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TRANSCRIPT OF DOORSfOP BY SENATOR GARETH EVANS ON THE FRENCH

ANNOUNCEMENT OF COMPLETION OF NUCLEAR TESfS IN THE PACIFIC,  CANBERRA. 30 JANUARY 1996

Australia, of course, welcomes President Chirac's announcement this morning of the definitive  end to the French tests in the Pacific and indeed four months earlier than was originally  foreshadowed. The pity of it, though, was that these tests ever took place at all: they were  never technically necessary; they were all environmentally hazardous, and they seriously set  back the cause of non-proliferation and the achievement of a nuclear weapons free world .

We do welcome the announcements which have come from the French Government that they  will support a zero yield Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and we look forward to working  with France in Geneva to achieve that result, hopefully by the end of this year. We also very  much welcome the announcements that France will sign, at last, the South Pacific Nuclear

Free Zone treaty - the treaty of Rarotonga - which will mean an absolute end to nuclear  testing in the Pacific for ever more. The achievment of these various objectives will end one  deeply irresponsible chapter in modern French history. It still however leaves a big task  ahead, and that is to actually achieve the elimination of nuclear weapons, and it's clear from  President Cbirac's announcement that France has a long way to go before accepting that  objective. Australia, nonetheless, has taken the international lead now with the establishment  of the Canberra Commission as a Government, to press forward on that objective of achieving  a nuclear weapons free world, just as we were the country to show right from the outset the

leadership on the test issue. And I can only hope that with this persistence and energy and  creativity and vigour that we put into these issues, we will be as successful in the larger  objective as we have been in the shorter term one.

Q : The French Ambassador has called for the relationship between the two countries to be  fully resumed. What is your response to that?

GE: There is no obstacle to the resumption of normality in our relations once the Treaty of  Rarotonga has been signed, as promised, by France - and which we now expect to  happen within the next few weeks. Certainly I think it is tremendously important that  we do develop now, again, a cooperative relationship on these issues, that we do work  well together in Geneva on the achievement of a zero test ban treaty, and that we do  restore a measure of mutual confidence as we work together I hope, towards the larger  objective of a nuclear weapons free world.

Q: Should China make a similar declaration as France today?

GE: Of course we will continue to pursue that with the Chinese Government, as I hope  other governments around the world will. The Chinese have never committed  themselves at any stage to stopping tests other than in the context of a fully signed up  Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, but they do say they will support that and we'll  certainly be holding them to that.

Q : Are you concerned about the situation on the Indian sub-continent with tensions rising  again between Pakistan and India and the possibility of nuclear conflict there?

GE : We hope the information coming out of the sub-continent about possible tests there  represents political chest-beating rather than any serious military intent to go down a

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testing path. Obviously it would be quite disastrous from the point of view of the  world's non-proliferation agenda for a new chapter of testing and activity on the sub " continent to open .up. I think the weight of world opinion is now so very, very strong  against any further testing by anyone, and in favour of the non-proliferation objective,  that we should be able to secure that result, but it is obviously one that will be  continuing to work for very hard.

Q: Have we made any representations on that?

GE: We have made it very clear to the Indian Government that we would be very distressed  indeed were they to go down that particular path. They of course denied that there is  any such intention: we will have to wait and see.

Q: If we normalise relations now is tbis episode quickly consigned to bistory, should we  easily forget it?

GE: I don't think we will ever forget the irresponsibility that was associated with these  tests. At a time that the world was turning its face away from nuclear weaponry, this  exercise in consolidating France's commitment to that sent absolutely the wrong signal  particularly to those countries that are on the borderline of becoming nuclear weapon  states themselves. It was very bad from a nuclear policy point of view and of course it  was always very dangerous from an environmental view, and that will never be

forgotten. But at the same time our quarrel was always with that French policy, it  wasn't with the French Government at large nor of course with the French people, nor  was it with the French presence in the Pacific nor was it with any other aspect of  French policy - and on that basis I think once these issues have been squared away  there's no reason why we can't go back to a fully normal and fully confident and fully  mature and mutually respectful relationship.

Q: Even with the end of testing there seems to be a degree of cynicism with commentators  suggesting that the reason Jacque Chirac announced it now is because he is going to  the States?

GE: I think it does need to be appreciated that the French decision has come in response to  really quite extraordinary international pressure from the other nuclear weapons power,  from France's European colleagues and particularly, of course, from this part of the  world. Those who continue to claim that Australia's initial reaction, or general  response on tbis was muted or in some ways inadequate, utterly failed to appreciate the  point that it was perceived right from outset by the French Government as being  strong, tough, single-minded, forceful and effective. And indeed the proof of the  pudding is in the results . We've had the tests reduced from eight to six; we've had the  duration of the tests reduced by four months from May back to January; we've had  them accompanied by a commitment which wasn't there at the outset not only to sign  the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty but to do so on a zero yield basis, and we got a  commitment, which was certainly not there before, to sign up at last to the South  Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty. All of that represents a very formidable and

formidably effective set of results for Australian foreign policy and it shows the virtue,  I think, not in crude and strident posturing on these matters but strong, measured,  systematic policy responses that build up and have a credibility about them and have  an international weight about them. That's the way we conducted our foreign policy

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on this issue; that's what was certainly perceived by the French as being very effective;  that's why we were singled out internationally as the leader of the pack in this respect  and came in for so much adverse attention from the French Government. And I think  in all the circumstances we can be pleased with the result that we've achieved although  of course we wish that it never happened at all.

Q: Will you be pressing the French Government to now allow expert scientists from  around the world to see just what damage has been done environmentally?

GE: Absolutely. This chapter is by no means closed and it won't be until we can be  confident that there has been no environmental damage. Certainly if there is any  evidence of such damage we will be pursuing, as we were from the outset, the question  of compensation and the French Government's responsibility for that. We have  argued, right from the outset, that there be a fully competent and well-equipped  international tearn there, not only after the test to assess the damage but of course to  have full access to all the data to be able to make comparative judgments about the  impact the actual tests have had and that's an issue we will continue to pursue very  hard.

Q: Are you confident in going in a head-to-head debate with Alexander Downer on  foreign policy?

GE: Anywhere, anytime and as often as possible please.

Q: What do you think about the Liberal Party's reluctance to firm up a date for the debate?

GE: I think it is absolutely outrageous. They're running for cover, left, right and centre.

End.

They don't want a debate at all and they certainly don't want it early in the campaign.  They don't want a head-to-head contest between Mr Howard and Mr Keating and  they certainly don't want a team contest which will demonstrate the manifest  inadequacies of the Opposition leadership.

