thousands of lives. It will do this,
because such an expression of opinion would inspire confidence, and thus open
the ice-bound chests of money lenders, and enable Texas to procure funds.
Men she can get in thousands. The chivalrous West, and the warm-hearted,
high-souled South will furnish them; but they must be fed and provided
with arms and ammunition, etc.
Pardon me for occupying so much of your time by so long a letter; my
heart and soul, my all, and, as I think, the best interests of my native
country, and the great principles of liberty, are deeply involved in this subject.
I have, in times past, had more kind and charitable feelings for the
Mexicans in general, and have been much more faithful to them than they
merited. I acted from a sound and honest principle—that of mutually
benefiting my native and adopted country, by Americanizing Texas and securing
to liberal principles in Mexico a support and a guide in Texas, and at the
same time serving my native country by a population there, that would
harmonize with their neighbors. But sad and dear bought experience has
convincd me that it is in vain to hope for any good from Mexican institutions,
or Mexican justice. I am, therefore, for the independence of Texas, and I
am so from the soundest principles that move the human heart—those of
liberty, justice, humanity, and self-preservation.
Respectfully, your most obedient servant,
S. F. Austin.