id	language	idiom	type	genlang_point	map	form_type	form	form:base_source_label	form:lex	form:lex_source_label	form:lex_unif	value:lex	form:aux	form:aux_source_label	form:aux_unif	chapter	value:aux	value1	feature1	value:resultative	value2	feature2	value:experiential	value:indirect_evidentiality	source	page	comment	contributor	example_as_in_source	example	translation as in source	translation	gloss_source	gloss	example_source	example_page	example_comment	date
2	Agul	Huppuq'	dialect_toplevel	no	no	experiential	-f-e	перфективная основа	-f	перфективное причастие	participle	participle	e	связка настоящего	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	attested	not attested	maisakmerdanova2016	388--392	Semantically close to aorist.	Samira Verhees	sa is.a jarH.u-f-e xe-tː-ar.i-s χar		{Чтобы не шел град, в селе проводят ритуал: обводят барана вокруг границы села. Однажды барана не обводили.} ‘Один раз нас побило градом.’		один год(tmr) бить.pf-s-cop наш:incl-s-pl-dat град		maisakmerdanova2016	390		2.202
1	Agul	Huppuq'	dialect_toplevel	no	yes	perfect	-najef-e	перфективная основа	-najef	результативное причастие	participle	participle	e	связка настоящего	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	maisakmerdanova2016	407--412	Formed with a participialized form of the Perfect, has a weak inferential meaning.	Samira Verhees	če šahar lix.i-naje-f-e 1550 is.a		Наш город был основан (букв. построили) в 1550 году.		наш:excl город {super}класть.pf-pt:res-s-cop 1550 год(tmr)		maisakmerdanova2016	407		2.202
3	Agul	Huppuq'	dialect_toplevel	yes	yes	perfect	-naː / -naja	перфективная основа	-na	перфективное деепричастие	converb	converb	a / aː / aja	локативный стативный глагол настоящего; ‘быть, находиться внутри’	aux	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	maisakmerdanova2016	393--406		Samira Verhees	wa… ge k’ʷal-as š.u-naa ze gi-jči, aχrːa ʁ.a-s-e zun gi-n tːur		{В Курахе жил мужчина по имени Абдулвахаб. А у нас в Хпюке его называли…} Нет... я забыл как (букв. из моей памяти ушло), потом скажу, как его называли.		нет demg в_памяти-elat уходить.pf-res мой что-indef потом говорить.ipf-inf-cop я demg-gen имя		maisakmerdanova2016	395	Example of current relevance meaning.	2.202
41	Amuzgi-Shiri	Shiri	dialect_toplevel	no	no	experiential	-ib-zi-cm=da/di/ca<CM>i		-ib-zi-CM	perfective participle	participle	participle	da/di/ca<CM>i	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	attested	not attested	belyaev2018	86		Samira Verhees	di-la rucːi či<r>ag-ib-zi-w=di=w ʕät?		Have you (ever) seen [i.e. met] my sister?		me-gen sister <f>see.pfv-ptcp-attr-m=2=gq thee.dat		belyaev2018	100	Example of experiential.	2.202
43	Amuzgi-Shiri	Shiri	dialect_toplevel	no	yes	perfect	-ib-li=da/di/ca<CM>i		-ib-li	perfective converb	converb	converb	da/di/ca<CM>i	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	belyaev2018			Samira Verhees	du maskaw-le-w ka.lug-u.l, di-la ucːi-dil xːeri-w meq’ barq’-ib.li ca<b>i		When I was in Moscow, my brother married in Shiri.		I m.-in-m remain.ipfv-cvb me-gen brother-erg Sh.-m[ess] wedding n-do.pfv-cvb 3<n>		belyaev2018	89	Example of indirect evidentiality.	2.202
42	Amuzgi-Shiri	Shiri	dialect_toplevel	yes	yes	perfect	-ib=da/di/Ø		-ib	perfective participle	participle	participle	da/di/Ø	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	belyaev2018		No predicative marker in third person.	Samira Verhees	du-dil arc d-ikː-aj ilsan-ni di-la arc čer-d-arq’-b-akː-u		The man I gave money to has not returned it.		i-erg money npl-give.pfv-pret.3 man-erg me-gen money back-npl-do.pfv-prf-neg-3		belyaev2018	97	Example of current relevance meaning.	2.202
10	Archi	Archi	language	no	no	resultative	-li bi	perfective stem	-li	perfective converb	converb	converb	bi	copula	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	maisak2021; tatevosov2001			Samira Verhees	ɬːonnol jonsaw a<r>χu-li (d-i)		The woman is still sleeping.		woman still <cl>lie.down.pfv-cvb cl-cop		maisak2021	104	Original source is different; example shows resultative meaning, which can occur with or without the copula.	2.202
11	Archi	Archi	language	no	yes	perfect	-li	perfective stem	-li	perfective converb	converb	converb				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	maisak2021; tatevosov2001	NA; NA		Samira Verhees	ʕadlejbu b-i-t’u-tː-ib č’abu ko-li		The sheep that you gave me turned out to be restless (lit. It appears that you have me sheep not having order.)		order n-be-neg-part-pl sheep.pl give.pfv-li		tatevosov2001	457	Example of indirect evidentiality; there is some weird symbol on the k in ko-li, but I can’t find it.	2.202
17	Avar	Zaqatala	dialect_nt1	no	no	indirect evidential	-la		-la-[CM/PERSON]	прошедшее недостоверное / прошедшее заглазное	suffix	other				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	saidova2007	142--144	According to Saidova (2007: 143), forms with an additional class/person marking slot are attested in a few subdialects; Negative forms take a negative copula guru.	Samira Verhees	мун веля гуру		Ты не пришел.				saidova2007	144	Not sure which meaning is conveyed here.	2.202
16	Avar	Standard Avar	language	yes	yes	perfect	-un CM-V-go		-un	деепричастие предшествования	converb	converb	CM-V-go	вспомогательный глагол буго “есть” в настоящем времени	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	mallaeva2007	196--206		Samira Verhees	do-j j-alah-un j-igo ɬab-go saˁat-aɬ		She has watched [TV] for three hours (and she is still watching).		dem-f f-watch-ant.cvb f-be.prs three-num hour-pl		verhees2018	271	Example of universal perfect/continuative meaning	2.202
18	Azerbaijani	Standard Azerbaijani	language	yes	yes	perfect	-mIš/-Ib-[PERSON]		-mIš/-Ib-[PERSON]	прошедшее повествовательное	participle	participle				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	shiralievsevortyan1971; johanson2018	125--127	Requires “reinforcement” to express indirect evidentiality (Shiraliev & Sevortyan 1971: 127); According to Johanson (2018: 514) it has lost the indirect evidential meaning. Vowels change in context.	Samira Verhees	Бутун капитализмә горху салыбсан, мәзлумларын гаjғысына галыбсан. Хаинләрә ағыр зәрбә чалыбсан. Онлары вурубсан даша, партиjа!		О, партия, ты внушила страх всему капитализму. Ты позаботилась о судьбах угнетенных. Ты нанесла тяжелый удар предателям и разбила всех их в прах!				shiralievsevortyan1971	126	This example is fantastic.	2.202
20	Bagvalal	Kvanada	village	no	no	resultative	-u-CM ek'ʷa	?	-u-CM	претериальное причастие	participle	participle	ek’ʷa	вспомогательный глагол “быть” в настоящем времени	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	tatevosov2001	107		Samira Verhees									Found no example of use so far.	2.202
19	Bagvalal	Kvanada	village	yes	yes	perfect	-CM-o ek'ʷa	основа претерита	-CM-o	претериальное деепричастие	converb	converb	ek’ʷa	вспомогательный глагол “быть” в настоящем времени	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	maisaktatevosov2001; tatevosov2007	293--318	Also has mirative meaning, according to Tatevosov (2007).	Samira Verhees	ʕali-r sĩː k’ʷa=b=o ek’ʷa		1. Али(, как мне сказали,) убил медведя. 2. Али(, я вижу,) убил медведя.		Али-erg медведь убивать=n=conv есть		maisaktatevosov2001	295	Replaced macron with lengthmark, and small circle with superscript w.	2.202
23	Bezhta	Bezhta	village	yes	yes	perfect	-na gey		-na	perfective converb	converb	converb	gey		copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	khalilova2011		The copula is optional for indirect evidentiality (Unwitnessed) and obligatory for Perfect.	Samira Verhees	maduhanlas boxalāhiyo wo b-uγo-na gey.		The neighbor’s savage dog is dead. (the speaker did not see it die)		neighbor.gen1 savage dog(iii) iii-die-pfv.cvb be.prs		khalilova2011	32	Example of indirect evidentiality.	2.202
24	Botlikh	Botlikh	village	yes	yes	perfect	-ida // -a/-u ida	bare stem	-ida // -a / -u	aorist / general converb	converb	converb	ida	copula	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	mixed	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	alexeyevverheesdraft2020		Converb is equal to Aorist. Copula is sometimes added directly to the bare stem as a suffix.	Samira Verhees	den henala inku-j-č’a ida		I haven’t eaten yet.		1sg still eat-is-neg.cvb cop		alexeyevverheesdraft2020		Example of current relevance meaning.	2.202
25	Budukh	Budukh	language	yes	yes	perfect	-vi		Ø	perfective participle	participle	participle	-vi	copula	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	maisak2021			Samira Verhees	an-ɨr mitkeri-z pitin šej ħazɨr siʔiri-vi		He prepared everything for the wedding.		he-erg wedding-dat all thing ready do.pf.ptcp-cop		maisak2021	102	Example of current relevance meaning; original source is different.	2.202
26	Chamalal	Gadyri	dialect_toplevel	no	yes	perfect	-dːu ide		-dːu	деепричастие прошедшего времени	converb	converb	ide	связка настоящего времени	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	bokarev1949a	103		Samira Verhees	ч1ору йетадду иде		птица летела (“заглазн”)				bokarev1949a	103	Example of indirect evidentiality.	2.202
27	Chamalal	Upper Gakvari	dialect_toplevel	yes	yes	perfect	-eːda / -iːda		-eːda / -iːda <*-a / -i + ida	деепричастие прошедшего времени	converb	converb		связка настоящего времени	copula	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	bokarev1949a	87	There are two more allomorphs of the Past Converb, but their form is unreadable in the scan of Bokarëv (1949).	Samira Verhees	мач1 гарааддв ваха ида			мальчик упал (может значить как то, что я не видел, как он падал, так и то, что результат падения мальчика налицо: мальчик упав лежит)			bokarev1949a	89	Example of resultative/indirect evidentiality.	2.202
30	Chechen	Standard Chechen	language	no	no	resultative	-na CM-u	perfective stem	-na	anterior converb	converb/participle	other	CM-u	present tense auxiliary	aux	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	molochieva2007; molochieva2010	NA; 139--148	Judging from examples might also have CR meaning.	Samira Verhees	kor c’an-d-i-na d-u		The window is cleaned. (c’an-dan ‘clean’ (trans.))		window.nom(d) clean-d-make:pdf-cvbant d-be.prs		molochieva2010	141	Example of resultative.	2.202
29	Chechen	Standard Chechen	language	yes	yes	perfect	-na	perfective stem	-na	anterior converb	converb/participle	other				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	molochieva2007; molochieva2010	NA; 137--139	Evidential meaning is described in Desheriev (1963); Molochieva describes an inferential intepretation, but claims no evidential meaning (2010: 138-139).	Samira Verhees	Zaara-s ch’eepalg-ash d-i-na		Zara has made cakes (they are still there).		Zara-erg cake-pl.nom(d) d-make:pfv1-prf		molochieva2010	138	Example of current relevance meaning.	2.202
13	Eastern Armenian	Eastern Armenian	language	no	no	resultative	-ac em		-ac	Resultative participle	participle	participle	em	present tense auxiliary	aux	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	kozintseva2000; dum-tragut2009	NA; 179--189	Auxiliary has different forms for different persons.	Samira Verhees	J̌ragrakan c’anc’-n aṙavel zargac’-ac ē barjr leṙnayin goti-ner-um.		The hydrographic net is more developed in high mountainous zones.		water net.nom-the more develop-ptcp.res. it is high mountainous zone-pl-loc		dum-tragut2009	180		2.202
12	Eastern Armenian	Eastern Armenian	language	yes	yes	perfect	-el em		-el	Perfect participle	participle	participle	em	present tense auxiliary	aux	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	attested	attested	kozintseva2000; dum-tragut2009	NA; 179--189	It seems the unwitnessed meaning requires some “reinforcement” from other elements, see Kozintseva (2000: 410), though Kozintseva considers the form to have indirect evidential meaning; Auxiliary has different forms for different persons.	Samira Verhees	tanә morә xndrel1 ē2 darmanel is stacac verk’erә ew erb verk’erә lavacel3 en4 noric ē bax-el Maṙanc dinerә		At home he asked his mother to treat his wounds, and later, after the wounds had healed, he knocked at Maranc’s door.		at.home mother:dat ask:prf:3sg1,2 treat his get:res.part wounds and when wounds heal:prf:3pl3,4 again knock:prf:3sg5,6 Maranc gates		kozintseva2000	410	The meaning illustrated with this example is called “successive events in flashbacks”.	2.202
77	Georgian	Standard Georgian	language	yes	yes	perfect	-i/-il-[PERSON]		-i/-il-[PERSON]	perfect	suffix	other				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	attested	attested	boeder2000		Describes experiential, indirect evidential and mirative meanings, and a number of other meanings not considered in typology.	Samira Verhees	ukan dabruneb-ul-i ara-vin unaxavt		Nobody has ever seen anybody who returned [from there].'		back return-pp-nom no_one they_have_seen_him.perf		boeder2000			2.202
28	Gigatli	Gigatli	language	yes	yes	perfect	-dːa		-dːa < *-t'u + ida	деепричастие прошедшего времени	converb	converb		связка настоящего времени	copula	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	bokarev1949a	104--105		Samira Verhees	дении ар хъуча ерала ц1ц1алит1у ик1и		я еще не читал эту книгу				bokarev1949a	105	Example of current relevance meaning.	2.202
47	Godoberi	Godoberi	language	no	no	resultative	-bú-da	Past stem	-bú	past participle	participle	participle	-da	copula	copula	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	dobrushinaetal1996; dobrushinatatevosov1996			Samira Verhees	ʕali hilaXula Rumi-bu-da		Ali is still sleeping.		Ali still fall.asleep.pst-part-cop		dobrushinatatevosov1996	97	Example of resultative.	2.202
45	Godoberi	Godoberi	language	no	yes	perfect	-á/ú cmV=k'-at-á-da	Past stem	-á/ú	past converb	converb	converb	CM-V=k'-at-á-da	present progressive of ‘be’	aux	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	dobrushinaetal1996; dobrushinatatevosov1996			Samira Verhees	den hincːu Xʷab-ú bu=k’-at-á-da		I have opened the door.		I.erg door open.pst-conv n=be-prs-conv-cop		dobrushinatatevosov1996	96	Example of current relevance meaning; Replaced macron with lengthmark and circle with labialization.	2.202
46	Godoberi	Godoberi	language	yes	yes	perfect	-á/ú-da	Past stem	-á/ú	past converb	converb	converb	-da	copula	copula	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	dobrushinaetal1996; dobrushinatatevosov1996		Does not combine with first person subject according to Dobrushina & Tatevosov (1996: 94).	Samira Verhees	ho=w caXa=w=a wu=n-á-da		He has gone away (“Don’t look for him and don’t wait him”)		he=m away=m m=go.pst-conv-cop		dobrushinatatevosov1996	94	Example of current relevance meaning; Replaced macron with lengthmark and circle with labialization.	2.202
48	Hinuq	Hinuq	language	no	yes	perfect	-s/š/iš goɬ		-s/š/iš	resultative participle	participle	participle	goɬ	present tense copula	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	forker2013	215--216; 286		Samira Verhees	hago akeɬ-iš goɬ		He is tired.		he get.tired-res be		forker2013	287	Example of resultative.	2.202
49	Hinuq	Hinuq	language	yes	yes	perfect	-no/n		-no/n	narrative converb	converb	converb				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	khalilova2011; forker2013	NA; 221--222	Negative copula appears under negation.	Samira Verhees	Ø-aq’e-n Malla Rasadan ƛerba-zo buƛe-ho-r		Mulla Nasrudin came to the house of his friend.		i-come-uwpst Mullah Nasrudin guest-gen2 house-iloc-lat		forker2013	221	Example of indirect evidentiality.	2.202
50	Hunzib	Hunzib	language	yes	yes	perfect	-un lo/li		-un	gerund	converb	converb	lo / li	'to be’	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	vandenberg1995; khalilova2011	99; NA		Samira Verhees	mɨλaɬ do yiy-an lo		I (female) cried in my dream. (I don’t remember this, but someone told me this)		dream.inter 1sg.abs cry-pfv.cvb be(ii)		khalilova2011	33	Example of indirect evidentiality with first person effect.	2.202
51	Ingush	Standard Ingush	language	yes	yes	perfect	-na<CM>(y)		-na	anterior converb	converb/participle	other	-CM-y	'be’	aux	Perfect	full auxiliary	mixed	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	nichols2011	254--256	Ingush also seems to have a special auxiliary (xanna-CM), similar to Chechen xilla (Nichols 2011: 257-259).	Samira Verhees	Cwa mealxara jar hwo, Tawaibat, fy dead hwuona? ealar aaz.		“You’re so sad today, Tawaibat, what happened to you,” I said.		some sad j.be.pst 2s (name) what d.do.nw.d 2s.dat say.wp 1s.erg		nichols2011	256	Example of resultative.	2.202
75	Juhuri	Juhuri	language	no	yes	perfect	-de/re-[PERSON]		-de/re-[PERSON]	participe	participle	participle	[PERSON]	désinences personnelles fusionnées	copula	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	authier2012	188--191	Perfect only has some evidential meaning """"""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""in context"""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""" according to Authier (2012: 190).	Samira Verhees	zen=me me=re dermu do-ri xis-un-di.		Ma femme m’aura donné quelque somnifère.	My wife has (probably) given me a sleeping pill.	wife=1 1=dat medicine give-perf3 sleep-caus-perf3		authier2012	190	This example has evidential meaning according to Authier (2012: 190).	2.202
76	Juhuri	Juhuri	language	yes	yes	resultative	-de/re=i		-de/re=i	participe	participle	participle	i	copula 3	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	authier2012	188--191	The copula is cliticized but not reduced.	Samira Verhees	süfre=y en pineçi xub varayun-de=i.		La table du cordonnier est bien garnie.	The shoemaker's table is well-stocked/covered.	table=ez gen cobbler well arrange-part=cop3		authier2012	191		2.202
38	Kajtag	Kajtag	language	no	yes	perfect	-ib-li=[PERSON]		-ib-li	perfective converb	converb	converb	[PERSON]	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	belyaev2018	103		Samira Verhees	et=gina e-b-et’-iß.li=w		Aren’t you bored with being alone?		thee.dat=only neg-n-bore.pfv-cvb=gq		belyaev2018	105	Example of resultative; Originally from a different source.	2.202
37	Kajtag	Kajtag	language	yes	yes	perfect	-ib=[PERSON]		-ib	perfective participle	participle	participle	[PERSON]	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	belyaev2018	103	It seems the participle has more allomorphs (see example)	Samira Verhees	hap’<b>ar-iß.li, šuškːe=ra ca-j=ra, r-us-un.ni ka-r-isː-un ricːi-l-sa k.ag-ur=ca-j il		He snatched the sabre and came down to the sleeping sister.		<n>snatch.pfv-cvb sabre=add self-m=add f-sleep.pfv-cvb down-f-lie.pfv-ptcp sister-obl-ante[lat] go.down.pfv-ptcp=3-m that		belyaev2018	105	Example of indirect evidentiality; Originally from a different source.	2.202
52	Karata	Karata	dialect_toplevel	yes	yes	perfect	-a/i/e-(CM-χʷa) idja	perfective past	-(CM-χʷa)	general converb	converb	converb	idja	copula	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	pasquereaudraft2020; magomedbekova1971	NA; 130--131	It remains unclear whether the perfect based on the general converb and the perfect based on the perfective past are two separate constructions with distinct functions, or whether the converb suffix can optionally be omitted in the construction (J. Pasquereau, p.c.).	Samira Verhees	χan-šːu-w waša-šːu-l keƛ’ː-ẽ idja: ha-b q’ːoldeni-qː χisa-bič’-o-le xːʷane-ƛ’ːe		The khan’s son said: (you) will you not exchange this hauberk for (your) horse?		khan-m0[gen]-m boy-m0[gen]-erg say-pf cop dem-n hauberk0-cfg5[loc] exchange-fut.neg-ptcp-q horse-quot		pasquereaudraft2020		Example of indirect evidentiality. Originally from a different source.	2.202
53	Khinalug	Khinalug	language	yes	yes	perfect	-(q)omæ	основа результатива				other	-(q)omæ	“иметься, быть в наличии”, ниже говорящего	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	kibriketal1972	158--165, 178--179	Also expresses spatial deixis “lower than the speaker”. As a result, it does not combine with first person (see Kibrik et al. (1972: 169) on Present Definite II).	Samira Verhees	I tshuloz χarabq’æthmæ		Мой зуб испортился				kibriketal1972	178	Not sure what kind of example this is.	2.202
54	Khinalug	Khinalug	language	no	yes	perfect	-athmæ	основа результатива				other	-athmæ	“иметься, быть в наличии”, на одном уровне с говорящим	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	kibriketal1972	158--165, 178--179	On a rare occasion has an indirect evidential flavor (Kibrik et al. 1972: 178).	Samira Verhees	daʕvar hini k’lisшm aram tuvthomæ		В бою он смертельную рану получил				kibriketal1972	178	Not sure what kind of example this is.	2.202
55	Khwarshi	Kvantlada	village	no	no	resultative	-un goli		-un	perfective converb	converb	converb	goli		copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	khalilova2009	191; 230--231	There is also a difficult to evaluate General Resultative Tense with a present tense auxiliary and a future-like meaning (Khalilova 2009: ). The resultative can also have an inferential implicature (Khalilova 2009: 230).	Samira Verhees	mo endu-l Ø-ot’q’-un goli?	mo ẽdu-l ot’q’-un goli?	Did you come home? [The speaker is on the phone and cannot see the addressee, so he is asking whether he is at home or not.]				khalilova2009	230	Example of resultative with indirect evidential overtones.	2.202
56	Khwarshi	Kvantlada	village	yes	yes	perfect	-un		-un	perfective converb	converb	converb				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	khalilova2009; khalilova2011	222--229; NA		Samira Verhees	m-eλ’-un šayt’an q’udu-n b-eč-zaha-li		The devil went to the place where (people) were sitting. (the speaker did not see this)		iii-go-pst.uw devil(iii) down-and hpl-be-loc.cvb-lat		khalilova2011	36		2.202
57	Kryz	Alik	dialect_toplevel	no	no	resultative	džija-CM		< -dži	perfective converb	converb	converb	< ja-	copula	copula	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	maisak2021			Samira Verhees	rikeʕ ʕa-rç’ar-ciz ik-re ki harşay t’u-t’a-ci ğa-yts’a-ciya		En entrant dans la cour, il voit que tout est sans dessus dessous		door.in pv-enter-simul look-prs ki everything pv-scatter-seq pv-spread-result		authier2009	268	This particular example seems to have zero class marking.	2.202
58	Kryz	Alik	dialect_toplevel	yes	yes	perfect	dža		< -dži	perfective converb	converb	converb	< ja	copula	copula	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	attested	not attested	maisak2021; authier2009	NA; 266--267		Samira Verhees	za pek’-rimi va-var ğayra hiçan-iğ ği-d-q’u-de-d		Mes lèvres n’ont jamais touché personne d’autre que toi.		1sg lip-pl 2-adel excepted nobody-super pv-n-reach-negperf-n		authier2009	88	Example also cited in Maisak (To appear).	2.202
32	Kubachi	Ashti	dialect_toplevel	no	yes	perfect	-ib-li=[PERSON]		-ib-li	perfective converb	converb	converb	[PERSON]	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	belyaev2018	103		Samira Verhees									No example found so far.	2.202
40	Kubachi	Kubachi	language	no	yes	perfect	-ib-li=[PERSON]		-ib-li	perfective converb	converb	converb	[PERSON]	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	belyaev2018	103		Samira Verhees	du ijal lum b-us-ib.li=da		I am fasting today. [lit. I have held the edge]		I today edge n-hold.pfv-cvb=1		belyaev2018	106	Example of resultative; Originally from a different source.	2.202
39	Kubachi	Kubachi	language	yes	yes	perfect	-ib=[PERSON]		-ib	perfective participle	participle	participle	[PERSON]	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	belyaev2018	103		Samira Verhees	ʡṵːʁˁbug.an-t.a-tː.ij b-ṵlħ-ṵn=sa-b nadir-šah-li-j šːe ha‹b›alč-ij b-ikː-u.l		The people of Kubachi saw that Nāder-Shāh wanted to capture the village.		Kubachi.people-pl-dat n-see.pfv-ptcp=3-n N.-Sh.-obl-dat village <n>take.pfv-inf n-want.ipfv-cvb		belyaev2018	106	Example of indirect evidentiality; Originally from a different source.	2.202
60	Kumyk	Standard Kumyk	language	no	yes	perfect	-Ip tur-a		-Ip		converb	converb	tur-a		aux	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	johanson2018	515		Samira Verhees	gel-ip tur-a		X has come				johanson2018	515	Terrible example.	2.202
59	Kumyk	Standard Kumyk	language	yes	yes	perfect	-ʁAn-[PERSON]		-ʁAn-[PERSON]		participle	participle				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	attested	attested	abdullaevaetal2014; johanson2018	331--334; 514--517	Form of suffix changes in context.	Samira Verhees	Къарагъанда, кагъызны сен язгъансан		Судя по всему, письмо написал ты.				abdullaevaetal2014	333	Example of inference from general reasoning.	2.202
61	Lak	Standard Lak	language	yes	yes	perfect	-unu CM-ur		-unu	past gerund	converb	converb	CM-ur		copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	friedman2007; friedman1984	362--363; 140	Interpretation (at least for transitive verbs) depends on case form of the subject. According to Friedman (1984) there is no “pure resultative” in Lak.	Samira Verhees	Ga-na-l b-a-w-ẋː-unu b=ur čwu		[Apparently] he sold the horse.		he-obl-gen 3-sell-3-$-past.ger 3-is horse		friedman2007	362	Genitive = ergative. There’s a diacritic on the x in the original example which I can’t find.	2.202
62	Lezgian	Standard Lezgian	language	yes	yes	perfect	-nwa / -nawa		< -na	Aorist converb	converb	converb	< awa	copula	copula	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	haspelmath1993	131--132, 143--145	Aorist converb is distinct from finite Aorist only when negated. Locative auxiliary ‘be in’ (Maisak To appear).	Samira Verhees	Kwe-z telegramma ata-nwa!		A telegram has come for you all!		you.all-dat telegram come-prf		haspelmath1993	144	Example of “hot news” / current relevance.	2.202
63	Nogai	Standard Nogai	language	no	yes	perfect	-Ip(tI)-[PERSON]		-Ip	деепричастие	converb	converb	< tI		aux	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	baskakov1940; johanson2018	105; 514--517	Originates from converb -Ib + auxiliary tur-ur ‘stands’, according to Johanson (2018: 515). Form changes in context.	Samira Verhees	мен урускъан заманда къардашым анайгъа кетипти		в то время, когда я заругался, мой брат пошел к матери				baskakov1940	106	Not sure what kind of example this is.	2.202
64	Nogai	Standard Nogai	language	yes	yes	perfect	-ʁAn-[PERSON]		-ʁAn	причастие	participle	participle				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	baskakov1940; johanson2018; kalmykovasarueva1973	108--109; 514--517; 232	No evidential meaning described in Baskakov (1940), though it seems to appear as a narrative tense in the fairy tales he recorded.	Samira Verhees	кыш та болмагъан, йазгъа шыкъкъанда атасы ман анасы кедеди уьйротпоьгоь къазаьйин излеген		когда уже прошла зима и наступило лето, его отец и мать нашли хозяина, который учил бы их сына				baskakov1940	109	Not sure what kind of example this is.	2.202
4	Northern Akhvakh	Axaxdərə	dialect_toplevel	no	no	indirect evidential	-wudi		-wudi	-wudi Perfective / Unwitnessed Past	suffix	other				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	creissels2018			Samira Verhees	išʷada-sːʷ-e lãgi b-iqːʷ-e b-ik’ʷ-awudi		The shepherd (reportedly) had killed a sheep.		shepherd-m-erg sheep n-kill-cvb.n n-be-n.pfwudi		creissels2018	6	Source actually uses macron for geminate consonants.	2.202
5	Northern Akhvakh	Axaxdərə	dialect_toplevel	no	yes	perfect	-oː/eː/aː/iː/ereː/areː(-hi/he/ho) godi		-oː/eː/aː/iː/ereː/areː(-hi/he/ho)	general converb	converb	converb	godi	copula	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	creissels2018; creissels2012	NA; 134--136	The distribution of allomorphs used to form the General Converb is described in Creissels (2012), also referenced under “Source”.	Samira Verhees	išʷada-sːʷ-e lãgi b-iqːʷ-e godi.		The shepherd has killed a sheep.		shepherd-m-erg sheep n-kill-cvb.n cop.n		creissels2018	6	Source actually uses macron for geminate consonants.	2.202
6	Northern Akhvakh	Northern Akhvakh	language	yes	yes	perfect	-eːhe gʷeda		-eːhe	деепричастие прошедшего времени	converb	converb	gʷeda	вспомогательный глагол “быть”	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	magomedovaabdulaeva2007	690	Called прошедшее заглазное in source, but example given of resultative.	Samira Verhees	ахēгье гведа	aχ-eːhe gʷeda	открыто (букв. “открыв есть”)			open-cvb cop.prs	magomedovaabdulaeva2007	690		2.202
33	Northern Dargwa	Standard Dargwa	language	no	no	experiential	-si=ra/ri/sa<CM>i		-si	past participle	participle	participle	ra/ri/sa<CM>i	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	attested	not attested	mutalov2018	62--64		Samira Verhees	ħu w-ak’-ajči Sanijat=ra q’ac’-li r-uk-un-si aħen, žapar		Before you came Sanijat has also not eaten bread, Zhapar.		2sg m-come.pfv-anter Sanijat=add bread-erg f-eat.ipfv-pret-attr cop.neg Zhapar		mutalov2018	63		2.202
31	Northern Dargwa	Aqusha	dialect_toplevel	no	yes	perfect	-ib-li=[PERSON]		-ib-li	perfective converb	converb	converb	[PERSON]	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	belyaev2018	103		Samira Verhees									No example found so far.	2.202
34	Northern Dargwa	Standard Dargwa	language	yes	yes	perfect	-li=ra/ri/sa<CM>i		-li	past converb	converb	converb	ra/ri/sa<CM>i	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	mutalov2018	60--62		Samira Verhees	Daʁistaj-zi kosmonawt-uni ʡaˁħlad-li b-ak’-i-li sa<b>i; gazeta-li-zi il-d-ala surat-uni=ra ka-d-aˁq-i-li sa<r>i		Astronauts have visited Daghestan; their pictures were printed in the newspaper.		Daghestan.obl-inl astronaut-pl host-advz dem-pl-gen picture-pl=add down-npl-hit.pfv-pret-cvb cop<npl>		mutalov2018	61	Example of resultative.	2.202
66	Rutul	Rutul	village	no	no	experiential	-d i	perfective stem	-d	attributive	participle	participle	i	auxiliary verb	aux	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	attested	not attested	maisak2021			Samira Verhees	za-s vɨ-dɨ did.i-kj-laa un qɨˁχˁɨ-d I, jiǯ sadaki hagu-d diš.		I have heard mucht about your father, but I have never seen him.		i-dat you.gen-atr father-cont-elat hearing beat.pfv-atr cop however never see.pfv-atr cop.neg		maisak2021	105	Example of experiential.	2.202
65	Rutul	Luchek	village	yes	yes	perfect	-ɨr a // ʔa	terminative stem	-ɨr	terminative gerund	converb	converb	a // ʔa	auxiliary verb	aux	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	alekseev1994; maisak2021	230--233; NA		Samira Verhees	anuc lu<r>ku-r ʔa		Anuts is lying.		Anuts <CL>lie.down.pfv-cvb be.in.prs		maisak2021	103	Example of resultative. Example originally from another source.	2.202
36	Sanzhi-Itsari	Itsari	dialect_toplevel	no	no	resultative	-ib-li=[PERSON]		-ib-li	perfective converb	converb	converb	[PERSON]	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	belyaev2018	103		Samira Verhees										2.202
35	Sanzhi-Itsari	Itsari	dialect_toplevel	yes	yes	perfect	-ib=[PERSON]		-ib	perfective participle	participle	participle	[PERSON]	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	not attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	belyaev2018	103		Samira Verhees	c’il he.l.tːu-r.tːal gu<w>al he.l-il χan šːa w-at.a̰ʁˁ-ib.li arbaχː elʁ-un=ca-w zamen-ni-j		Then Arbakh sent Khan down to the village and stayed behind to replace him.		then there-el down<m> that-erg Kh. village.in[lat] m-send.pfv-cvb A. stay-ptcp=cop-m replacement-obl-dat		belyaev2018	104	Example of indirect evidentiality; Originally from a different source.	2.202
44	Southwestern Dargwa	Tanti	dialect_toplevel	yes	yes	perfect	-ib-li=[PERSON]		-ib-li	perfective converb	converb	converb	da/di/ca<CM>	predicative marker	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	belyaev2018	103		Samira Verhees	hi.t zimizal-li uc-ib-le=sa=j		Его укусил муравей.		тот муравей-erg (m)ловить:pf-pret-conv=cop=m		sumbatovalander2014	454	Example of current relevance meaning.	2.202
67	Tabasaran	Southern Tabasaran	dialect_toplevel	yes	yes	perfect	-na		-na < -un	perfective converb	converb	converb	< a	auxiliary ‘be in’	aux	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	maisak2021			Samira Verhees	uwu läχˁin d-ap’-na=wa, hamus ʁaraχ sejir ap’-in!		You have done your work, now go and take a walk!		you work pv-do.pfv-prf=2sg now go.away.imp walk do-imp		maisak2021	101	Example of current relevance meaning; original source is different.	2.202
69	Tindi	Tindi	village	no	no	resultative	-u-CM ija		-u-CM	perfective participle	participle	participle	ija	copula	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	authierdraft2020			Samira Verhees	am-loo hiƛ’i la w-aχ-o ʕaajm-ɬ-u-w ija o-w		He is crippled after having fallen from the roof.		roof-superel down add m-rush-seq cripple-vblz-pf.ptcp-m cop 3-m		authierdraft2020		Example of resultative.	2.202
68	Tindi	Tindi	village	yes	yes	perfect	-oː / -õː / -idoː		< -o / õ	деепричастие	converb	converb	< ija	связка	copula	Perfect	morphologized	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	magomedova2012; authierdraft2020	171; NA	Copula reappears in negation. Converb is equal to Past. Allomorph idoː appears with hpl agreement (Authier 2020).	Samira Verhees	dee makwas-oo		I am hungry.		1.nom be_hungry-perf		authierdraft2020		Example of resultative.	2.202
70	Tsakhur	Mishlesh	village	no	yes	perfect	pfv.stem wo-CM-un	perfective stem	Ø	perfective converb	converb	converb	wo-CM-un	attributivized copula	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	not attested	maisaktatevosov2007			Samira Verhees	zɨ akːa āq-ɨ wo-d-un		I have opened the door.		1sg.erg door.4 4.open-pfv aux-4-a		maisaktatevosov2007	381	Example of current relevance meaning.	2.202
71	Tsakhur	Mishlesh	village	yes	yes	perfect	pfv.stem wo-CM	perfective stem	Ø	perfective converb	converb	converb	wo-CM	copula	copula	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	maisaktatevosov2007		Copula heads other indirect tenses as well.	Samira Verhees	zɨ akːa āq-ɨ wo-d		{I see that} I opened the door {but I don’t remember it}.		1sg.erg door.4 4.open-pfv aux-4		maisaktatevosov2007	381	Example of indirect evidentiality with first person effect.	2.202
72	Tsez	Asakh	dialect_nt1	yes	yes	perfect	-no/-n		-no/-n	perfective converb	converb	converb				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	khalilova2011; comriepolinsky2007	NA; NA		Samira Verhees	zow-n zow-n-ānu sis c’oɣor.		Once upon a time there was (lit.: there was, there wasn’t) a thief.		be-pstunw be-pstunw-neg one thief		comriepolinsky2007	343	Example of indirect evidentiality.	2.202
22	Tsova-Tush	Zemo-Alvani	village	yes	yes	perfect	-no-CM-a	aorist	-no		converb/participle	other	-CM-a	verb ‘to be’	aux	Perfect	full auxiliary	periphrastic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	attested	attested	holiskygagua1994; Jesse Wichers Schreur, p.c.	179--183	Used in negative contexts, similar to the Aorist Reported (aorist + -no), according to Holisky & Gagua (1994); also examples of indirect evidential use.	Samira Verhees	giurg psṭuna-v j-ɦivɁ joḥ j-i-en-j-a.		Оказывается, что жена Гиоргия родила четыре девочки.		Giorgi woman-erg f.sg-four girl f.sg-give_birth-pst.ptcp-f.sg-be.lv		desheriev1953		Transcription and glosses courtesy of Jesse Wichers Schreur; There is no page number because the example comes from Jesse’s Fieldworks project.	2.202
21	Tsova-Tush	Zemo-Alvani	village	no	no	indirect evidential	-no	aorist	-no		unclear	other				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	not attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	holiskygagua1994	179--183	-no is also the participle/converb suffix, it attaches to aorist to form """"""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""reported aorist"""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""", another morpheme -lo exists, which is homophonous with the subjunctive and forms reported equivalents of tenses other than the aorist.	Samira Verhees									Found no example of use so far.	2.202
73	Udi	Nizh	dialect_toplevel	no	yes	perfect	<PERSON>-ijo		-ijo	субстантивированное перфективное причастие	participle	participle				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	attested	not attested	maisak2016		Called Perfect II in Maisak (2016).	Samira Verhees	valla, uˁʁ-e=z, lac-i bas=ez=kː-ijo		{Бригадир спрашивает у сидящего на стоге сена мужика, что он там делает. Тот говорит: - Ничего особенного.} Клянусь, я (просто) выпил, поднялся сюда и заснул.		клянусь пить-perf=1sg, подниматься-aoc спать=1sg=st-perf2		maisak2016	371	Not sure what kind of example this is.	2.202
74	Udi	Nizh	dialect_toplevel	yes	yes	perfect	-e=[PERSON]		-e=[PERSON]		suffix	other				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	attested	not attested	maisak2018		Reconstructed as periphrastic by Maisak (2018: 158), based on negation. Reconstructed form of the lexical verb is the form in -i, which functions as Aorist, Perfective Participle and Aorist Converb.	Samira Verhees	tä, šo pːur-e=ne		{A: Is our old teacher still alive? B:} No, he has died.		no dist:na die-prf=3sg		maisak2018	136	Example of current relevance.	2.202
7	Upper Andi	Andi	village	yes	yes	perfect	-dːu		-dːu	Absentiv-Aorist/Resultativ	converb	converb				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	kibrik1985			Samira Verhees	imudi tušman ǯabidːu	imu-di tušman džabi-dːu		Father killed the enemy.	Der Vater (Erg) den Feind (Nom) tötete offenbar.	father-erg enemy kill-prf	kibrik1985	56	Original examples uses macrons for geminate consonants; example of indirect evidentiality	2.202
9	Upper Andi	Rikvani	village	no	yes	perfect	-d	основа аориста / перфектива	-d	деепричастие совершенного вида/перфект	converb	converb				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	attested	not attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	maisak2016; verhees2018	NA; NA		Samira Verhees	hege-w w-utʃ’i-d	hege-w w-uč’i-d	He has woken up.		dem-m m-wake_up-pf	dem-m m-wake_up-prf	verhees2018	272	Example of resultative.	2.202
8	Upper Andi	Zilo	village	no	yes	perfect	-j		-j	general converb/perfect	converb	converb				Perfect	no auxiliary	synthetic	Structure	attested	attested	Current relevance	not attested	attested	kayeetaldraft2020			Samira Verhees	den-ni ingur arχonni-j		I have opened the window (i.e. it is now open).		1sg-erg window open-pf	I-erg window open-prf	kayeetaldraft2020		Example of current relevance meaning.	2.202