id language idiom type genlang_point map form value1 feature1 chapter source page comment contributor date example_as_in_source example translation_as_in_source translation gloss_as_in_source gloss example_source example_page example_comment 1 Upper Andi Andi village yes yes R-ɬidob absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals cercvadze1965 346 Exception: 'first' is le-s:e-du-s:i (instead of se-c'ul-du-s:i), derived from s:e-du-s:i 'foremost'. This is true for all dialects. No mention of another derivation pattern for ordinals (-c'ul-du-s:i), present in Rikvani and Gagatli Andi. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 l‘ob-l‘idob ɬob-ɬidob третий third three-ORD cercvadze1965 346 2 Upper Andi Rikvani village no yes R-dob absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals suleymanov1957 306 #ERROR! Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 чIелдоб č'e-l-dob второй second two-EP-ORD suleymanov1957 306 glossing needs revision 3 Upper Andi Rikvani village no no R-c'ul-du-s:i absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals suleymanov1957 307 Alternative suffix for ordinals. Suffix -du derived from s:edu 'ahead'. Exception: 'first' is le-s:e-du-s:i (instead of se-c'ul-du-s:i), le- derived from lel 'tip (of a sword)'. -s:i is similar to Northern Avar suffix -s:i 'ORD'. Undergoes case inflection [suleymanov1957: 314—321]. Unclear what Suleymanov means by «л'» (in «л'есседусси»). Is it palatalization? Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 лъобцIулдусси ɬob-c'ul-du-s:i третья/третий third three-?-?-? suleymanov1957 308 transcription and glossing need revision 4 Upper Andi Gagatli village no yes R-ddob absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals salimov2010 135 -lddob is listed as a morph of -ddob but based on [suleymanov1957: 306]. -lddob is used in many numerals instead of -ddob. Ordinals do not undergo inflection when used with names. They are inflected only if used autonomously. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 чIелддоб č'e-l-ddob 2-й second two-EP-ORD salimov2010 135 transcription needs revision. (I assume дд is just /d/ twice and not a geminate consonant because I have not found any info on geminate /d:/ in Andi) 5 Upper Andi Gagatli village no no R-c'ul-ddu-s:i absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals salimov2010 136 Exception: 'first' is le-s:e-du-s:i (instead of se-c'ul-du-s:i). Ordinals do not undergo inflection when used with names. They are inflectied only if used autonomously. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 лъобцIулддусси ɬob-c'ul-ddu-s:i третий third three-?-?-? salimov2010 136 transcription needs revision 6 Upper Andi Zilo village no yes R-ldeb absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals kayeetaldraft2020 15 Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 bešenu hoc’o-ɬij č’e-ldeb wošo bešenu hoc'o-ɬij č'e-ldeb wošo the one hundred and twelfth boy the one hundred and twelfth boy hundred ten-LNK two-ORD boy kayeetaldraft2020 15 [kayeetaldraft2020: 15] identifies -loj/-ɬij with the «comitative clitic =loj» and glosses it as LNK 7 Avar Standard Avar language yes yes R-abile-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals forkerdraft2020 18 Exception: 'first' is тIоце-CM-есе-CM ('the foremost'), цо-абиле-CM is used in complex numerals only [alekseevetal1998: 208]. Also, -abili-b is used in one of the examples instead of -abile-b. Is it a typo? Is it morphonology? No info on which dialect is described in this source. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ɬab-abile-b ɬab-abile-b third third three-ORD-CM forkerdraft2020 18 8 Avar Zaqatala dialect_nt1 no yes R-ila-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals saidova2007 109 Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 кIи-йиляб k'i-j-ila-b второй second two-EP-ORD-CM saidova2007 109 transcription needs revision 9 Avar Kebeloba village no yes R-ile-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals saidova2007 109 it is unclear from the source whether this form is used in Kebeloba only or it can be used as a variant of -ila-CM in Zaqatala, too: «формы на -яб иногда употребляются параллельно с формами на -еб, которые имеют распространение в говоре сел. Кебельуба». Then, [saidova2007: 111] states that this form is also used in Chardakhlar subdialect. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 кIийилеб k'i-j-ile-b второй second two-EP-ORD-CM saidova2007 109 transcription needs revision 10 Avar Tala dialect_nt3 no yes R-ila-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals saidova2007 111 in the source, it is -илаб, unlike -иляб in Zaqatala Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 кIийилаб k'i-j-ila-b второй second two-EP-ORD-CM saidova2007 111 transcription needs revision 11 Avar Xalatala village no yes R-ila-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals saidova2007 112 in the source, it is -илаб, unlike -иляб in Zaqatala Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 хьябилаб xab-ila-b третий third (masculine) three-ORD-CM saidova2007 112 transcription needs revision 12 Chamalal Upper Gakvari dialect_toplevel yes yes R-ƛab absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals bokarev1949b 73 As stated in the source, the suffix does not inflect by class but does inflect by number, «augmented with -i in plural». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 лъалъалIаб ɬaɬa-ƛab 3-й third three-ORD bokarev1949b 73 The whole root is ɬaɬa, no reduplication. 13 Tindi Tindi village yes yes R-liƛa-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magomedova2012 145 Exception: 'first' is heč':as:eris:a (from heč':a 'the most' + s:eris:a 'foremost', 'first'). Ordinals inflect by case when substantivized, they inflect the way adjectives do. [authierdraft2020: 16] mentions that -liƛa is cognate with hiƛiƚja 'to say'. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 лъабилилIаб каласи ɬab-i-liƛa-b kalasi третий класс third grade three-EP-ORD-CM magomedova2012 145 It is unclear to me what -i- is here. I guess it is epenthetic. It could be a part of the stem 'three' but cardinal 'three' attaches =da which implies the stem ends with a consonant… Transcription and glossing need revision 14 Tindi Tindi village no no R-R-liƛa-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals alekseevetal1998 260 The source mentions ordinals with reduplication: «Порядковые числительные оканчиваются на -лъилI-аб (б – КЭ): кIе-лъилIаб ‘второй’ или кIекI’а-лъилIаб (с редупликацией основы)». [magomedova2012: 145] does not mention that but gives an example which, apparently, has reduplication, without comments: кI'екI'алилIаб 'second'. Also, in the source the first consonant is /ɬ/ (лъ) instead of /l/ (л) as in [magomedova2012]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 кIекI’а-лъилIаб k'e-k'ʲa-ɬiƛa-b второй second two-two-ORD-CM alekseevetal1998 260 The number of the page is written down according to the .pdf-file. 15 Godoberi Godoberi language yes yes R-ɬi absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals tatevosov1996 31 When substantivized, all numerals undergo inflection [33]. More on quantification on [pages 241—243]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ɬabu-ɬi ɬabu-ɬi third third three-ORD tatevosov1996 241 16 Godoberi Godoberi language no no R-ɬi-s:u absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals tatevosov1996 31 When substantivized, all numerals undergo inflection [33]. «Ordinal numerals containing -s:u function as a kind of a restrictive adnominal modifier, forcing the position of an object in an ordered set to function as its identificational characteristic». As I understand it, the suffix helps to identify the object in a row of others, as in, for example, 'the one which is/was third'. More on quantification on [pages 241—243], where this is brilliantly explained with examples. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ɬabu-ɬi-s̄u ɬabu-ɬi-s:u the third [in a set of objects] the third [in a set of objects] three-ORD-ATTR tatevosov1996 242 glossing -s:u as ATTR the way source does 17 Godoberi Godoberi language no no R-ɬi-la absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals tatevosov1996 31 When substantivized, all numerals undergo inflection [33]. Suffix -la is attached to -ɬi when counting (ce:-ɬi-la, k'e:-ɬi-la, ɬabu-ɬi-la… 'first, second, third…'), and «such numerals are suitable only in a chain of the numerals of the same kind» [241]. More on quantification on [pages 241—243]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 k'e:-ɬi-la k'e:-ɬi-la [first,] second [third, etc] [first,] second [third, etc] three-ORD-ADD tatevosov1996 241 In the source, «the marker -la- which normally functions as a kind of conjunction particle (symbolized elsewhere as AND)». I feel like this might be a cognate of -loj/-ɬij in Zilo Andi, which [kayeetaldraft2020: 15] identifies with the «comitative clitic =loj» and glosses as LNK. So, glossing needs revision 18 Godoberi Godoberi language no no R-ɬi-s:u-la absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals tatevosov1996 31 When substantivized, all numerals undergo inflection [33]. «The form ending in -s:u-la- is used for counting “labels”. Let us imagine that we have arranged a set of numbered blocks. Then we would say ce:-li-su-la when taking the block with number one on it, k’e:-li-s:u-la when taking the block with number two, and so on. The difference between the forms in -la- and -s:u-la- is that the latter, due to attributivizer -s:u-, is used in relation to individualized objects». More on quantification on [pages 241—243]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ɬabu-ɬi-s̄u-la ɬabu-ɬi-s:u-la — [first, second, ] third [in a set of objects] three-ORD-ATTR-ADD tatevosov1996 243 19 Godoberi Godoberi language no no R-ɬi-la-s:u absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals tatevosov1996 31 When substantivized, all numerals undergo inflection [33]. This form occurs «rather rarely». Like -ɬi-s̄u-la, «the numeral is functioning as a label of an object. However, in contrast with ɬabu-ɬi-s̄u, ɬabu-ɬi-la-s̄u refers not to the property of 'being third' as already existing and more or less permanent characteristic of an object but to the characteristic it has just acquired when having been counted». More on quantification on [pages 241—243]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 k'e:-ɬi-la-s̄u k'e:-ɬi-la-s:u the [object that you have just numbered as] second the [object that you have just numbered as] second three-ORD-ADD-ATTR tatevosov1996 243 20 Northern Akhvakh Northern Akhvakh language yes yes R-l-eƛ'i-da-e present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals creisselsdraft2020 17 [creisselsdraft2020: 17]: «Ordinals are formed by means of a suffix -(bi)liƛ':ida (Magomedbekova: -leƛː’ida), probably cognate with eƛː’ida, imperfective participle of the verb eƛː’uruƛa ‘say’». [magomedovaabdulaeva2007: 687] shows another suffix, -l-eƛ'i-da-CMe (with class suffix!). [magomedbekova1967: 71] shows a slightly different suffix, -l-eṭ:i. The -da-CM-e might originate in participle ida-CM-e 'being' [magomedbekova1967: 67]. Exception: 'first' is ĩč'i-s:igis:e-CM (from ĩč'i 'the most' + s:igis:e 'foremost'); [creisselsdraft2020: 17] mentions ĩč'i-s:igis:e (without class suffix) for Nothern Akhvakh. (Maybe the suffix is often omitted, cf. in Karata [magomedbekova1971: 96]). Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 кIебиликьидабе k'ebi-l-eƛ'i-da-be второй second two-?-ORD-NUM-CM magomedovaabdulaeva2007 687 transcription and glossing need revision 21 Northern Akhvakh Northern Akhvakh language no no R-(bi)liƛ:'u absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals creisselsdraft2020 17 «Forms with an ending ƛː’u instead of ƛː’ida are adverbs expressing ‘for the 1st, 2nd, etc. time’» Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ƛa-biliƛ:'u ƛa-biliƛ:'u for the third time for the third time three-ORD creisselsdraft2020 17 transcription and glossing need revision 22 Karata Karata dialect_toplevel yes yes R-da-ƛo-CM present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magomedbekova1971 95 Exception: 'first' is heč'e-s:igis:e-CM, literally 'the foremost'; in this word class suffix is often omitted. In Karata subdialect, there is also the regular form ce-CM-ƛob but it is rarely used [96]. Ordinals inflect the way adjectives do, they inflect only if substantivized [99]. According to the source, -ƛo-CM is cognate with Karata participle suffix. «The suffix -ƛ:o-b might be related to the participle form of the verb boƛ:aɬa ‘happen’» [pasquereaudraft2020: 21]. As seen above, sources also differ on whether /ƛ/ is geminated or not. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 l‘abda-l'ob ɬab-da-ƛo-b третий third three-NUM-ORD-CM magomedbekova1971 96 23 Karata Anchiq dialect_toplevel no yes R-(j)aƛo-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magomedbekova1971 96 In Anchikh subdialect, -da is omitted in ordinals. -j- is an augmentation (apparently, serving as epenthesis in the intervocal position). (Is it though? Isn't this -da/-ja alternation?) Probably, the same thing is in Lower Inxelo but it is unclear (in the source, this is said about cardinals but, in my opinion, it is likely a typo). Irregular form for 'first' slightly differs from Karata subdialect: heč'e-s:ejs:, in Lower Inxelo: heč'e-s:ijis:. Ordinals inflect the way adjectives do, they inflect only if substantivized [99]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 l‘abij-al'ob ɬabi-jaƛo-b третий third three-ORD-CM magomedbekova1971 96 24 Tukita Tukita language yes yes R-d-u-CM no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magomedbekova1971 96 According to the source, -d- here can be a remnant from -da (-d-ub <= -da-ub). Irregular form for 'first' in Tokitin slightly differs from Karata subdialect: heč'eibas:e-CM, also used without class suffix, also can be shortened to es:ibas:. Ordinals inflect the way adjectives do, they inflect only if substantivized [99]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 l‘abedub ɬabe-d-u-b третий third three-NUM-ORD-CM magomedbekova1971 96 25 Botlikh Botlikh village yes yes R-xo-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals saidova2001 226 Exception: гьечIссе-б-уссу-б 'first' (it seems that both -б- are class markers). [gudava1967: 300] mentions a slightly different form: гьечIиссе-б-уссу-б. The source mentions this suffix but does not mention the -(ji)ɬa-CM suffix ([azaev2000: 355] mentions both suffixes). The source also mentions that ordinals derive similarly to the future participles [225]. «Порядковые числительные имеют те же окончания, что и причастия настоящего времени (-хоб/-лъоб): кIей-хоб ‘второй’, (неодуш.), кIей-лъоб (одуш.)» [alekseevetal1998: 231]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 инлIи́хоб inƛ:i-xo-b шестой sixth six-?-CM azaev2000 355 glossing needs revision 26 Botlikh Botlikh village no no R-(ji)ɬa-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals azaev2000 355 This suffix is used for «ordinals with attributuve function and mark an animate object». For others, -xob is used. Also, it is mentioned that /j/ can be added before the suffix (not epenthetic), but for some reason in the example there is also /i/ added in between /j/ and the suffix (it is also marked as stressed). Its nature is unclear to me. Also, «порядковые числительные имеют те же окончания, что и причастия настоящего времени (-хоб/-лъоб): кIей-хоб ‘второй’, (неодуш.), кIей-лъоб (одуш.)» [alekseevetal1998: 231]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 кIейи́лъаб k'e-jiɬa-b второй second two-?-CM azaev2000 355 glossing needs revision 27 Bagvalal Kvanada village yes yes R-da-la-la present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals tatevosov2001numerals 157 Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 hac'a-l č'e-ra-la-la hac'a-l č'e-ra-la-la двенадцатый twelfth ten-SUP.ES two-NUM-?-? tatevosov2001numerals 157 glossing needs revision. Glossing -l as SUP.ES because [page 156] mentions that it is derived from superessive suffix -la. 28 Bagvalal Kvanada village no no R-da-la-ɬo=CM present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals tatevosov2001numerals 157 About -ɬo=CM: «по всей вероятности, по происхождению является причастием НСВ глагола (b=e)ɬi 'идти, уходить' со значением 'идущий'». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 hac'a-l č'e-ra-la-ɬo=b hac'a-l č'e-ra-la-ɬo=b двенадцатый twelfth ten-SUP.ES two-NUM-?-ORD=CM tatevosov2001numerals 157 glossing needs revision 29 Tsez Kidero dialect_nt1 no yes R-no aƛiru present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals bokarev1959 202 Ordinals are derived with the word äлIиру, which is participle 'said' (from элIа 'say'). The source claims that this is the same way to derive ordinals as in Avar. But there is no info on such a thing in Avar! [polinskydraft2015: 18] mentions that ordinals «have the same direct/oblique distinction observed in the cardinals». [polinskydraft2015: 19] claims that this form is grammaticalized and is not perceived as a participle anymore. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 къа̣но äлIиру qɑˤ-no aƛiru второй second two-NUM ORD bokarev1959tsez 202 transcription and glossing need revision 30 Tsez Tsez language yes yes R-ras absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals xalilov1998 299 «Порядковые числительные образуются от количественных с помощью суффиксов -рас, -аьлIиру: сисаьлIиру ‘первый’, билIирас ‘восьмой’». [bokarev1959tsez] and [polinskydraft2015] do not mention this form. No info on which dialect is described in this source. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 билI-и-рас biƛ-i-ras восьмой eighth eight-EP-ORD alekseevetal1998 299 The number of the page is written down according to the .pdf-file. 31 Khwarshi Kvantlada village yes yes R-iƛ:u no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals khalilova2009 175 «The ordinal numerals are formed with the help of iƛƛu, which is a Past participle form of the verb iƛa ‘to say’ added to the Absolutive form of a cardinal numeral. The ordinal numerals from 1 to 6 can also refer to the days of the week». In oblique case, iƛƛu turns into iƛƛo [176]. Unlike [bokarev1959tsez: 202] for Tsez, the source here interprets iƛƛu as a morpheme, apparently, since it is written with a hyphen in the examples. «Note that the ordinal numeral hos-iƛƛu ‘first’, unlike other ordinal numerals, is not used to modify an animate object, e.g. *hos-iƛƛu žik'o ‘the first man’, but hos-iƛƛu kanal ‘the first channel’. For animates, it is necessary to use the periphrastic construction with the adverbs heč'č'e ‘most’ and atɣuža ‘in front’, e.g. heč'č'e atɣužasa žik'o ‘the first man’, meaning e.g. ‘first in the line’». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 uⁿq'e-iƛƛu ũq'e-iƛ:u 4th fourth four-ORD khalilova2009 175 32 Hinuq Hinuq language yes yes R-no eƛ-a present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals forker2013 401 «There are two ways of forming ordinal numerals. By far the more common way is by means of the word eƛ-a (‘say-INF’), which follows the numeral. Only the numeral ‘first’ has the suppletive form ič'č'a aldoɣos, whereby ič'č'a is a degree adverb with the meaning ‘very’, and aldoɣos is an adjective derived from the adverb/postposition aldoɣos ‘before, forward, in front’. In addition to the native word for ‘first’ the Avar loans t'occebesew/t'occebeseb and awalaw are also used». -no is saved in all parts of a complex numeral. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 uq'ino eƛa uq'i-no eƛa 4th fourth four-NUM ORD forker2013 402 33 Hinuq Hinuq language no no R-s present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals forker2013 403 «There is a second method of forming ordinal numerals in Hinuq, namely by adding the First Genitive suffix to the direct stem, e.g. q'onos ‘second’, łonos ‘third’, uq'inos ‘fourth’, etc. This method seems to be very restricted in its application. It cannot be applied to the numeral ‘one’». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ɬonos ɬo-no-s third third three-NUM-GEN forker2013 403 glossing -s as GEN because the source says it is First Genitive suffix 34 Hunzib Hunzib language yes yes R-no-s(ə) present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals vandenberg1995 70 «Ordinal numbers are derived by addition of the suffix -s(ə), to which in the oblique cases -do is added. Only the final element of complex numerals is marked as an ordinal». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 uč'i.no.s uč'i-no-s 9 ninth nine-NUM-ORD vandenberg1995 70 35 Bezhta Bezhta language yes yes R-na-s present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals comrieetal2015 293 «Порядковые числительные: ãьйддāьш «первый», къонас «второй», лъанас «третий», õькъоьнаьш «четвертый», лъинас «пятый», илънас «шестой», алІнас «седьмой», белІнас «восьмой», аьчІенас «девятый», ацІонас «десятый», хъонас «двадцатый», гьазайнас «тысячный»». It seems that the pattern is -na-s. [499] claims that this is the same -na as in cardinals. [madieva1965] does not mention such a pattern. No info on which dialect is described in this source. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 аьчІенас äč'e-na-s девятый ninth nine-NUM-ORD comrieetal2015 293 transcription needs revision 36 Bezhta Bezhta village no no R-na-ijaƛejo present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals madieva1965 106 «Порядковые числительные образуются от количественных числительных при помощи суффикса -иялIийо» (apparently, a typo, later only suffix -иялIейо is shown in all examples). Exception: 'first' is айдаш. [comrieetal2015: 293] mentions that ийāлIейо means 'calling'. They note that this derivation pattern is used less often than -na-s. Also, he gives an example of 'first' derived this way without any exceptions: гьонсийāлIейо «первый». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ачIенаиялIейо äč'e-na-ijaƛejo девятый ninth nine-NUM-ORD madieva1965 106 transcription needs revision 37 Northern Dargwa Aqusha dialect_toplevel yes yes R-ʔes-il absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals abdullaev1954 137 -esil is a participle meaning 'what must be said'. [vandenberg2001: 30] shows that it is constituted from two morphemes: -ʔes and -il. Ordinals preserve -ra and -c'a.li but get rid of -al (wec'-nu+ca-ra ʔes-il 'eleventh'). Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 цаэсил ca-esil первый first one-ORD abdullaev1954 137 38 Northern Dargwa Aqusha dialect_toplevel no no R-ʔib-il absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals abdullaev1954 137 -ʔibil is a participle meaning 'what is said'. [vandenberg2001: 30] shows that it is constituted from two morphemes: -ʔib and -il. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 вецIъибил vec'-ʔibil десятый tenth ten-ORD abdullaev1954 137 transcription needs revision. ъ here marks voice stop and is not a part of a digraph [24] 39 Northern Dargwa Meusisha dialect_toplevel no yes R-ažil(-dil) absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals gasanova1971 76 It is said that sometimes the affix -dil is attached to -ažil. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 вецIажил wec'-ažil десятый tenth ten-ORD gasanova1971 76 40 Northern Dargwa Meusisha dialect_toplevel no no R-ibil absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals gasanova1971 76 This form is «facultative». It is the same as in Standard (Akushi) Dargwa. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 хьуибил xu-ibil пятый fifth five-ORD gasanova1971 77 transcription needs revision 41 Muira Gulli village yes yes R-al-at'ibil present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals gasanova1971 224 атIибил is participle 'said' from the verb атIара 'say'. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 хIябалатIибил ħab-al-at'ibil третий third three-CARD-say.PTP gasanova1971 225 42 Southwestern Dargwa Tanti dialect_toplevel yes yes R‐i[b/ž]-il absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals sumbatovalander2014 96 «Порядковые числительные образуются от базовой формы при помощи показателей -(i)b и -(i)ž (после корня ʻдваʼ допускаются также алломорфы -ub и -už), за которыми обычно следуют атрибутивные суффиксы. Поскольку порядковые числительные всегда являются рестриктивными и выражают контраст с другими элементами множества, в качестве атрибутивного суффикса обычно выступает показатель контраста -il, но в некоторых контекстах допустимо и появление атрибутивного показателя множественного числа -te». «Некоторые носители допускают опущение показателей порядковых числительных при сохранении атрибутивного суффикса». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 č'u-ib-il č'u-ib-il второй the second два-ORD-ATR.CONTR two-ORD-ATR.CONTR sumbatovalander2014 97 43 Sanzhi-Itsari Itsari dialect_toplevel yes yes R-īb-ci no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals sumbatovamutalov2003 46 «ORDINAL NUMERALS are formed by adding the suffix -īb to the cardinal numerals. Like other attributes, they can be used as free attributes with the marker -ci/-ti». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 wec'-īb-ci wec'-i:b-ci tenth tenth ten-ORD-ATTR sumbatovamutalov2003 47 44 Sanzhi-Itsari Sanzhi dialect_toplevel no yes R-ʔib-il absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals forker2020dargwa 131 «Ordinal numerals are formed by adding the suffix -ʔib-il (allomorph -ʔubil with the stem of the numeral ‘four’, which contains a labialized consonant) or its short variant -ʔib. The first part of this suffix originates from the root of the verb ‘say’, which is -ʔ- plus the preterite suffix -ib. The second part -il in the long variant is the cross-categorical suffix -il). Similar ways of forming ordinal numerals have been reported for other Dagestanian languages (e.g.Lezgian, see [haspelmath1993: 233]; Akusha Dargwa, see [vandenberg2001: 30 fn.10]; Hinuq, see [forker2013: 401–403])». «Ordinal numerals can also form the plural. In this case, the final -il part is omitted because this suffix is not compatible with plural referents. Example of plural ordinal numerals are ca-ʔib-te ‘the first ones’, k’ʷi-ʔib-te ‘the second ones’, ʡaˤb-ʔib ‘the third ones’». [132]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 xu-ʔibil xu-ʔibil 5th fifth five-ORD forker2020dargwa 132 45 Mehweb Mehweb language yes yes R-ʔesi(l) absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magometov1982 61 -ʔesi(l) is said to be a 'participle form', corresponding to ʔibi(l) 'what is said' in Urakhi Dargwa. The source does not mention R-ibil. In Urakhi ordinals inflect by number, in Mehweb they don't. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ca'esi ca-ʔesi 1-й first one-ORD magometov1982 61 transcription needs revision 46 Mehweb Mehweb language no no R-ibil absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals gasanova1971 147 [gasanova1971: 147] contradicts [magometov1982: 61]: she says that R-ibil is the only ordinal form, and R-esil is not present in Mehweb. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 гъаибил ʁa-ibil двадцатый twentieth twenty-ORD gasanova1971 147 transcription needs revision 47 Kajtag Kajtag language yes yes R-al-ibil present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals temirbulatova2004 19 «Порядковые числительные оформляются суффиксом -ибил (бибил от бера «сказать»). В отличие от литературного языка, в хайдакском диалекте порядковые числительные образуются от производных основ количественных числительных: хайд. чIвел+ибил — литер. кIи+ибил «второй»». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 чIвел + ибил č'ʷel-ibil второй second two-CARD-ORD temirbulatova2004 19 transcription and glossing need revision. Is this a legitimate example? It is written with a + sign. So unclear if there are some phonetic processes in this word that are not shown here 48 Chirag Chirag language yes yes R-al-iban present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals ganenkov2021draft 15 «Ordinal numerals are derived from (the long form of) cardinal numerals by means of the suffix iban (< the nominalized perfective participle of the verb i ‘say’)». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 xujal-iban xu-jal-iban fifth five-NUM-ORD ganenkov2021draft 16 49 Kubachi Kubachi language yes yes R-'ibil no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magometov1963 138 «Порядковые числительные образуются от числительных при помощи причастной формы с суффиксом -il: 'ibil """"""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""сказанный"""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""". Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 wič̣ 'ibil wič' ʔibil десятый tenth ten ORD magometov1963 138 glossing needs revision 50 Lak Standard Lak language yes yes R-(u)l-čin-ADJ absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals zhirkov1955 58 Ordinals can be derived using -čin, shortened učin 'say', and then adjective marker. Before -čin there is often -(u)l- element. Adjective markers are: -ssa (does not inflect by number or case), -mur, -ma, -mi (does inflect; these are used when substantivized). Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 арулчинмур ar-ul-čin-mur 7-й seventh seven-EP-ORD1-ADJ zhirkov1955 58 glossing needs revision 51 Lak Standard Lak language no no R-(u)l-ku absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals zhirkov1955 58 Ordinals can be derived using -ku, from uvkunu, past tense converb of učin 'say'. Before -ku there is often -(u)l- element. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 арулку ar-ul-ku 7-й seventh seven-EP-ORD2 zhirkov1955 58 glossing needs revision 52 Archi Archi language yes yes R-bos-tu-CM absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals kibrik1977 121 Ordinals are derived from cardinal adverbs using adjectivizer -t̄u. Ordinals are initally participles meaning 'the one which should be named X', 'the one which will be X'. As I have understood from the examples, /t/ in -t̄u is inevitably voiced and turns into /d/. Also, there is a class marker after it. [mikailov1967: 80] mentions it as -bost-u-CM. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 qI'˳e-bosdub qˤ'ʷe-bos-tu-b второй (I) second [I] two-say.INF-ADJ-CM kibrik1977 121 transcription and glossing need revision 53 Lezgian Standard Lezgian language yes yes R lahaj absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals haspelmath1993 233 lahaj is mentioned as a separate word. It is «the Aorist participle of luhun 'say'». Ordinals can be substantivized the same way as participles. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 sad lahaj sa-d lahaj first first one-CARD say.AOR.PTP haspelmath1993 234 glossing needs revision 54 Tabasaran Southern Tabasaran dialect_toplevel yes yes R-CM-pi(-CM) present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals alekseevshixalieva2003 54 -пи originates in participle гьапи 'said'. According to the source, this could be an archaic prefixless form of a participle. When substantivized, ordinals get additional class marking (for example, са-р-пи-р 'the first'). [magometov1965: 164] mentions that -CM-pi-CM is present in the Southern dialect, and -CM-pu-CM is present in the Northern (original participles look different). Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 къабпи ƛa-b-pi двадцатый twentieth twenty-CM-ORD alekseevshixalieva2003 54 transcription needs revision. къ is «uvular affricate» [29]. what is that? 55 Tabasaran Northern Tabasaran dialect_toplevel no yes R-CM-pu(-CM) present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals alekseevshixalieva2003 54 -pu originates in past participle of the verb pus 'say'. [magometov1965: 164] mentions that -CM-pi-CM is present in the Southern dialect, and -CM-pu-CM is present in the Northern (original participles look different). The second class marker is present when the numeral is substantivized. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 q̣'u̇r-pur ƛ'uˤ-r-pu-r второй second two-CM-ORD-CM magometov1965 164 transcription needs revision 56 Agul Fite dialect_toplevel yes yes R-d pu-CM no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magometov1970 99 Ordinals are derived using participle of the verb pas 'say'. Participle is different for each aul idiom. If the ordinal is right before the corresponding noun, the class marker in the participle is omitted. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 q̣'u̇d pud ƛ'uˤ-d pu-d 2-й second two-CARD ORD-CM magometov1970 99 transcription needs revision 57 Qushan Agul Khudig village yes yes R-d pi-CM no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magometov1970 99 Ordinals are derived using participle of the verb pas 'say'. Participle is different for each aul idiom. If the ordinal is right before the corresponding noun, the class marker in the participle is omitted. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 q̣'u̇d pid ƛ'uˤ-d pi-d 2-й second two-CARD ORD-CM magometov1970 99 transcription needs revision 58 Agul Richa village no yes R-d pu-CM no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magometov1970 99 Ordinals are derived using participle of the verb pas 'say'. Participle is different for each aul idiom. If the ordinal is right before the corresponding noun, the class marker in the participle is omitted. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ωud puf ʕu-d pu-f 2-й second two-CARD ORD-CM magometov1970 99 transcription needs revision. ω is marked as «звонкий фарингальный спирант» [33]. 59 Qushan Agul Burshag village no yes R-d pi-CM no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals magometov1970 99 Ordinals are derived using participle of the verb pas 'say'. Participle is different for each aul idiom. If the ordinal is right before the corresponding noun, the class marker in the participle is omitted. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 q̣'u̇d pir ƛ'uˤ-d pi-r 2-й second two-CARD ORD-CM magometov1970 99 transcription needs revision 60 Tsakhur Mishlesh village yes yes R(=CM)=ʔеs-[da/ɨn] other Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals kibrik1999 166 «В цахурском языке порядковые числительные образуются от корней количественных числительных с помощью суффикса -ʔеs. По мнению Г. X. Ибрагимова (1990:98), этот суффикс происходит от глагола ihes 'говорить'. В мишлешском говоре обнаружено четыре разновидности порядковых числительных: различаются формы с классным показателем и без классного показателя, причем и те, и другие могут быть как в наречной форме, так и в форме атрибутива (образованной путем присоединения атрибутивизатора [-da / -ɨn] к наречной форме). При образовании форм без классного показателя суффикс -ʔеs присоединяется непосредственно к корню. Если корень кончается на согласный, то между суффиксом и корнем появляется вставной гласный». «При образовании сложных порядковых числительных только их последний компонент оформляется как порядковое числительное, например: xo-c'al-es-ɨn sen 'пятидесятый год'». Attributive form is used with nouns. Omition of class marker makes no or little difference. The found rule is that marked forms are used when objects in a set are not already enumerated in some way [168]. R=CM=ʔеs-[da/ɨn] is the only way to derive ordinals that [ibragimov1990: 98] mentions. [alekseevetal1998: 399 (in the file)] mentions that -da ia used with classes I—III, -ɨn is used with class IV. Exception: 'first' is c'e=CM=CM(=ī-n(a)), always with the class marker. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 xo=r=es-da xo=r=es-da 5-й fifth five=CM=ORD-ATR kibrik1999 167 61 Tsakhur Mishlesh village no no R(=CM)=ʔеs other Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals kibrik1999 166 «В цахурском языке порядковые числительные образуются от корней количественных числительных с помощью суффикса -ʔеs. По мнению Г. X. Ибрагимова (1990:98), этот суффикс происходит от глагола ihes 'говорить'. В мишлешском говоре обнаружено четыре разновидности порядковых числительных: различаются формы с классным показателем и без классного показателя, причем и те, и другие могут быть как в наречной форме, так и в форме атрибутива (образованной путем присоединения атрибутивизатора [-da / -ɨn] к наречной форме). При образовании форм без классного показателя суффикс -ʔеs присоединяется непосредственно к корню. Если корень кончается на согласный, то между суффиксом и корнем появляется вставной гласный». «При образовании сложных порядковых числительных только их последний компонент оформляется как порядковое числительное, например: xo-c'al-es-ɨn sen 'пятидесятый год'». Attributive form is used with nouns. Omition of class marker makes no or little difference. The found rule is that marked forms are used when objects in a set are not already enumerated in some way [168]. [ibragimov1990: 98] does not mention this way to derive ordinals. Exception: 'first' is c'e=CM=CM(=ī-n(a)), always with the class marker. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 xo=r=es xo=r=es 5-й, в 5-й раз fifth (time) five=CM=ORD kibrik1999 166 62 Rutul Mukhad dialect_toplevel yes yes R-CM-xusdu present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals ibragimov2004 78 Ordinals are derived using the word хьусду which originates in the participle of the verb -хьус 'say' but without the participle class marker. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 кь'вад-хьусду q'ˤʷa-d-xusdu второй (IV кл.) second (class IV) two-CM-ORD ibragimov2004 78 transcription needs revision 63 Rutul Kina village no yes R-CM-xus-dɨ present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals mukhin2020 13 «Ordinal numerals are formed by adding suffix -xus- (from huxus ‘to say’) to the cardinal absolutive form and the attributive suffix -dɨ». Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 xibɨ-d-xus-dɨ xibɨ-d-xus-dɨ — third three-CM-ORD-ATTR mukhin2020 13 64 Budukh Budukh language yes yes borrowed from Azeri ordinals borrowed Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals talibov2007 154 There are no native ordinals in Budukh (or, they are lost???). Budukh uses Azeri ordinals (for example, биринджи 'first', экинджи 'second'). It is noted that «lately» (whatever that means) Budukh people sometimes derive their own ordinals using Azeri model (for example, къу-хъа-д-ынджи 'fortieth'). Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 биринджи birinʤi первый first — talibov2007 154 65 Kryz Alik dialect_toplevel yes yes borrowed from Azeri ordinals borrowed Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals authier2009 109 «Les ordinaux sont le plus souvent empruntés à l’azéri, ou constitués analytiquement du cardinal suivi du participe imperfectif de ‘dire’ liyi». There are ordinals borrowed from Azeri, and there are also native ordinals derived with liyi, the imperfective participle of the verb 'say'. There are also exceptions: sifta-d '1st'; lasa-r, çixeʕ an-a-d '2nd'; la’a-d '3rd'. These exceptions are used together with regular native or Azeri ordinals, so that '1', '2', and '3' have three ordinals each. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 durdunci durdunʤi 4-ème fourth four.ORD authier2009 109 66 Kryz Alik dialect_toplevel no no R-CM liji present Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals authier2009 109 «Les ordinaux sont le plus souvent empruntés à l’azéri, ou constitués analytiquement du cardinal suivi du participe imperfectif de ‘dire’ liyi». There are ordinals borrowed from Azeri, and there are also native ordinals derived with liyi, the imperfective participle of the verb 'say'. There are also exceptions: sifta-d '1st'; lasa-r, çixeʕ an-a-d '2nd'; la’a-d '3rd'. These exceptions are used together with regular native or Azeri ordinals, so that '1', '2', and '3' have three ordinals each. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 yuq'-ur liyi juq'-ur liji 4-ème fourth four.ORD authier2009 109 67 Udi Udi language yes yes R-imʤi no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals schulze1982 141 Anton Schiefner supposed that historically there were no original ordinal forms in Udi. Ordinals are, supposedly, derived from cardinals using genitive marker -un/-um (unclear which one) [Mobliee2010: 329]. Modern-day ordinal marker -imʤi/-umʤi is, supposedly, a contamination of this genitive marker and Azeri suffix -inca (/inʤa/) (for example, пIаъ-имджи 'second'). There is debate whether there is a trace of genitive marker in this -imʤi or if it a full borrowing from Azeri. Anyway, ordinals are considered to be «young» in Udi. Dictionary in [mobili2010] has examples of -umʤi (for example, q'a-umʤi '20th' [187]). [mobili2010: 330] also gives an example саун (glossed one-GEN) and translates it as 'first'. It is unclear to me whether what they mean is that the genitive marker is also used to derive ordinals on its own. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 пIаъ-имджи p'aˤ-imʤi второй second two-ORD mobili2010 330 68 Khinalug Khinalug language yes yes borrowed from Azeri ordinals borrowed Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals desheriev1959 140 Ordinals are fully borrowed from Azeri [136]. The old people used to remember the native ordinals which are not used anymore. They are formed with the suffix with the suffix -ži. (Maybe it is a borrowing of Azeri -ʤi?) Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 доьрдуьнджуь dœrdynʤy четвёртый fourth four.ORD desheriev1959 136 transcription needs revision 69 Khinalug Khinalug language no no R-ži no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals desheriev1959 140 Ordinals are fully borrowed from Azeri [136]. The old people used to remember the native ordinals which are not used anymore. They are formed with the suffix with the suffix -ži. (Maybe it is a borrowing of Azeri -ʤi?) Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 йаьIаз-са-жи jæʔaz-sa-ži одиннадцатый eleventh ten-one-ORD desheriev1959 140 transcription needs revision 70 Chechen Standard Chechen language yes yes R-(a)lʁa no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals jakovlev1960 69 Exception: 'first' is хьалхара, originating in хьалха 'foremost'. When used attributively, ordinals distinct nominative and oblique cases. When used independently, they have a full case paradigm [nichols1994: 53]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 šo-lǧa-nig šo-lʁa-nig second second two-ORD-NOM nichols1994 53 In this case, the numeral is used independently (substantivized), so there is nominative suffix. 71 Chechen Standard Chechen language no no R-z-laʁa no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals jakovlev1960 69 This form has a slight difference in meaning from usual ordinals: 'secondary', 'tertiary' etc. -z- is multiplicative suffix, -laʁa is an alternated version of the usual ordinal suffix. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 кхо-з-лагIа qo-z-laʁa третичный, тот, который третий раз tertiary, the one which is three times three-MULT-ORD jakovlev1960 69 72 Ingush Standard Ingush language yes yes R-lʌɣ no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals nichols2011 200 -lagh (/laɣ/) is common pronunciation. Exceptions: hwalxara 'earliest' is more commonly used as 'first' than cwaalagh. «Ordinals inflect periphrastically when used as literal ordinals but they inflect suffixally when used in dates» [201]. «There are two forms for 'second': shollagh means 'second in order', 'second in a row or series', etc. (i.e. the counted items are already ordered or lined up); shoalagh is simply the second one counted and in no particular spatial relationship to the first or third» [202]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 ezar-lagh ɛzʌr-lʌɣ thousandth thousandth thousand-ORD nichols2011 200 transcription follows [pages 19–20] 73 Tsova-Tush Zemo-Alvani village yes yes R-lɣɛⁿ no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals holiskygagua1994 189 The ordinal 'first' is suppletive: duiħreⁿ. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 pxilǧeⁿ pxi-lɣɛⁿ fifth fifth five-ORD holiskygagua1994 189 74 Kumyk Standard Kumyk language yes yes R-(ɨ)nči no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals abdullaevaetal2014 239 The vowels undergo singarmonic change. When used independently, ordinals are substantivized and can receive number, case and predicate suffixes. «Формы принадлежности порядковых числительных всегда имеют выделительный смысл: Бир самолет шоссагьат яллады, экинчиси ёлдан тайышма бажарды (И.Керимов) „Один самолет сгорел сразу, второй смог уйти с пути“» [166]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 онунчу on-unču десятое tenth ten-ORD abdullaevaetal2014 240 75 Azerbaijani Standard Azerbaijani language yes yes R-(ɨ)nʤɨ no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals shiralievsevortyan1971 75 The vowels undergo singarmonic change. The suffix is attached to the last component of the cardinal. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 алтмышынчы alt.məš-ənʤə шестидесятый sixtieth six.ten-ORD shiralievsevortyan1971 75 76 Nogai Standard Nogai language yes yes R-(ɨ)nšɨ no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals baskakov1996 334 The vowels undergo singarmonic change. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 эки-нши eki-nši второй second two-ORD baskakov1996 334 77 Nogai Ak-Nogai dialect_toplevel no yes R-(ɨ)nʤɨ no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals baskakov1940 72 The vowels undergo singarmonic change. If I understood the markings in the source correctly, this form exists in Ak-Nogai only. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 биринджи bir-inʤi — first one-ORD baskakov1940 72 78 Nogai Ak-Nogai dialect_toplevel no no R-(ɨ)nčɨ no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals baskakov1940 72 The vowels undergo singarmonic change. If I understood the markings in the source correctly, this form exists in Ak-Nogai only. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 биринчи bir-inči — first one-ORD baskakov1940 72 79 Juhuri Juhuri language yes yes R-imyn no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals authier2012 82 Exception: 'first' is süfde=y (first-EZ) or, more rarely, eveli. The regular form yek-imün is not common. There is a sentence that I do not understand: «Le complément partitif de l’ordinal peut être traité comme un génitif», followed by a sentence with (seemingly) usual ordinals. (I have translated the sentence, I don't understand how to interpret.) Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 e=ħäşd-imün e=ʁæšd-imyn huitième eighth LOC=height-ORDIN LOC=eight-ORD authier2012 82 The glossing in the source has a typo: 'eight', not 'height'. Glossing needs revision 80 Juhuri Juhuri language no no R-imynʤi no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals authier2012 82 Forms with -imünji are more rare. They are the result of amalgamation of -imün with Azeri -inʤi. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 dü-imünji dy-imynʤi deuxième second two-ORD authier2012 82 81 Eastern Armenian Eastern Armenian language yes yes R-(e)rord no numeral marker Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals dum-tragut2009 120 «The cardinal mek 'one' has a suppletive form as its ordinal number: ar̊aǰin 'first'. This suppletive is only used in the cardinal mek 'one' and not in other numbers with the unit mek 'one', as can be seen above in tasnmek 'eleven', tasnmek-erord 'eleventh'». In other Armenian dialects, different means of derivation of ordinals can be used, including Azeri -inči (look up [martzloff2017]). Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 č'or-rord č'or-rord fourth fourth four-ORD dum-tragut2009 120 82 Georgian Standard Georgian language yes yes me-R-e absent Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals Presence of the numeral marker in ordinals hewitt1995 56 «The general principle seems to be that the prefixal component of the circumfix follows any da ‘and’ that may be present, otherwise it stands at the start of the entire sequence. The exceptions are when an ordinal between 1 and 99 follows a multiple of 100 and attracts the prefixal element to itself, even if no da is present». The circumfix is also used to make «agent-nouns from nominal roots». «The exception is ‘first’, which is p’ir+v+el-i; however, the expected form me-ert-e is possible as an alternative (actually recommended by The Norms) for compound ordinals with ‘first’ as their final component». For other Kartvelian languages, look up [martzloff2017]. Maksim Melenchenko 2022-08-19 me-švid-e me-švid-e 7th seventh ORD-seven-ORD hewitt1995 56