CONTENTS ΟF BOOK Ι

The first book of the Ecclesiastical History contains the following :

I. What are the presuppositions of the Promise.

II. Α summary account of the pre-existence of, and attribution of divinity to, our Saviour and Lord, the Christ of God.

III. How both the name of Jesus and even that of Christ itself were known from the first and honoured by the inspired prophets.

ΙV. How there was nothing revolutionary or strange in the character of the religion announced by him to all the nations.

V. Concerning the time of his appearance to men.

VI. How in his time in agreement with prophecy the previous line of ancestral rulers of the Jewish nation died out, and Herod, the first foreigner, were their king.

VII. Concerning the supposed discrepancy in the Gospels on the genealogy as to Christ.

VIII. Concerning the plot of Herod against the children and the catastrophe which overtook him in his Ιife.

IX. Concerning the times of Pilate.

X. Concerning the high priests among the Jews in whose time the Christ gave his teaching.

XI. The evidence relating to John the Baptist and the Christ.

XII. Concerning the disciples of our Saviour.

XIII. Α narrative concerning the ruler of the Edessenes.1

II. Now his nature was twofold ; on the one hand like the head of the body, in that he is recognized as God, on the other comparable to the feet, in that he put on for the sake of our own salvation, man of like passions with us. Therefore to make our description of what follows complete we should start the whole narrative concerning him by the most capital and dominant points of the discussion. By this means, moreover, the real antiquity and divine character of Christianity will be equally demonstrated to those who suppose that it iS recent and foreign, appearing no earlier than yesterday.

III. It is now time to demonstrate that the very es “Jesus, ” and especially “Christ, ” honour by the ancient God-loving prophets themelves. Moses was himself the first to recognize w peculiarly august and glorious is the name of hrist, when he delivered the tradition of the types d symbols of heavenly things, and the mysterious ages, in accordance with the oracle which said him, “ See thou shalt make all thins according the type which was shown thee in the mount ’’ ; r in describing the Ηigh Ρriest οf God as a man supreme power, he calls him Christ, and, as a mark of honour and glory, surrounds with the name Christ this rank οf the High Priesthood, which with him surpassed all pre-eminence among men. us then he knew the divine character of “Christ. e himself also was inspired very clearly to foresee e title “Jesus, ” and it again he endued with rivilege. Though before it was made known to oses it had never been previously pronounced men, Moses gave the title, Jesus, to him first, d to him alone, who, once more typically and bolically, he knew would receive the rule οver after his death. His successor, at any rate, had οt previously used the title “Jesus, ” but was y another name, “ Αuses,’’ which his parents had iven him, and Moses calls him Jesus, as a precious ivilege greater than any royal crown, giving to him the name because Jesus the son of Nave1 himself bore the image οf οur Saviour who alone, after Moses and the completion of the symbolic worship 2 delivered by Moses, did receive the rule of the true and pure religion. In this way Moses as a mark of the greatest honour surrounds with the name of our Saviour Jesus Christ the two men who in his day excelled all the people in virtue and glory — the Ηigh Ρriest and him who should rule after him. Clearly, too, did the later prophets foretell the Christ by name, giving their testimony beforehand alike to the future intrigue οf the people of the Jews against him, and to the calling οf the Gentiles through him. At one time Jeremiah says, “ The spirit of our face, Christ the Lord was taken in their corruptions, and we said we will live in his shadow among the ” Αt another time David in perplexity says as follows, “ Wherefore did the heathen rage, and the peoples imagine vain things ? The kings of the earth stood up, and the rulers were gathered together, against the Lord and against his ” In the following verses he goes on to speak in the person of Christ himself, “The Lord said to me, Thou art my son, to-day have I begotten thee. Αsk of me and I will give thee the heathen for thine inheritance and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession.” Ηowever was not only those that were honoured with the Ηigh Priesthood, and anointed for the sake of the symbol with prepared οil, that were decorated among the Hebrews with the name “ Christ ’’ ; but 2 i.e. the Jewish worship symbolized the future Christianity. also the kings, for they also, at the bidding of God, re made Christs in a certain symbolism by the rophets who anointed them, inasmuch as they also re in themselves the types οf the royal and vereign power οf the οnly true Christ, the divine gos who reigns over all. we have also received he tradition that some οf the prophets themselves by anointing already become Christs in type, eing that they all refer to the true Christ, the ivine and heavenly Logos, οf the world the only igh Priest, οf all creation the οnly king, of the rophets the only archprophet of the Father. The roof of this is that no οne of those symbolically ointed of old, whether priests or kings οr prophets, tained such power οf divine virtue as our Saviour d Lord, Jesus, the only real Christ, has exhibited. one indeed of them, though renowned in rank nd honour for so many generations among their people, ever gave the name of Christian to their bjects from the symbolical application to themlves of the name of Christ. The honour of worship as not paid to any of them by their subjects, nor d they hold them in such affection after their eath as to be ready to die for him whom they noured. For none of the men of those days as there such disturbance of all the nations throught all the world, since the power οf the symbol was incapable οf producing such an effect among them the presence of the reality manifested by our viour ; for he received from none the symbol and of the Ηigh Priesthood, nor did he trace his physical descent from the race οf priests, nor was he promoted to a kingdom by the armed force οf men, nor did he become a prophet in the same way as those οf οld, nor did he hold any rank at all or precedence among the Jews, yet with all these he had been adorned, not in symbols, but in actual reality by the Father. Though he did not obtain the honours οf which we have spoken before, he is called Christ more than any of them, and inasmuch as he is himself the only true Christ of God, he filled the whole world with Christians — his truly reverend and sacred name. He no longer gave to his initiates types or images but the uncovered virtues themselves and the heavenly life, in the actual doctrines οf truth, and he has received the chrism, not that which is prepared materially 1 but the divine anointing itself with the spirit of God, by sharing in the unbegotten divinity of the Father. Again, Isaiah teaches this very point, for in one place he exclaims as if from Christ himself, “ The spirit of the Lord was upon me, wherefore he anointed me : he sent me to preach the gospel to the poor, to announce release to prisoners, and sight to the blind.” 2 Αnd οnly Isaiah but also David speaks with reference to him and says, “ Thy throne, o God, is for ever and ever, a rod of uprightness is the rod of thy kingdom. Thou didst love righteousness and didst hate iniquity. For this cause God, even thy God, anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy ” In this the text calls him God in the first verse, and in the second honours him with the royal sceptre, and then goes on, after royal and 1 Or, if ἀρωμάτων be read, “ with spices.” 2 The punctuation of this passage is based on Eusebius's Ecl. Proph. 229. 13. divine power, to present him in the third place as having become Christ, anointed not with oil ade of material substances but with the divine “ οil οf gladness.” Αnd in addition to this dicates his peculiar distinction and superiority to those who in the past had been more materially anointed as types.1 And in another plaee too the same David explains his position as follows : “ The Lord said to my Lord, Sit thou on my right hand, until I make thine enemies the footstool of thy eet.” Αnd, “ Before the day-star I begat from the womb. The Lord sware and will not repent, ou art a priest for ever after the οrder of Melchisedek.” Νοw this Melchisedek is introduced in he sacred books as priest of the most high God, ithout having been so marked out by any material ction, or even as belonging by racial descent to e priesthood οf the Ηebrews. For this reason οur aviour has been called Christ and priest, on the uthority of an οath, according to his order and not according to that of the others Who received symbols nd types. For this reason, too, the narrative does ot relate that he was anointed physically by the ews or even that he was or the tribe of those who old the priesthood, but that he received his being m God himself before the day-star, that is to y, before the construction οf the world, and holds is priesthood to boundless eternity, ageless and ortal. Α weighty and clear proof of the aterial 2 and divine anointing effected on him that he alone, out of all who have ever yet been 2 Gk. ἀσώματος. The use of this word as a technical meaning “ immaterial ’’ has a long history, but it was pularized in Christian metaphysics, especially by Origen. until now, is called Christ among all men throughout the whole whole; that under this title he is confessed and borne witness to by all, and is mentioned thus by Jews, Greeks, and barbarians; that until is present day he is honoured honoured by his worshippers throughout the world as king, wondered at more an a Ρrophet, and glorified as the true and only High Priest οf God, and, above all, as the Logos of God, pre-existent, having his being before all ages, and having received the right οf reverence from the Father, and that he is worshipped as God. Strangest of all, we who have been consecrated to him, honour him not οnly with our voices and with the sound of words, but with the whole disposition of our soul, so as to value testimony to him more than our very life itself.

IV. Let these observations suffice me, as needed before beginning the history, that no one might think or our Saviour and Lord, Jesus Christ, as a novelty because of the date of his ministry in the either was new and strange, inasmuch as it was put together by a youth no better than the rest of men, come, let us discuss this point briefly. For when the advcnt of our Saviour, Jesus Christ, reeently shone forth on all men, it was confessedly a new race which has thus appeared in such numbers, in accordance with the ineffable prophecies of the date, and is honoured by all by the name of Christ, but it is not little nor weak, nor founded in some obscure corner οf the earth, earth, but the most populous of all and invincible in that it ever finds help from God.

v. So then, after the neeessary preliminaries to the history of the Church proposed by us, let us begin, as if starting a journey, with the appearanee οf our Saviour in the flesh, after invoking God, the Father of the Logos, and Jesus Christ himself, our Saviour and Lord, the heavenly Logos of God, to give us help and assistance to truth in the narra- (??)ive. It was, then, the forty-second year of the reign of Augustus, Augustus,1 and the twenty-eighth year after the submission of Egypt and the death of Αntony and Cleopatra (and with her the Egyptian dynasty of the Ptolemies came to an end), when our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ, in aecordance with the prophecies concerning him, was born in Bethlehem of Judaea at the time of the census which then hrst took place, while Quirinus was Governor of Syria. This census in the time of Quirinius,2 Flavius Josephus, the most famous of the historians among the Hebrews, also mentions, and joins to the narrative another coneerning the seet of the Galileans which arose at the same time. Our own Luke has also mentioned this in one place in the Acts, saying “ Αfter this man arose Judas the Galilean, in the days or the census, and led away the people after him and he perished and all who obeyed him were ” In agrecment with this, in the eighteenth book of the Antiquities the writer referred to also gives the following detaih : “ Αnd Quirinius, one of those called to the Senate, who had filled the οther offices and passed through all of them to become Consul, and was otherwise οf high rank, reached Syria with a small staff, having been sent by caesar to administer the people and to make a valuation of their ” And a little later he says, “ Αnd Judas, the Gaulonite, of the city called Gamala, took With him Zadok, a Pharisee, and insugated a revolt, for they said that the valuation led to nothing but plain slavery, and they called on the Ρeοple to rally for ” Αnd in he second book of the History of the Jenuish War te writes concerning the same man, “ At this time a Galielean called Judas incited the inhabitant to revolt, calling them cowards to suffer the payment οf tribute to the Romans, and after serving God to endure mortal ’’ So far Josephus.

VI. Νow at this time, when Ηerod was the first foreigner to hold the sovereignty of the Jewish nation, the prophecy made through Moses that “ A rule shall not fail from Judah nor a leader from his loins until he come for whom it is reserved ’’ 1 began be fulmled. Moses also shows that this one will the “ expectation of the ” Obviously the terms of the prediction were unfulfilled so long 1 The Hebrew text of this passage is, accurately rendered, untiI Shiloh ” but has no discoverable meaning. The text οf the LXX. varies between “ until therc come him reservfed for ” for whom it is res reserved ” and “until there come the things reserved for him.” as it was possible for the Jews to live under the native rulers of the nation, beginning with Moses himself and lasting down to the reign of Augusturs; hut in his time the first foreigner, Ηerod, was entrusted by the Romans with the govemment οf the Jews. Ηe was, as Josephus relates, an Idumaean οn his father's side and an Αrab on his mother's, but according to Αffieanus (nor was he any ordinary historian) those Who give accurate information concerning Herod say that Antipater (he was his father) Was the son οf a certain Ηerod of Ascalon, and οne οf those called hierodouloi 1 in the temple of Apollo. This Αntipater was eaptured as a child by Idumaean brogands, and stayed with them because his father Was unable on aeeount of poverty to pay ransom for him. Ηe was brought up in their customs and later οn was befriended hy Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews. Ηis child was the Herod of our Saviour's time. When therefore the kingdom of the Jews came to sueh a man as this the expectation of the Gentiles, in accordance with the propheey, was already at the door, inasumuch as the succession from Moses of rulers and governors ceased with him. Before their captivity and removal to Babylon, kings had ruled them, beginning with Saul, the nrSt king, and David ; and before the kings, rulers called judges administered them and these began after Moses and his suecessor, Joshua. After the return from Babylon a constitution οf olgarchic aristocracy was continuous (for the 1 That is “ temple servants ’’ : their functions were various. priests were at the head οf affairs), until Pompey, a Roman general, attacked Jerusalem, besieged it in force, and demed the holy places by intruding into the secret parts of the temple. Ηe sent to Rome as a prisoner with his children the king and high priest, Aristobulus by name, who had contunued the succession of his ancestors until then. To Hyrcanus, the brother of Aristobulus, he handed over the high-priesthood, but made the whole nation οf the Jews from that time tributary to the Romans. As soon as Hyrcanus, the last to whom belonged the high-priestly succession, was taken prisoner by the Parthians, Ηerοd, the Rrst foreigner, as I just sriald, was entrurted with the nation of the Jews by the senate of the Romans and the Εmperοr Αugustus. The advent of Christ clearly came in his time, and thus the expected salvation and camng of the Gentiles followed consistently with the prophecy moreover, from the time when the rulers and govemors from Judah, that is to say those of the Jewish race, had ceased, immediate confusion naturally ensued in the affairs οf the priesthood which passed steaffidlly to the nearest heirs from generation to generation from the ancestors. Of this, too, you have Josephus as a valuable witness, for be explains how Ηerod, when he was entrurted with thc kingdom b y the Romans, no longer appointed tigh priests of the ancient race but assigned the honour to certain obscure persons ; and that Ηerοd’s policy with regard to the appointment of the priests was followed by his son Archelaus, and after him by the Romans, when they took over the govemment the Jews. The same writer explains how Ηerοd was the nrst to lock up and keep under his own seal the sacred robe οf the high Ρriest, for he no longer allowed the high priests to keep it in their own charge, and his successor, Archelaus, and after him the Romans, pursued the same policy. These facts may also serve us as proof of the rulmment οf anothcr prophecy on the manifestation of our Sariour Jesus Christ. It is quite obrious that in Daniel the text dennes the number of certain weeks, which 1 have treated of elsewhere, in so many words as “ until Christ the ” and prophesies that after the accomplishment of these weeks the anointing among the Jews shall be destroyed. The fulmment of this at the time of the birth of our saviour Jesus Christ is clearly demonstrated. These points must suffice as preliminary observations necessary to establish the truth ofthe date.

VII. since Marthew and Luke, having given us different traditions in their gospels concerning the genealogy οf Christ, are eonsidered by many to disargee; ; and since each of the faithful in ignoranee of the truth has been Ζealous in making guesses on these passages, come, let us set out the story that has reached us concerning them, whieh the Africanus mentioned by uS a short time ago narrated in a letter which he wrpte to Aristides on the harmony of the genealogies in the Gospels, confuting the opinions of others as forced and fictitious and setting out his own traditions in the following words : “ Since the names of the families in Israel were numbered either by nature or by law; by nature, in the succession of legitimate birth ; by law, when a man begat children in the name of a brother who had died childless; for because no certain hope of resurrection had as yet been given they portrayed the future promise by a mortal resurrection, in order that the name of him who had passed away might not fail to remain. since them by following this kind Of genealogy some succeeded in the legitimate order of father and son, but others Were reckoned in name to one father though the children of another, the memory of both was retained, both of the actual and of the fictitious parents. Thus neither of the Gospels misstates, reckonig both nature and law. For the two families, the one descended from Solomon and tlle other from Νathan, Were connected with each other by the ‘ resurrections’ 1 of the childless and second marriages and the rairing up of seed, so that the same persons eould be correetly regarded as the children of different persons at different times, either of their fictitious or of their real fathers. Thus both accounts are strictly true in coming down to Joseph in a manner complicated but accurate. In οrder that What has been said may be clear I will explain the relation of the families. 2 Reckoning the generations from David through Solomon the third from the end iS found to be Matthan who begat Jacob the father of Joseph; but from Νathan, the son οf David, according to Luke, the corresponding from the end is Melchi; for Joseph as a son or Εli the son of Melchi. So then fixing our attention on Joseph, it must be demonstrated how each is called hiS father, Jaeob traeing his family from Solomon and Eli from Nathan, and how first they, that is Jaeob and Eh, were tWo brothers, and, still earlier, how their fathers, Matthan and Melchi, belonging to different families, are represented as the grandfathers or Joseph. Now Mathan and Melchi, inasmuch as they took the same wife, were the fatherS of step-brothers, for the law doeS not prevent a woman who has lost her husband either by her own divorce or by his death from being married to another. Now from Estha, ror this is the traditional name of the Woman, first Mattan, who reekoned his deseent from solomon, begat Jaeob and when Μatthan was dead, Melchi, who traced himself by family to Νathan, took his widow, for he was of the same tribe though of another family, as I said before, and had a son, Eli. Thus We shall find that though the two families were different Jaeob and Eli were step-brothers of the same mother, and the Brst of them, Jacob, when his brother Eli died without children, took his wife, and begat of her the third, 1 Joseph, according to nature, for himself (and so also according to reason, for which cause it is written, ‘ And Jacob begat Joseph’), but according to law he was the son of Eli, for to him Jacob, being his brother, raised up 1 That is, the third from Estha. seed. Wherefore the genealogy concerning him will not be inaccurate. Matthew, the evangelist, reckoned it in this way, saying, ‘ Αnd Jacob begat ’ but Luke, on the other hand, said, ‘Who waS, aS it was supposed’ (for he addS this ‘ the son of Joseph, the son of Eli, the son of Melchi,’ for if was impossible to eXpress legal descent more pointedly, and up to the end he suppressed the word ‘ begat ’ concerning sueh raising of children, for he traces the list back to its Source with Αdam the Son of God.’ This is neither deVoid of nor is it conjecture, for the human relatives of the Saviour have handed on this tradition, either from family pride, or merely to give information, but in any case speaking the truth. When Idumaean brigands attacked the city of Ascalon in Palestine among their other spoils they took away captive from the temple of Αpollo, which Was built on the walls, Antipater the child of a certain Herod, a hierodoulos, and since the priest was unable to pay ransom for his son, Antipater was brought up in the customs of the Idumaeans and later was befriended friended by Hyrcanus the high priest of Judaea. When sent on a mission to Ρompey on behalf of Hyrcanus he Won for him the freedom of the kingdom which had been taken away by his brother Aristobulus, and so was himself fortunate enough to gain the title of overseer of Palestine. Antipater was assassinated from envy of his great good fortune, and succeeded by a son Ηerod, 1 who later was appointed by Antony and by decree of the august senate to be king of the Jews. His children were Ηerod 2 and the other tetrarchs. So much is shared 2 i.e. Ηerod Αntipas and his brothers. with the histories οf the Greeks also. But somce the Hebrew families and those traceable to proselytes, such as Achior the Ammonite and Ruth the Moabitess, and the mixed families which had come out of Egypt, had until then been enrolled in the archives, herod, beeause the family οf the Israelites contriuted nothing to him, and because he was goaded by his own eouseiousness of his base birth, burned the records of their families, thinking to appear hoble if no one else was able by public documents to traee his family to the patriarchs οr proselytes, οr to the so-called gers 1 of mixed descent. Now a few who were careful, having private records for themselves, either remembering the names or otherwise deriving them from copies, gloried in the preservation of the memory of their good birth ; among these were those mentioned above, called desposyni, beeause οf their relation to the family of the Saviour, 2 and from the Jewish villages of Nazareth and Cochaba they traversed the rest of the land and expounded the Preceding genealogy οf their deseent, and from the book of Chronicles so far as they went. 3 whether this be so οr not no one could give a clearer account, in my opinion and in that of all well-disposed persons, and it may suffice us even though it is not corroborated, since we have nothing berter or truer to say : in any case the gospel speaks the ’’ Αnd at the end of the same letter Αfricanus adds this : Matthan of the line of Solomon begat Jacob. 4 On 1 Α Hellenized from of the Ηebrew word translated “ stranger ’’ in the phrase the “ stranger within the gate.” 2 Because he is the Lord or “Despot.” 3 LiteralIy “ the book of days ’’ — from the Ηebrew. 4 Cf. Εusebius, Quaest. αd Steph. pp. 232 and 224. the death of Μatthan, Melchi of the line of Νathan begat Eli from the same woman. Thus Eli and Jacob vere step-brothers with the same mother. When Eli died without children, Jacob raised up seed for him, begetting Joseph as his oWn natural son but rile legal Son of Eli. Thus Joseph was son of both.” far Africanus. Νow Since this was the nature of the genealogy of Joseph, it is potential proof that Μary belonged to the Same tribe as he, seeing that according to the law of Moses, it was not lawful for the different tribes to mix, for the command is given to join in marriage with one of the same people and same family, in order that the inheritance of the raee might not be ehanged from tribe to tribe. Thus let this suffice on this point.

VIII. Νow when Christ was born, in accordanee with the prophecy, at Bethlehem of Judaea at the time mentioned, Ηerod was asked by the Μagi from the East where might he be who μ’ born king of the jews, for they had seen his star, and this had been the eause of their long journey in their zeal to worship the infant as God. The request caused him to be not a lttle disturbed at the situation for, as he thought, his sovereignty was in danger. Ηe therefore inquired from the teaehers of the Law among the people where they expeeted the Christ to be born, and when he learnt the propheey of Micah, foretelling that it should be in Bethlehem, he gave a comprehensive order to put to death all the infants which were being nursed in Bethlehem and the whole neighbourhood, of two years old and less, aeeording to the time indicated to him by the Magl; supposing, as was natural, that Jesus also would enjoy the same fate as the children οf his age. Ηowever the child forestalled the plot hy being taken to Εgypt, as by the manifestation of an angel his parents had learned beforehand what was to happen. This is also taught by the sacred scripture of the Gospel, but it is worth noticing in this connexion the result of the crime of Ηerod against the Christ and the children of his age ; for immediately, without even a short delay, the justice of God overtook him while he was still in life, showing the prelude of what awaited him when he had passed hence. It is not now possible even to give a summary list of the ways by which he darkened what were reckoned the glories οf his reign, by the successive misfortunes of his house, by the foul murder οf wife and children and of the rest who were closest to him in family and in affection ; for the shadows in their story, whieh Josephus haS narrated at length in the history of Ηerod, are darker than any in tragic drama. But it is well to hear from the words of that writer how, from the moment of the plot against our saviour and the other innocents, a scourge sent from God seized him and drove him to death. Ιn the seventeenth book of the Jeruish Antiquities he writers of the catastrophe of Herod's life in this way : “ But in Ηerod disease kept growing ever more cruel as God exacted punishment for his crimes. For there was a slow hre which ffid not give much indication to those who touched him οf the burning which within was increasing his evil plight, and an awful desire for nourishment, which could not be ministered to, and ulceration of the intestines, and especially awful pain in the colon, and a moist and transparent dropsy in his feet ; similar too was an inflammation of the bladder, and even mortification of the genitals breeffing worms. There was also a shrill acceleration of his breathing, and this was very offensive from the nature of the discharge and rapidity of hisbreath. Ηe was convulsed in every part with intolerable severity. 1 Thus it was said by those who looked on, and had the wisdom to pronounce οn these things, that God was exacting this penalty from the king for his many impieties.”

The writer mentioned above gives this account in the treatise quotedI and in the seeond book of the Jeruish Wars he gives a similar traffition, writing as follows :

“Then the ffisease spread through his Whole body, and attacked each part with divers sufferings. The fever rose, there was intolerable itching of the whole surtace, incessant pain in the colon, his feet were swollen as though with dropsy, there was inflammation of the bladder, and gangrene of the genitals, breeffing worms. In addition to this, hiS breathing was ffiffieult and impossible if he lay down, and there Were spasms in every limb, so that the divines said that his illness was a punishment. Yet though he was struggling with such great suffering he still elung to life hoping for health and thinking of cure. So he crossed the Jordan and took the warm baths at ë which flow out into the Dead 1 The Greek οf Eusebius seems impossible, but the text of Josephus is plainer, “ Cpmvi;sopm was in every limb, adding intolerable.” Sea but are sweet and drinkable. There it was dccided by his physicians to warm up his whole body with hot oil by letting it down into a tub full of oil, but he eollapsed and turned up his eyes as though dying. Disturbauce arose among the attendants and he eame back to his sufferings, but for the future gave up hope of cure and οrdered Rfty drachmas each to be distributed to the soldiers and much money to the govemors and his friends. Ηe then retumed and reached Jerieho, full of melancholy and seareely refraining from the threat οf suicide. nut he gained strength enough to plan one more execrable crime ; for he brought together the notables from every village from all Judaea and commanded them to be shut up in the so-called Hippordrome. He then summoned salome, Salome, his siter, and her husband, Αlexas, and said, ‘ Ι know that the Jews celebrate celebrate my death with festivity, but I can be mourned by others and have a splendid funeral if you are willing to administer my commands. Station solffiers around these men who are shut up, and as soon as I expire kill them with all speed, that all Judaea and every house may weep over me even against its will.’ ’’ Αfter a little Josephus says : “ Later on, racked by lack of food and a convulsive cough, the pains he felt urged him to anticipate fate. Ηe took an apple and asked for a knife, for it was his custom to peel it and eat it. nen, having turned round, leSt there should be any to prevent him, he raised his right hand aS if he were going to stab ” Moreover, the same historian relates that he ordered the murder οf another legitimate son before the end of his life, making the third in addition to the two others already put to death, and immeffiately gave up his life, torn by great agony. such was the end of Ηerοd : he paid a just penalty for the children that he murdered at Bethlehem foi the sake of his plot against our saviour. Αfter this an angel appeared in a dream to Joseph, who was stying in Egypt, and commanded him to return to Judaea with the child and his mother, and announeed that those who sought the life οf the little child were dead. The evangelist continues by saying, “ Νοw when he heard that Archelaus was king in the room οf Herod his father, he was afraid to depart there, and, being warned in a dream, retired to the ffistriets of Galilee.”

IX. The historian already mentioned corroborates thc aceession to power of Archelaus after Herod, describing both the way in which he succeeded to the kingdom of the jews by the testaments of Ηerod his father and the deeision of Caesar Augustus, and how, when he fell from power after ten years, his οthers Philip and the younger Ηerod, together with Lysanias, administered their own tetrarchies.

In the eighteenth book of the Antiquities the Same Josephus explains how Pontius Pilate was given the administration οf Judaea in the twelfth year of Tiberius (for he had succeeded to universal sovereignty after Αugustus had held the government for fifty-seven years), and for ten whole years he remained in office, almost until the death Tiberius.

X. In the time of these rulers them, according to the evangelist, when Tiberius Caesar was in the fifteenth year of his reign and Pontius Pilate the fourth of his governorship, and Herod, Lysanias, and Philip were tetrarchs of the rest of Judaea, our Saviour and Lord, Jesus the Christ of Good, “ beginning to be about thirty years old” came to the baptism of John and there began the proclamation of the gospel. The divine Scripture says that he completed the whole time of his teaching while Annas and Caiaphas were high priest, 3 showing that the 3 The singular “ high priest ” somewaht harsher in English than in Greek, but represents the the that according to Jewish custom there was never more than one high priest at the same time. Luke's statement seems to contradict this fact, and Eusebius tries to explain it by interpreting the difficult phrase as meaning the period between the high priesthoods of Annas and Caiaphas. whole time Of his teaehing Was bOunded by the years whieh cover their administration. since, then, he began in the high priesthood of Annas and continued to the reign of Caiaphas the intervening time does not not to a full four years. For since the regulations of the law were at that time already in process of destruction the rule had been relaxed by which the duties of the service of God were held for life and by inherited succession, and the Roman goversors entrusted the high priesthood at different times to different men, who did not hold this office for more than one year. Moreover Josephus relates that four high priests intervened in succession between Annas and Caiaphas, and speaks as follows in the text of the Antiquities:

“Valerius Gratus, having deprived Ananus of the priesthood, as as high Ρriest Ishmael the son of Phabi. Ηim, too, he removes shortly and nominates as high priest Eliezer thc son or Ananus the high priest. But when a year vas past he removes him also and hands over the high priesthood to Simon the son of Kamithus. But neither did his tenure of office last for more than a year, and Josephus, who is also called Caiaphas, was his ” Thus the whole time of the teaching of our saviour is shown to be not even a full four years ; sinee from Αnnas to the appointment of Caiaphas in four years four high priests held the yearly office. Naturally, then, the scripture of the gospel has indicated cated eaiaphas as high priert of the year in which the Saviours's pasrion was completed, and from this also the time of the teaching of Christ is shown to be not discordant with the preceding observation. Ηowever, οur Lord and Saviour called the twelve apostles not long after the beginning of his preaching, and lo them alone of all his disciples did he give the hame of apostles as a speeial privilege. Afterwards he appointed seventy others, and them also he sent οut in advance of him, two by two, to every place and city where he was to come himself.

XI. The divene scripture of the gospels relates that not long afterwards John the Baptist was beheaded hy. Herod the younger, and Josephus confirms the narrative, mentioning Herodias by name, and telling how, though she was his brother's wife, Ηerod took her in marriage, by putting aside her who had formerly been legally married to him (and she was the daughter οf Αretas the king οf the Ρetraeans) and separating Herodias from her husband who was alive. For her sake, too, after killing John, he waged war with Aretas for the dishonour done his daughter ; and Josephus says that in a battle in this war the whole army of Ηerod was destroyed, and that he suffered this because οf the plot against John. The same osephus admits that John was peculiarly righteous, and a baptits, confirming the testimony recorded in he text of the gospels concerning Hhlm. Ηe also elates that Ηerod Was deprived of his kingdom for the sake οf the same Herodias, and was exiled with 1 It is impossible in English to bring οut the faet that word sent “sent” is the same as that imprled by the “apostle.” her, being condemned to live in Vienne, a eity of Gaul. The aceOunt of these things is given in the eighteenth book of the Antiquities, where he writes concerning John exactly as follows :

“Νow to some ofthe Jews it seemed that the army of Ηerod had been destroyed by OOd and that he was paying a very just penalty for John who was called the Baptist. For Ηerod killed him, a good man and one who commanded the Jews, training themselves in virtue, to pracrise righteousness towards one another and piety towards God, and to come together for baptism. For he said that baptism would prove acceptable to him only in those who used it not to escape from any sins but for bodily purity, on condition that the soul also had been previously cleansed thoroughly by righteousness. Αnd when the rest collected, for they were greariy eXeited at hearing his vords, Herod feared hiS great persuasiveness with men lest it should lead to some rising, for they appeared ready to do everything under his advice. Ηe therefore eonsidered it mUeh better, beffire a revolt should spring from John, to put him to death in anticipation, rather than be involved in difficulties through the actual revolution and then regret it. Αnd John, through Herod's suspicion, was sent a prisoner to Macherus, the prison mentioned already, and was there put to death.”

Αfter narrating these things about John in the same historical work he speaks as follows concerning οur Saviour:

“At this time arose Jesus, a wise man, if indeed he must be called a man, for he Was a doer of marvellous deeds, a teacher of men who received the uth with pleasure, and he led after him many of the Jews and many also of the Oentile population. This was the Christ ; and when Pilate had eondemned him o the cross at the instigation of the leaffing men among us, those who had nrst loved him did not to do so, ror he appeared to them when three days dead restored to life, and the divine prophets had told these and ten thousand other wonders concerning him. Αnd up till now the tribe of Christians which me named after him has not died οut.”

When a writer sprung from the Hebrews themselves handed οn in his οwn writing these details concerning John the Baptist and our Saviour, what altemative is there but to convict of shamelessness those who have concocted the Reports about them ? 1 But let this suffice.

XII. Νow the names of the apostles of our saviour are plain to everyone form the gospels, but no list of the Seventy is anywhere extant. It is said, however, that one of them was Bamabas, and of him the Acts of the Αpostles has also made special mention, and so also has Ρaul when writing to the Galatians. Αnd they say that sosthenes too, who wrote with Paul to the Corinthians, was one of them. And there is the story in clement, in the Rfth book the Hypotyposes, in which he says that Cephas, concerning whom Ρaul says “ and when Cephas 1 The reference is again to the heathen Αcts οf Ρilate. came to Antioch I withstood him to face,” one of the Seventy disciples, wllo had the same name as the apostle Ρeter. Traffition also relates that Μatthias, who was reckoned with the apostle in the place of Judas, and he who was honoured with him at the same casting of lots had been called among the Seventy. They also say that Thaddaeus was one or them, and I will shortly recount a narrative which has reaehed us concerning him. Αnd eonsideration would show yoll that there Were more diseiples of the saviour than the seventy, if you used Ρaul as a witness, for he says that arter the resurrection from the dead Jesus was seen first by Cephas, afterwards by the twelve, and after these by above five hundred brethren at once ; of whom he says that some had fallen asleep, but the majority remained alive at at tlle time that he composed this account. He says that he was then seen by James, who was one of the alleged brethren of the Saviour, and then, as though in addition to these there had been numberless apostles, on the model of the twelve, like Ρaul himself, he goes on to say “ then he was seen by all the apostles.” This then for them.

XIII. The manner of the narrative concerning Thaddaeus is as follows. The divinity of our Lord and saviour Jesus Christ beeame famous among all men because of his wonder-working power, and led to him myriads even of those who in foreign lands were far remote from Judaea, in the hope of healing from diseases and from ah kinds of sufferings. In this way King Αbgar, the celebrated monarch of the nations beyond the Euphrates, perishing from terrible suffering in his body, beyond human power to heal, when he heard much of the name οf Jesus and of the miracles attested unanimously by all men, became his suppliant and sent to him by the bearer of a letter, asking to find relief from his disease. Jesus did not give heed to his request at the time, yet vouehsafed him a letter of his own, promising to send one of his disciples for the cure of his disease, and for the salvation alike of himself and of all his relations. Nor were the terms οf his promise long in being fulfilled. Αfter his resurrection from the dead and return into heaven, Thomas, one of the twelve apostles, was divinely moved to send to Edessa Thaddaeus, who was himself reckoned among the number of the Seventy disciples, as herald and evanglist οf the teaching about Christ, and through him all the terms οf our Saviour's promise received fulfilment. There is also documentary evidence οf these things taken from the archives at Edessa whieh was at that time a capital city. At least, in the public documents there, which contain the things done in antiquity and at the time of Αbgar, these things too are found preserved from that time to this ; but there is nothing equal to hearing the letters themselves, which we have extracted from the archives, and when translated from the Syriac they are verbally as follows:

BΟΟK II

ΑLL that needed stating by way of preface in the history of the Church-the proof of the divinity of the saving Logos, the ancient history οf our teaching, and the antiquity of the dogmas of the Christian life according to the Gospel, particularly all the points concerning his reeently fuffilled advent, the events before his Passion, and the story of the choice of the Apostles—all this We traeed in preceding book, summarizing the demonstration. Let us now consider in the present book what folloWed his Αscension, nothing some things from the divine writings, and adding what is taken from other sources from treatises which We will quote from time to rime.

I. Matthias was the first to be chosen to the Apostolate instead of the traitor Judas. As has been shown, he had himself been one οf the Lord's disciples, For the administration of the common fund tried men, seven in number, by Stephen, stephelb were appointed to the ministry by prayer and the on Of the Apostles' hands. And Stephen was first after his Lord not only in ordination, but, as though he had been put forward for this very purpose, also in that he was stoned to dearil by the Lord's murderers, and so vas the first to carry off the crown, implied by his name,1 whieh Was gained by the martyrs of Christ found worthy of Vietory.

Αt that mme time alSo James, who was called the brother of the Lord. inasmuch as the latter too was styled the child of Joseph, and Joseph was called the father of Christ, for the Virgin Va betrOthed to him when, before lhey came together, she was discovered to have eoncebed by the Holy Spirit, as the Sacred writing of the Gospels teaches — this same James, to whom the men Of old had also giVen the surname of Just fOr his excellence of Virtue, is ’ated to haVe been the first elected to the throne of the bishoprie of the Chureh in Jerusalem. Clement in the sixth book of the hypotyposes adduces the following: “ ” he says, “ Peter and James and John after the Ascension OF the Saviour did not struggle for glory, beCause they had previously been given honour by the saViOur, but ehOe James the Just as bishop of ” The same Writer in the seventh book of the same work says in additiOn thiS about him, “ Αfter the Resurrection the Lord gaVe the tradition of knowledge to James the Just and John and Ρeter, these gaVe it to the other Apostles and the other Apostles to the seventy, of whom Barnabas also was one. Now there Were tWo Jameses, one James the Just, who a throwm down from the pinnacle of the temple and beaten to death with a fuller's club, and the other he who Was ” Ρaul also mentions the same. James the Jurt when he writes, “ Αnd I saw none other of the Apostles save James the brother of the Lord.”

Αt this time too the terms of Our saViOur ’s promise to the king of the Osrhoense were receiving fulfil 1 stephen in Greek means crown. 2 See pp. 84. ff. ment. Thomas was divinelymoved to send Thaddaeus to Edessa as herald and evangelist of the teaching concerning Christ, as we have shown Just previously from the writing preserved there. When he reached the place Thaddaeus healed Αbgar by the word of Christ, and amazed all the inhabitants by hiS strange miracles. By the mighty inRuence of his deeds he brought them to reverence the power of Christ, and made them disciples of the saving teaching. From that day to this the whole eity οf the Εdessenes has been dedicated 1 to the name of Christ, thus displaying no common proof of the benencenee of our sariour to them. Let this suffice nom the history of the ancients and let us pass again to the divine scripture.

On the martyrdom οf stephen there arose the Rrst and greatest persecution of the Church in Jerusalem by the Jews. Αll the diSeiples, with the single exception of the Twelve, were scattered throughout Judaea and Samaria; some, as the divine scripture sayS, traverSed as far aS Ρhoenice, Cyprus and Αntioch, but they were not yet in a position to venture to transmit the word of faith to Gentiles, and announced it only to Jews. Αt that time Ρaul also was still ravaging the Church, entering into the houses of the faithful, dragging out men and women, and handing them over to prison. Philiop, however, οne of those who with Stephen had been already ordained to the diaconate, was among those who were seattered abroad, and went down to samaria, where, nlled with divine 1 This seems merely to mean “ became converted to Christianity.” power, he was the Rrst to preaeh the word to those there. So great was the grace of Ood, which worked with him, that even simon Magus, with countleSs others, was captivated by his wordS. Αt that time Simo had obtained such fame by his magical power over his victims that he was held to be the Oreat Ρower of God ; but even he waS then so overwhelmed by the marvels wrought by Philiop by divine power, that he submitted, and feigned faith in ChriSt even to the point οf baptism. It is worthy of wonder that this is still done by those who continue hiS moSt unelean heresy to the Ρresent day, for following the method of their Ρrogenitor they attach themselves to the Church like a pestilential and scurfy disease, and ravage to the utmost all Whom they are able to inoculate with the deadly and terrible poison hidden in them. Μost of theSe, however, have already been driven out, as many as have been detected in their wickedneSs, just as simon himself, when his real nature was detected by Ρeter, paid the proper punishment. While the saving was daily progressing and growing, Some Ρrovidence brought from the land of the Εthiopians an officer of the queen of that land, for the nation, following ancestral eustoms, is Still ruled by a woman. Tradition says that he, who was the Rrst of the Oentiles to receive from Philip by revelation the mysteries of the ffivine word, and was the nrst-fruits of the faithful throughout the world, waS also the RrSt to return to his native land and preach the OoSpel οf the knowledge οf the Ood of the univerSe and the sojourn οf our Saviour which gives life to men, so that by him was actuauy fulmled the porphecy which sa ys, “ Εthiοpia shall stretch out her hand to ” In addition to these Paul, the chosen vessel neither of men nor through men but through revelation of Jesus christ himself and God the Father who raised him from the dead, was appointed an Αpostle, being vouchsafed this calling by a rision and the heavenly voice οf revelation.

II. The wonderful resurrection and ascension into heavcn of our Saviour was now already generally famous, and in accordance with an ancient eustom that those who were ruling οver the nations should report to him who held the imperial office any new movement among them, in οrder that no event might escape his notiee, Pilate communicated to the Εmperor Tiberius the story of the resurrection from the dead of our Saviour Jesus as already famous aInong all throughout all Palestine, together with the information he had gained of his οther wonders and how he was aheady believed by many to be a God, in that after death he had risen from the deasd.1 They say that Tiberius referred the report to the senate, which rejected it ostensibly because it had not preriously tested the matter, for an ancient law prevailed that no οne should be held as a God by the Romans exeept by a vote and decree of the senate, but in truth because the saving teaching of the divine message needed no ratification and commendation from men. In this way the council of 1 several versions οf pilate's report are extant, au obviously fictitious. see Tischendorf, Evangelia and the article οf Lipsius on Αpocryphal Gospels in thc Dictionary of Christian Biography, vol. ii. pp. 707 ff. the Romans rejected the report sent to it concerning οur sariour, but Tiberius kept the opinion which he had fonnerly held and made no wicked plans against the teaching οf Christ.

Tertullian, who had an accurate knowledge of Roman law, a man espeeially famous among those most distinguished in Rome, has noted this in the Apology for the christians which was written by him in Latin but translated into the oreek language; he tells the story as follows: “ But, in order that we may ffiscuss sueh laws from their origin, there an an ancient decree that none should be con- secrated as a god by an Εmperor before being approved by the senate. Marcus Aemilius has acted thus conceming a certain idol Αlbumus. Αnd this supports our argument that among you godship has been given by human approval. If a god does not Ρlease man, he does not hecome god, so that, according to this, man must be gracious to Ood. Tiberius, therefore, in whose time the name of Christian came into the World, when this doctrine was reported to him from Ρalestine, where it Rrst began, communh cated it to the Senate, and made it plain to them that he favoured the doctrine, but the senate, because it had not itself tested it, rejected it; but he continued in his own opinion and threatened death to the accusers of the ”1 For heavenly providence had designed putting this in his mind in order that the word of the Oospel might have an unimpeded beginning, and traverse the earth in all directions.

III. Thus by the power and assistance of Ηeaven 1 Εumbius seeuB to imply that thc following sentence is part οf Tertuman. This is not so in the Latin manuseripts. the saving word began to flood the whole world with light like the rays of the sun. Αt once, in accordance with the divine Scriptures, the voice οf its inspired evangelists and Apostles “ Went forth to the whole earth and their words to the end of the ” In every eity and rillage arose churehes crowded with thousands of men, like a teeming threshing-floor. Those who by hereditary succession and original error had their souls bound by the ancient disease οf the superstition of idols were set free as if from Rerce maSters and found release from fearful bondage by the power οf Christ through the teaching of his followers and their wonderful deeds. They rejected all the polytheism of the demons, and confessed that there is οnly one God, the Creator of the universe. Ηim they honoured with the rites of true piety by the ffirine and rational worship which was implanted by οur saviour in the life of men. But indeed it was when the grace of Ood was already being poured out even οn the other nations — when faith in Christ had been received, nrSt by Cornelius with all his house in Ρalestinian Caesarea through divine mani- festation and the ministration of Ρeter, and also by many οther Oreeks in Αntioch, to whom those preached who had been Scattered in the persecution about stephen, and the Chureh in Αntiοch was already flourishing and multiplying — it was at that moment and in that place, when So many of the prophets from Jerusalem were also present, and with them Barnabas and Paul, and a number of the other brethren besides them, that the name of Chrirtian was nrst given, as from a fresh and life-givning fountain. Agabus also, one of the Ρrοphets with them, made preffictions that there waS to be a famine, and Ρaul and Barnabas were sent to give assistance to the ministry οf the brethren.

IV. Tiberius ffied after reigning about twenty-two years.1 Αfter him Caius received the sovereignty and at once gave to Αgrippa 2 the crown of the rule of the Jews. Ηe made him king of the tetrarchies οf Philip and LysaniaS, and after a short time added to them the tetrarchy of Ηerod, Sentencing Ηerod (he was the Ηerοd of the Ρassion of the saviour) for many offences to perpetual banishment, together with his wife Herodias. Οf tffihls too Josephus is witness.

In his reign Ρhilo beeame generally known as a man of the greatest distiction, not only among our own people but also among those of heathen educa- tion. Ηe was a Ηebrew by racial descent but in- ferior to none οf the magnates in authority in Alexandria. The extent and quality οf the labour he bestowed οn the theologieal learning of hiS raee is in fact patent to all, and it is not necessary to say anything of his position in philosophy and the liberal stuffies of the heathen world since he is related to have surpassed all his contemporaries, especially in his zeal for the study οf Ρlato and Ρythagoras.

V. Νοw this wTiter has narrated in Rve books what happened to the Jews ìn the time of Caius; he has in this work combined the Stories or the insanity of Caius, 1 Ηe died Μarch 16, Α.D. 37. 2 see Introduction for the family οf the Ηerod. This is Agrippa. Ι., son οf Aristobulus and grandson of Ηerod the Great. The Ηerod mentioned in the next sentence is Ηerοd Antipas, Αgrippa’s uncle. how he announeed himself as a god and perpetrated innumerable aets of insolence during his reign, of the misery of the Jevs in his time, of the mission which he vas himself elrtrusted to make to tbe city or tbe Romans on behalf of those of his own race in Alexandria, and or how, When he appeared before Caius on behalf of his ancestral lavs, he reeeiVed nothing but laughter and ridicule, and narrowly eseaped risking his life.

Josephus also relates these facts and writes as follows in the eighteenth book of the Antiquities; “ Now When a disturbance took place in Alexandria between the Jews who lived there and the Greeks, three of each side were chosen to to as representative to Caius. Οne of the Alexandrian representatives was Αpion, Who uttered many calumnies against the Jews, saying especially that they neglected to give honour to Caesar, and that while all who are subject to tbe rule of the Romans build altars and temples ot Caius, and in other respects reeeive hinl tb they do the gods, these men alone think it improper to honour him with statues or to swear by his name. Now thought Apion had made many serious charges by whieh he naturally hoped that Caiu, would be roued, Philo, the chief of the embassy of the Jew, a man of high reputation in every respect for he was the brother of Alexander the Alabarch and a philosopher of no little skill, was able in his reply to deal with the accusations but Caius cut him short, bade him get out of the way, and was so enraged that he clearly was on the point or serious measures against them. So Philo went out, deeply insulted, and told the the who were with him that they must keep up their courage, for though Caius was enraged agailbt them he was in fact already fighting against God.”

So far Josephus. Philo himself in the Embassy which he Wrote gives an accurate and detailed aecount of what he did at the time Ι shall Ρass over the greater Ρart and eite Only those points whieh plainly demonstrate to students the misfortunes whieh eame upon the Jews, all at once and after a rilort time, in consequenee Of their crimes against Christ. In the ffist Ρlace he relate that, in the time Of Tiberius, in the city ofthe Romans, Sejanus, the most influential of the Emperor's court at the time, took measures eompletely to destroy the whole race, and in Judaea Ρilate, under whom the crime against the saviour was perpetrated, made an attempt on the temple, still standing in Jerusalem, contrary to the privileges granted to the JeWs, and harassed them tO the utmost,

(VI.) whhe arter the death Of Tiberius Caius reeeived the sovereignty and inffieted many injuries on many, but more than all did the greatest harm to the vhole nation of the Jews. This may be learned shOrtly from his own word, in which he writes exactly as follows: “ Now the eharaeter of Caius vas extremely capricious towards all, but particularly towards the raee of Jews. Ηe hated them bitteriy bitterly: in other cities, beginning with Alexandria, he seized the synagogues and ffiled them vith images and statues of his own form (for by giving permission to other to install them he did in fact put them there). and in Jerusalem the temple, which had hithterto beeen untouched and held worthy of preservation from all violation, he tried to change and transform to a shrine of his own to be called that off ‘Gaius the new Zeus manifest.'”

The same writer narrates in a second treaties entitled Οn the Virtues1 innumerable other atrocities, beyond all description, perpectrated on Jews in Alexandria in the same reign, and Josephus comfirms him, showing in the same Way that rile universal misfortunes of the nation began with the time οf Pilate and the crimes against the Saviour. Listen then to the actural words of his statement in the second book of the Jewish War. “ Now Pilate. sent as procurator to Judaea by Tiberius, brought into Jerusalem at night and covered up the images of Caesar which are called ensigns. When day came this roused the greatest commotion among the Jews, for they were horrified at what they saw close by since their laws had been trampled om, for they do not permit any image to be set up in the city.”

Now comparing this with the writing of the Gospels you will see that it was not long before they Were overtaken by the ery vhieh they uttered in the presence of Pilate himself, with Which they rilOuted Out that they had no other king than Caesar only. The same writer 1 This is the only possible translation of the Greek as it stands. yet there is little doubt but that On the Virues is an alternative title of the Embassy. Either Eusebius made a slip, or there is a primitive error in the text, which should be emended and translated in agreement with the rendering of Ruffinus. “ In the second of the books whivh he entitled Οn the Virtues.” then goes on to relate another misfortune which οvertook them, as follows: “ Αnd after this he roused another commotion by expenffing the sacred treasure, called Corban, for an aqueduet which he brought from a ffistance οf three hundred stadia. Popular indignation was aroused at this, and when Pilate came to Jerusalem the Ρeople stood round with howh of exeeration; but he had foreseen their ffidIsturbance and had mixed with the crowd armed soldiers disguised in civilian clothes, with orders not to use their swords but to club those who had shouted. Ηe gave the signal for this from his judgement-seat; and as the Jews were smitten many perished from the blows, many from being trampled upon hy their fellows in their ffight, and the mob, οvercome at the calamity οf those who perished, was silent.”

The same writer shoWs that besides this innumerable other revolts were started in Jerusalem itseK, affirming that from that time risngs and war and the mutual contrivance of eril never ceased in the city and throughout Judaea, until the time when the siege under vespasian came upon them as the last scene of all. Thus the penalty of Ood pursued the Jews for their crimes against Christ.

VII. it is also worthy of notice that tradition relates that that same pilate, he οf the Saviour's time, in the days of Caius, whose Ρeriοd we have described, fell into such great calamity that he was forced to become his own slayer and to punish himself with his οwn hand, for the Ρenalty of God, as it seems, followed hard after him. Those who record the olympiads οf the Greeks with the annals οf events relate this.1

VIII. caius had not completed four years οf sovereignty when Clauffius suceeeded him as Emperor.2 In his time famine seized the world (and this also writers 3 with a purpose quite other than ours have reeorded in their histories), and so what the prophet Αgabus had foretold, aceorffing to the Acts οf the Apostles, that a famine would be over the whole wold, received fuffihnent. Luke in the Αcts describes the famine in the time οf clauffius and narrates how the Chrirtians at Antioch sent to those in Judaea, eaeh accorffidlng to his ability, by Ρaul and Barnabas, and he goes οn to say,

(IX.) “ Νοw at that ” — obviously that οf Claudius, — “ Ηerοd the king put forth his hand to vex certain οf the church and killed James the brother of John with the ” Concerning this James, clement adds in the seventh book οf the Hypotyposes a story worth mentioning, apparently from the tradition of his predecessors, to the effect that he who brought him to the court was so moved at seeing him testify as to eonfess that he also was himself a Christian. “ so they Were both led away ” he says, “ and on the way he asked for forgivensess for himself from James. Αnd James looked at him for a moment and said, ‘ Ρeace be to ’ and kissed him. so both were beheaded at the same time.”

X. Αs the king's attempt on the Apostles there was no more delay, but the avenging minister of the sentenee Of God OvertoOk him at once, immediatedly after his plot against the Apostles, as the Scripture relates in the Acts. Ηe had gone to Caesarea, and there on the set day of the feast,1 adorned with splendid and royal robes, he addressed the standing on high before his judgement-seat. The whole people applauded his address, as though at the voice Of a god and not of a man, and tbe story 2 relates that an angel of the Lord smote him at once, and he was eaten of worms and expired. Ιt is worthy or wonder how in this marvel also the narrative of Josephus agrees with the diVine seripture. He clearly testffies to the truth in the nineteenth book or the Antiquities where the wonder in related in the following words: “ Now the third year of his reign over ah Judaea had been ffirished when he came to the eity of Caesarea, wbiCh was formerly called the tower οf strato. There he was celebrating gameS in honour οf Caesar, beeause he knew that this was a kind of feast for his safety, and at it waS asSembled a multitude of those in office and of high rank in the province. On the second day of the games he put on a robe made entirely of silver, so that it waS a wonderul fabrie, and proceeded to the theatre at the beginning of the day. Then when the silver waS refulgent with the first glint of the rayS of the sun it gleamed marvellously with a peculiar sheen, fearful and terrifying to those who gazed at it. Αt onee the flatterers raised their voiceS from various quarters — but no good did it do him — and addresSed him as a god, saying, Be thou propitious ! even if until now we feared thee as man, yet from henceforth we confess thee as of more than mortal ’ The king Was not diSmayed at these wordS, nor did he reject the impiouS Rattery.

But after a little looking up he saw an angel seated above hiS head.1 ThiS he at once Ρerceived to be the harbinger of evil, as it had formerly been of good ; 1 he had in his hiS heart, and agony rapidly beginning Spread increasingly through hiS stomach. So he looked up to hiS friendS and said, ἴ’ I, Who am your god, am now commanded to give up my life, for fate has immediately reproved the lying wordS just urtered about me. I, whom you called im- mortal, am now being taken off to ffie. Fate muSt be accepted aS Ood haS willed, yet I have lived no mean life, but in the spaciouSneSs which men deem ’ while he was Saying this, he began to be overwhelmed by the intensity of his pain; he waS therefore earried haStily hrtO the Ρalaee, and the report was Spread among all that he would certainly die shortly. But the multitude seated on sackeloth with their wives and ehildren, aeeording to the laW of their fatherS, at once began to beseeeh Ood for the king and the whole Ρlace Was ffiled with wailing and lamentations. The king lying in a room on high, and looking down on them aS they fell prostrate, did not remain without tears himselr. Αfter being racked by pain in the stomach for Bve suceessive dayS he passed from life in the fityfourth year of his age and the Seventh of hiS reign.1 Ηe had reigned four years in the time of CaiuS Caesar. For three years he possessed the tetrarchy of Philip, but in the fourth reeeived alSo that of Ηerod, and he continued for three more yearS in the reign of ClaudiuS ’’ 1 am surprised how in thiS and other points JoSephuS conhrmS the truth of the divine Scriptures. Even if he seem to some to differ as to the name of the king, neVertheless the date and the events Show that he is the same, and either that the name has been ehanged by some clerical error οr that there were tWo names for the same man, as has happened with many.

XI. Since Luke in the Αcts introduceS Gamaliel as saying at the inquiry about the Apostles that at the time indicated Theudas aroSe, saying that he WaS Somebody, and that he was destroyed and all who 1 This would be Α.D. 44, which ifts in well with all the οther data, except the faet that there are eoins of Agrippa referring to his eighth and ninth years; they are usually thought to be spurious, but the point is obscure. obeyed him were scartercd; eome, let us compare the writing of Josephus with regard to him.1 in his vork lately mentioned he give the following narrartive. “ Νov when Fadus was procurator of Judaea a eertain impOtOr named Theudas persuaded a great multitude to take their possessions and follow him to the riVer Jordan, fOr he Said that he was a prophet and ulldertook to divide the river by hiS commands and provide an eay erossing for them. By saying this he deceived many; Fadus, however, did not alloW them to enjoy their delusiOn, but sent a Squadron of cavelry against them whieh attaeked them unexpectedly, killed many and took many alive, captured TheudaS himself, cut off his head, and brought it to Jerusalem.”

After this he mentions mentions as follOWs the famine Whieh took Ρlace in the time of Claudius:

XII. “ Αt the Same time it happened that the great famine tOOk plaee in Judaea, in Whieh Queen Ηelena bought corn from Egypt at great expense and distributed it to those who were in ” You would find that this too agrees ẁ̀ith the writing of the Acts οf the Αpostles, whieh reeords hoW the disciples in Αntioch, each aceording to his several ability, deter- mined to send to the relier of the dwellers in Judaea, which they did, sending it to the eldem by the hand of Barnabas and Ρaul. Splendid monuments of the Ηelena whom the historian has COmmemOrated are Theudas eannot really have been rererred to by Gamaliel, who was speaking many years before the time of Fadus. Μοst modern writers on Αcts think that nevertheless the Helena whom the historian has commemorated are still shown in the suburbs of the present Aelia 1 ; she Vas Said to be queen Of the nation of Αdiabene.

XIII. Seeing that the faith in our sariour and Lord Jesus Christ was already being given to all men, the enemy of men's salvation planned to capture rile capital in advanee, and sent there simon, who was mentioned above, and by aiding the ’s trieky soreery won over to error many Of the inhabitants of Rome. This is told by Jurtin, Who was an ornament of our farth not Ιong after the Apostles, and I will set out the necessary infoimation about him in due eourse. Ιn his first Apology to Antoninus for our opinions he writes as follows: “ Αnd after the ascensiOn of the Lord intO heaven the demOns Ρut forward men Vho said that they were gOds, and they not only escaped perseeution by you but were eVen Vouehsafed honours. There Was a certain simon, a Samaritan, from a Village callcd Gittho, vho in the time of Claudius Caesar worked miracles by magie through the art of the demOns possessing him ;he Was reekoned as a god in Rome, your capital city, and honoured as a god among you by a statue οn the river Tiber between the two bridges, with this inscription in Latin — SIMONI DEO SANCTO, 2” that is to Simon a holy god. “ and almost all Samaritans and a few in other nations a well, recognize him as the chief god and worship him, and 1 The name given to Jerusalem by Hadrian. 2 Ιn 1574 a sLatue was found on the island of St. sebast to which Justin probably referred. Unfortunately for him it bears the inscription SEMONI SANCO DEO, that is to say, TO THE GOD SEMO SANCUS, thus explaining but not confirming Justin's improbable story. Some sancus was an οld sabine deity, not a Samaritan sorcerer. they say that a certain Helena, who travelled about with him at that time but had formerly lived in a house of ill-fame ’’ in Tyre of Phoenicia, “ was the first Idea 1 from him.”

This is what Justin says, and Irenaeus agrees with him in the first book against heresies where he collects the stories about Simon and his unholy and foul teaching. It would be superfluous to relate this in the present work since those who desire it can study in detail the origin and life and the false doctrinal principles of the heresiarchs who followed him and the customs introduced by them all, for they are carefully preserved in the above-mentioned book of Irenaeus. Thus we have received the tradition that Simon was the first author of all heresy. From him, and down to the present time, those who have followed, feigning the Christian philosophy, with its sobriety and universal fame for purity of life, have in no way improved on the idolatrous superstition from which they thought to be set free, for they prostrate themselves before pictures and images of Simon himself and of Helena, who was mentioned with him, and undertake to worship them with incense and sacrifices and libations. Their more secret rites, at which they say that he who first hears them will be astonished, and according to a scripture current among them will be “ thrown into marvel,” truly are full of marvel and frenzy and madness ; for they are of such a kind that they not merely cannot be related in writing, but are so full of baseness and unspeakable conduct that they cannot even be mentioned by the lips of decent men. For whatever foulness might be conceived beyond all that is base, it is surpassed by the utter foulness of the heresy of these men, who make a mocking sport of wretched women, “ weighed ” as is truly said, by every kind of evil.

XIV. of such evil was Simon the father and fabricator, and the Evil Power, which hates that which is good and plots against the salvation of men, raised him up at that time as a great antagonist for the great and inspired Apostles of our Saviour. Nevertheless the grace of God which is from heaven helped its ministers and quickly extinguished the flames of the Evil One by their advent and presence, and through them humbled and cast down “ every high thing that exalteth itself against the knowledge of God.” Wherefore no conspiracy, either of Simon, or of any other of those who arose at that time, succeeded in those Apostolic days ; for the light of the truth and the divine Logos himelf, which had shone from God upon men by growing up on the earth and dwelling among his own Apostles, was overcoming all things in the might of victory. The aforesaid sorcerer, as though the eyes of his mind had been smitten by the marvellous effulgence of God when he had formerly been detected in his crimes in Judaea by the Apostle Peter, at once undertook a great journey across the sea, and went off in flight from east to west, thinking that only in this way could he live as he wished. He came to the city of the Romans, where the power which obsessed him wrought with him greatly, so that in a short time he achieved such success that he was honoured as a god by the erection of a statue by those who were there. But he did not prosper long. Close after him in the same reign of Claudius the Providence of the universe in its great goodness and love towards men guided to Rome, as against a gigantic pest on life, the great and mighty Peter, who for his virtues was the leader of all the Other Apostles. Like a noble captain of God, clad in divine armour, he brought the costly merchandise of the spiritual light from the east to the dwellers in the west, preaching the Gospel of the light itself and the word which saves souls, the proclamation of the Kingdom of Heaven.

XV. Thus when the divine word made its home among them the power of Simon was extinguished and perished immediately. together with the fellow himself.

But a great light of religion shone on the minds of the hearers of Peter, so that they were not satisfied with a single hearing or with the unwritten teaching of the divine proclamation, but with every kind of exhortation besought Mark, whose Gospel is extant, seeing that he was Ρeter’s follower, to leave them a written statement of the teaching given them verbally, nor did they cease until they had persuaded him, and so became the cause of the Scripture called the Gospel according to Mark. And they say that the Apostle, knowing by the revelation of the spirit to him what had been done, was pleased at their zeal, and ratified the scripture for study in the churches. Clement quotes the story in the sixth book of the Hypotyposes, and the bishop of Hierapolis, named Papias, confirms him. Ηe also says that Peter mentions Μark in his first Epistle, and that he composed this in Rome itself, which they say that he himself indicates, referring to the city metaphorically as Babylon, in the words, “ the elect one in Babylon greets you, and Marcus my son.”

XVI. They Say that this Μark was the first to be sent to preach in Egypt the Gospel which he had also put into writing, and was the first to establish churches in Alexandria itself. The number of men and women who were there converted at the first attempt was so great, and their asceticism was so extraordinarily philosophic, that Philo thought it right to describe their conduct and assemblies and meals and all the rest of their manner of life.

XVII. Tradition says that he came to Rome in the time of Claudius to speak to Peter, who was at that time preaching to those there. This would, indeed, be not improbable since the treatise to which we refer, composed by him many years later, obviously contains the rules of the Church which are still observed in our own time. Moreover, from his very accurate description of the life of our ascetics it will be plain that he not only knew but welcomed, reverenced, and recognized the divine mission of the apostolic men of his day, who were, it appears, of Hebrew origin, and thus still preserved most of the ancient customs in a strictly jewish manner. Ιn the first Ρlace he promises not go beyond the truth in any detail or to add anything of his own invention to what he vas going to relate in the treatise whieh he entitled οἰὶ με Contemplative Life or Suppliants. Ηe then says that tbey and the women with them Were called Therapeutae and Therapeutrides, and enters upon the reason for such a name. Ιt was given either beeause, lilke physicians, they relieve from the Ρassiοns οf evil the souls those who come to them and so cure and heal them, or because of their pure and sincere serVice 1 and worship of the Divine. Thus it is not neeessary to discuss at length whether he gave them this description of himself, naturally adapting the name to their manner of life, or vhether the rirst ones really called themselves this from the beginning, since the title of Christian had not yet become well known everywhere. Αt any rate he bears witness especially to their abandonment of property, and states that When they begin to follow philosophy they give up their possessions to their relations, and then, haveing bade farewell to all the cares of life, go oubide the walls to make their dwellings in deserts and oses, 2 for the they are well aware that intercourse with those of another way is unprofitable and harmful, and it was the piacrice at that time, so it seems, of those who were thus initiated to emulate the life of the prophets in zealous and warm faith. For even in the canonical Acts of the Apostles it is related that all the acquaintances of the Apostles 2 Literally “ "gardens." sold their goods and possessions and divided them to all according as anyone had need so that none was in want among them ; and as many as were possessors οf lands or houses, so the story says, sold them and brought the price οf what had been sold and laid it at the feet of the Apostles, so that it might be divided to eaeh according as any had need.

To practices like those which have been related Philo bears witness and continues in the following words : “ The race is found in many places in the world, for it was right that both Greece and barbarism should share in perfect good, but it abounds in Εgypt in each of the so-ealled nomes and especially around Αlexandria. The noblest from every region send a colony to a district well suited for their purpose, as though it were the land of the Therapeutae. This distriet is situated above Lake Mareia 1 on a low hill, very convenient for its safety and the temperateness οf the climate." Ηe then goes on to describe the nature οf their dwellings, and says this about the churches in various districts : “ In eaeh house there is a sacred dwelling whieh is called ‘ a sanctuaq and , ' whieh they celebrate in seclusion the mysteries of the sacred life, and bring nothing into it, either drink or food or any of the other things necessary for bodily needs, but law and inspired oraeles given by the prophets and hymns and other things by which knowledge and religion are increased and perfected." Αnd further on he says : The whole period from dawn 1 More often known as Lake mareotis, a little south of Alexandria. to eve is for them a religious exercise ; they study the sacred scriptures and expound their national philosophy by allegory, for they regard the literal interpretation as symbolic of a concealed reality indicated in what is beneath the surface. They have also some writings of men of old, who were the founders of their seet, who left many memorials οf the meaning allegorically expounded, which they use as models and copy their method of treatment.

This seems to have been said by a man who had listened to their expositions of the sacred scriptures, and it is perhaps probable that the writings of men of old, whieh he says were found among them, were the Gospels, the writings of the Apostles, and some expositinos οf prophets after the manner of the ancients, sueh as are in the Εpistle to the Ηebrews and many οther of the epistles of Ρaul. Ηe then goes on to write thus about their composition οf new psahns : “ So that they not οnly contemplate but make songs and hymns to God in all kinds of metres and melodies, though they perforce arrange them in the more sacred measures."

Ηe discusses many οther points as well in the same book, but it seemed necessary to enumerate those by whieh the charaeteristics of the life of the Church are exhibited; but if anyone doubt that what has been said is peculiar to life according to the gospel, and think that it can be applied to others besides those indicated, let him be persuaded by the following words of Philo in which he will find, if he be fair, indisputable testimony on this point. Ηe writes thus : “ Having laid down for the soul continence as a foundation they build the other virtues on it. None of them would take food οr drink before sunset, for they think that philosophy deserves the daylight and the neceSsities οf the body darkness ; for this reason they allot the day to the one, and a small part οf the night to the others. some of them neglect food for three days for the great love of knowledge dwelling in them, and some so delight and luxuriate in the banquet of doctrine, so richly and ungmdgingly presided over b y wisdom, that they abstain for twice that time, and are accustomed scareely to taste necessary food every six days."

we think that these words of Ρhilo are elear and indisputably refer to our communion. But if after this anyone obstinately deny it let him be converted from his scepticism and be persuaded by clearer indications which cannot be found among any, save only in the worship of Christians according to the Gospel. For Ρhilo says that women belong aho to those under discussion and that most οf them are aged virgins who kept their chastity from no compulsion, like some of the priestesses among the Greeks, but rather from voluntary opinion, from zeal and yearning for wisdom, with which they desired to live, and paid no attention to bdily pleasures, longing not for mortal but for immortal children, which only the soul that loves God is eapable of bearing of itself. Ηe then proceeds to expound this more elearly. “ But the interpretations of the sacred scriptures are given them figuratively in allegories, for the whole law seems to these men to be like a living being ; for a body it has the spoken precepts, but for a soul the invisible mind underlying the words ; and it is thiS which this Seet has begun espeeially to contemplate, so that in the mirror of the words it sees manifested surpassing beauty οf thought."

What need is there to add to this a description of their meetings, and of how the men live separately and the women separately in the same place, and of the customary exercises which are still celebrated among us, particularly those which we are accutomed to celebrate at the feast of the Passion of the Saviour by abstinellce from food and vigils and attention to the word οf God ? The writer referred to has given in his own writing a description οf this, which exactly agrees with the manner which is still observed by us and by us alone ; he relates the vigils for the entire night of the great feast, and the exercises during them, and the hymns which we are aecustomed to recite, and how while one sings regularly with cadenee, the rest listen in silence and join in singing only the refrain of the hymns, and how οn stated days they sleep on the ground οn straw, how they completely refrain from wine, as he expressly states, and from all kinds of Resh, drinking only water and using salt and hyssop to season their bread. In adffition to this he writes of the order of preeedence οf those who have been appointed to the service of the Church, both to the diaconate and to the supremacy of the episcopate at rile head over all. Anyone who has a love of accurate knowledge of these things can learn from the narrative of the author quoted already, and it is plain to everyone that Philo perceived and described the first heralds of teaching according to the Gospel and the customs hand down from the beginning by the Apostles.

XVIII. Philo vas rich in language and broad in thought, sublime and elevated in his views of the divine writings, and had made various and diverse his exposition of the sacred words. Ηe rirst went through the subject of the events in Genesis in connected sequence, in the book which he entitled “ The Allegories of the sacred ’’ Ηe then made detailed arrangement into chapters of the difficulties in the Scriptures and gave their statement and solution in the books to which he gave the suitable title οf “ The Problems and Solutions in Genesis and in Exodus." There are, besides this, some specially elaborated treatises of his on certain problems, such as the two books “ On Agriculture," and as many “ Οn Drunkenness," and others with various appropriate titles, such as “ The Things which the Sober Μind desires and exercrates," “ On the confusion of Tongues," “ Οn flight and Discovery," “ Οn Assembly for Instruction," and “ On the Question who is Heir of the Divine Things," or “ On the Distinction between Οdd and Even," and further “ Οn the three Virtues which Moses describes with ’’ in additon to this, “ On those whose names have been changed and why they where," in which he says that he has also composed Books I. and II. “ Οn the Covenants." There is also a book of his “ Οn Migration and the wise life of the Man initiated into Righteousness, or Unwritten Laws," and also “ Οn Giants or the Immutability of God," and Books Ι., II., III., ΙV., V., “ Οn the Divine Origin of Dreams according to Μoses.’’ These are the books which have come down to us dealing with Genesis. Οn Exodus we know books I., ΙΙ., III., ΙV., V. of his “ Ρroblems and Solutions," the book “ On the Tabernacle," and that “ Οn the Ten Commandments," and Books I., II., ΙΙΙ., ΙV., “ Οn the Laws specially referrring to; the principal divisions of the Ten Commandments," and the book “ Οn Animals for Sacrifice and the Varieties of Sacrifice," and “ Οn the Rewards fixed in the Law for the Good and the Penalties and Curses for the ’’ Ιn addition to all this there are also some single volumes of his, such as the book “ Οn Providence," and the treatise composed by him “ Οn the ’’ and “ The ’’ moreover “ Αlexander, or that irrational animals have reason." Ιn addition to this the “ That every wicked man is a slave," to which is appended the “ That every good man is free." Αfter these he composed the book “ Οn the Contemplative Life, or Suppliants," from which we have quoted the passages dealing with the life of the men of the Apostolic age, and the interpretations οf the Hebrew names in the Law and the Prophets are said to be his work. Ηe came to Rome in the time of Caius, and in the reign of Claudius is said to have read before the whole Senate of the Romans his description of the impiety of Caiu which he entitled, with fitting irony, “ Concerning Virtues," and his words were so much admired as to be granted pa lace in libraries.

XIX. Νow while Claudius was still administering the Εmpire there was a riot and confusion in Jerusalem at the feast οf the Ρassover so great that, merely among those who were violently crowded together at the ways leading οut οf the temple, thirty thousand Jews perished by tramplinlg οn each other, and the feast was turned into mourning for the whole nation and into lamentation in each house. This too Josephus relates in So many words. Claudius appointed Agrippa, the child οf Αgrippa, as king of the Jews, and sent out as Ρrocurator of the whole district or samaria and Galilee, together with that called Peraea. Ηe had administered the government for thirteen years and eight months when he died and left Νero his successor in the sovereignty.

XX. In the time of Νerο, while Felix was Ρrocurator of Judaea, Josephus again relateS the quarrel of the priests with one another in the following words in a passage in the twentieth book οf the Antiquities : “ Νow a quarrel arose between the Ηigh Ρriests and the priests and leaders of the people of Jerusalem. Εach of them made for himself a band of the boldest revolutionaries, of which he was the leader, and when they met they used to abuse each other and throw stones. There was not a single one to rebuke this, but it was done with licence as though in a city without government. sueh shamelessness and audacity seized the Ηigh Priests that they ventured to Send salves to the threshing-floors to take the tithes owed to the prierts, and it was a common occurrence to see destitute priests perishing of want. Thus the violence of the factions conquered all justice."

The same writer again relates that at the same time a certain kind of bandits arose in Jerusalem, who, as he says, murdered daily those whom they met, even in the midst of the city. In particular at the feasts they used to mingle with the crowd and concealing short daggers in their clothes used to Stab distinguished people with them ; then, when they had fallen, the murderers themselves shared in the indignation. In this way they evaded discovery through the conhdence generally plaeed in them. Jonathan the Ηigh Priest was the first to be slain by them, but after him many were murdered daily, and fear was worse than the disasters, for as if in war every man was hourly expecting death.

XXI. Ηe continues his narrative after οther details as follows: : “ The Εgyprian false prophet affiicted the Jews with a worse scourge than this, for this man appeared in the country as a sorcerer and secured for himself the faith due to a prophet. Ηe assembled about thirty thousand who had been deceived and led them round from the wilderness to the mount called Olivet, where he was in a position to force an entry into Jerusalem and overpower the Roman garison and the people by a despotic use of the soldiers who had joined him. But Felix, anticipating his attaek, met him with the Roman forces, and all the people agreed in rile defenee, so that when battle was joined the Egyptian fled with a few men and the greater part of those with him were destroyed or captured."

Josepohus relates this in the second book of the Wars, but it is worth nothing what is said about the Egyptian there and in the Acts or the Apostles, where, in the time of Felix, the centurion at Jerusalem said to Ρaul, when the mob of the Jews was rioting against him, “ Αrt thou not that Egyptian who before these days made an uprorar and led out in the wilderness four thousand men of the Sicarii 1 ? ’’ Such was the course of events under Felix.

XXII. Festus was sent as his successor by Νero, and Ρaul was tried before him and taken as a prisoner to Rome ; Αristarchus was with him, and he naturally called him his fellow-prisoner in a passage in tlle Epistles. Luke also, who committed the Acts of the Apostles to writing, finished his narrative at this point by the statement that Ρaul spent two whole years in Rome in freedom, and preached the word of God without hindrance. Trdition has it that after derending himelf the Apostle was again sent 1 The Sicrarii were the special group of revolutionaries in Jerusalem who practised the assination of their opponents by means οf a short dagger οr sica which could be conveniently concealed in the sleeve, bee p. 163. οn the ministry of preaching, and coming a second time to the same city suffered martyrdom under Νerο. During this imprisonment he wrote the second Εpistle to Timothy, indicating at the same time that his first defence had taken place and that his martyrdom was at hand. Νοtice his testimony on this point : “ Αt my first defence," he says, “ no man was with me, but all deserted me (may it not be laid to their charge), but the Lord stood by me and strengthened me that the preaching might be fuh filled by me and all the Gentiles might hear, and I was delivered from the lion's mouth." Ηe clearly proves by this that on the first occasion, in order that the praching which took place through him might be fulmled, he was delivered from the lion's mouth, apparently referring to Νero thus for his feroeity. Ηe does not go on to add any such words as “ he will deliver me from the lion's mouth," for he saw in the spirit that his death was all but at hand, wherefore after the words “ And 1 was delivered from the lion's mouth," he goes on to say, “ The Lord will deliver me from all evil and save me for his heavenly kingdom," indicating his impending martrydom. Αnd this he foretells even more clearly in the same writing, saying, “ For ἴ’ am already offered up and the time of my release is at hand." Νοw in the second Epistle of those to Timothy, he states that only Luke was with him as he wrote, and at his Rrst defence not even he ; wherefore Luke probably wrote the Αcts of the Apostles at that time, carrying down his narratiVe until the time when he was with Ρaul. We have said this to show that Paul's martyrdom was not accomplished during the sojourn in Rome which Luke describes. Ρrobably at the beginning Νero’s disposition was genrier and it was easier for Ρaul’s defence on behalf of his views to be received, but as he advanced towards reckless crime the Apostles were attacked along with the rest.

XIII. When Ρaul appealed to eaesar and was sent over to Rome by Festus the Jews were disappointed of the hope in which they had laid their plot against him and turned against James, the brother of the Lord, to whom the throne of the bishopric in Jerisalem had been allotted by the Apostles. The crim which they committed was as follows. They brought him into the midst and demanded a denial of the faith in Christ before all the people, but When he, contrary to the expectation of all of them, with a loud voice and with more courage than they had expected, confessed before all the people that our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ is the son of God. they could no longer endure his testimony, since he was by all men believed to be most righteous beeause of the height which he had reached in a life of philosophy and religion, and killed him, using anarchy as an opportunity for power since at that moment Festus had died in Judaea, leaving the district without government or procurator. The manner of James's death has been Shown by the words of Clement already quoted, narrating that he was thrown from the battlement and beaten to death with a club, but Hegesippus, who belongs to the generation after the Apostles, gives the most aceurate aeeount of him Speaking as follows in his fifth book : “ The charge of the Church passed to James the brother of the Lord, together with the Αpostles. Ηe was called the ‘ Just ’ by all men from the Lord's time to ours, since many are called James, but he was holy from his mother's womb. Ηe drank no wine or strong drink, nor did he eat flesh ; no razor went upon his head ; he did not anoint himself with oil, and he did not go to the baths. Ηe alone was allowed to enter into the sanctuary for he did not wear wool but linen, and he used to enter alone into the temple and be found kneeling and praying for forgiveness for the people, so that his knees grew hard like a camel's because of his constant worship of God, kneeling and asking forgiveness for the people. so from his excessive righteousness he was ealled the Just and Oblias, that is in Greek, ‘ Rampart of the people and righteousness,’ as the prophets deelare concerning him. Thus Some of the seven sectS among the people, who were desribed before by me (in the Commentaries), inquired of him what was the gate of Jesus,’ and he said that he was the saviour. Owing to this some believed that Jesus was the Chrirt. The sects mentioned above did not believe either in resurrection or in one who shall come to reward each according to his deeds, but as many as believed did so because of James. Νow, since many even of the rulers believved, there was a saying that the whole people was in danger of looking for Jesus a the christ. So they assembled and said since they are straying after Jesus as though he were the Messiah. We beseech you to persuade concerning Jesus all who come for the day of the Passover, over, all obey you. For we and the whole people testify to you that you are righteous and do not respect persons. cso do you persuade the crowd not to err concerning Jesus, for the whole people and we all obey you. Therefore stand on the battlement of and that your words may be audible to all the people, for because of the Passover all the tribe, with the Gentiles also, have come ’ so the scribes and Pharisees mentioned before made James stand on the battlement of the temple, and they cried out to him and said, Oh, jsut one, to whom we all owe obeffience, since the people are straying after Jesus who was crucified, tell us what is the gate of Jesus ? 7. 1 ’ Αnd he answered with a loud voice, ‘ Why do you ask me concerning the son of Man ? Ηe iS sitting in heaven on the right hand of the great power, and he will come on the clouds of haven.’ Αnd many were convinced and confessed 2 at the testimony of 2 Literally “ glorified." Cf. Jo. ix. 24. James and said, ‘ Hosanna to the son of Then again the same seribes and Ρharisees said to one another, ‘ We did wrong to provide Jesus with such testimony, but let us go up and throw him down that they may be afraid and not believe him. Αnd they cried out saying, ‘ Oh, oh, even the just one ’ Αnd they fulfilled the Scripture written in Isaiah, 1 ‘ Let us take the just man for he is unprofitable to us. Yet they shall eat the fruit of their works.' So they went up and threw down the Just, and they said to one another, ‘ Let us stone James the ’ and they began to stone him since the fall had not killed him, but he turned and knelt saying, ‘I beseech thee, Ο ·Lord, God and Father, forgive them, for they know not what they ’ Αnd while they were thus stoning him one of the priests of the sons of Reehab, the son of Rechabim,2 to whom Jeremiah the prophet bore witness, cried out saying, ‘ Stop ! what are you doing ? The Just is praying for ’ Αnd a certain man among them, one of the laundrymen, took the club with which he used to beat out the clothes, and hit the Jurt on the head, and so he suffered martyrdom. Αnd they buried him on the spot by the temple, and his gravestone stone still remains by the temple. He beeame a true witness both to Jews and to Greeks that Jesus is the Chrisband at once Vespasian began to beriege them."

XXIV. In the eighth year of the reign οf Νero Αnnianus was the nrst after Mark the Evangelist to receive charge of the ffiocese 2 of Alexandria.

XXV. When the rule of Νero was now gathering strenght for unholy objects he began to take up arms against the worship of the Good οf the universe. Ιt is not part of the present work to describe his depravity : many indeed have related his story in accurate nauative, and from them he who wishes can study 1 or, possibly, to King Αgrippa. 2 Literally, οlοny or province. 1 Cf. George Syncellus 641, 7-642, 9. the perversity of his degenerate madness, which made him compass the unreasonable destruction of so many thousands, until he reached that Bnal guilt οf sparing neither his nearest nor dearest, so that in various ways he did to death alike his mother, brothers, and wife, with thousands of others attached to his family, as though they were enemies and foes. nut with all this there was still lacking to him thi μ’ that it should be attributed to him that he was the nrst οf the emperors to be pointed out as a foe of divine religion. This again the Latin writer Tertullian mentions in one place as follows : “ Look at your records : there you will Rnd that Νero was the nrst to persecute this belief when, haring overcome the whole Εast, he was speeially cruel in Rome against all. 1 We boast that sueh a man was the author of our chastisement ; for he who knows him can understand that nothing would have been condemned by Kero had it not been great and good."

In this way then was he the Rrst to be heralded as above all a fighter against God, and raised up to slaughter against the Apostles. It is related that in his time Ρaul was beheaded in Rome itselr, and that Ρeter likewise was crucified, and the title οf “ Ρeter and Ρaul,’’ which is still given to the cemeteries there, confirms the story, no less than does a writer οf the Church named caius, who lived when Zefyrinus was bishop οf Rome. Caius in a written discussion with Ρroclus, the leader οf the Montanists,1 speaks as follows οf the places where the sacred rellics of the Apostles in question are depoSited : “ But I can point οut the trophies of the Αpostles, for if you will go to the Vatican or to the Ostian Way you will find the trophies οf those who founded thiS ’’ Αnd that they both were martyred at the same time Dionysius, bishop οf Corinth, affirms in this passage of his correspondenee wtih the Romans : “ By so great an admonition you bound together the foundations of the Romans and Corinthians by Ρeter and Ρaul, for both of them taught together in our corinth and were our founders, and together also taught in Italy in the Same place and were mart yred at the same ’’ Αnd this may serve to conRrm still further the facts narrated.

XXVI. Josephus in the courSe of hiS extremely detailed description of the cataStrophe which overcame the whole Jewish raee, in addition to many other things explains exactly how many thousand Jews οf high rank in Jerusalem itself were outraged, Seourged, and crucified by FloruS, and that he was procurator of Judaea when it happened that the beginning of the war blamd up in the twelfth year of the reign of Νero. Ηe next says that throughout syria terrible disturbances followed the revolt οf the Jews. Εverywhere the Gentiles mercilessly attaeked 1Literally, theopinionamong the Phrygians." Μọntanus was οf Ρhrygian origin. Ηis story ls told by Euseblus ln Hist. Eccl. v. 14–18. Ρrοclus was one of his successors. 2 According to; the tradition that Ρeter was crucified on the Vatican (the exact spot is variously indicated), and Ρaul beheaded on the Via Ostia at Tre Fontane. the Jews in the ciues as though they were foes, so that the cities could be seen full οf unburied bodies, thrown out dead, old men and children, and women without covering for their nakedness ; the whole province was full of indescribable misery and the strain of the threats for the future was worse than the crimes of the Ρresent. This Josephus narrates, and such was the cond1tion οf the Jews.

BOOK III

I. Such was the condition of things among the Jews, but the holy Apostles and disciples of our Saviour were seattered throughout the whole world. Thomas, as tradition relates, obtained by lot Parthia, Andrew Scythia, John Asia (and he stayed there and died in Ephesus), but Ρeter Seems to have preached to the Jews of the Dispersion in Pontus and Galatia and Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia, and at the end he came to Rome and was crueffied head downwards, for so he had demanded to suffer. What need be said of Ρaul, who fulffiled the gospel of Christ from Jerusalem to Illyria and afterward was martyred in Rome under Νerο ? This is stated exactly by Οrigen in the third volume of his commentary on Genesis.

II. Αfter the martyrdom of Paul and Ρeter, Linus was the first appointed to the bishopric of the church of Rome. Ρaul mentions him when writing from Rome to Timothy in the salutation at the end of the Εpistle.

III. Οf Ρeter, one epistle, that which is called his first, is admitted, and the aneient presbyters used this in their οwn writings as unquestioned, but the so-called second Epistle we have not received as canonical, but nevertheless it has appeared useful to many, and has been studied with other seriptures. On the other hand, of the Αcts bearing his name, and the Gospel named according to him and Preaching called his and the so-called Revelation, we have no knowledge at all in Catholic tradition, for no orthodox1 writer of the andent time or of our own has used their testimonies. Αs the narrative proceeds 1 will take pains to infficate suecessively wMhlch of the orthodox writers in eaeh period used any of the doubtful books, and what they said about the canonical and accepted scriptures and what about those which are not such. Νow the above are the books bearing the name of Ρeter, of which I recognize only οne as genuine and admitted by the presbyters of old. Αnd the fourteen letters of Ρaul are obvious and plain, yet it is not right to ignore that some dispute the Epistle to the Hebrews, saying that it was rejected by the church of Rome as not being by Ρaul, and I will expound at the proper time what was sriald about it by our predecessors. Νor have I received his so-called Acts among undisputed books. But since the same Apostle in the salutations at the end οf Romans has mentioned among others Hermas, whose, they say, is the Book of the shepherd, it should be known that this also is rejected by some, and for their sake should not be placed among 1 Gk. “ecclesiastic,” that is, belonging to or recognized by the church, as opposed to heretics, Jews, οr heathen. aceepted books, but by others it has been judged most valuable, especially to thoSe Who need elementary instruction. For this reason we know that it has been used in public in churehes, and I have found it quoted by some of the most ancient writers. Let this suffiee for the establishment of the divine wrintings which are undisputed, and of those which are not received bv all.

IV. Νοw it would be clear from Paul's own words and from the narrative of Luke in the Acts that Ρaul, in his preaching to the Gentiles, laid the foundations of the churches from Jerusalem round about unto Illyricum. Αnd from the Epistle which we have spoken of as indisputably Peter's, in which he writes to those of the Hebrews in the Dispersion of Pontus and Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia, it would be clear from his own words in how many provinces he delivered the word οf the Νew Testament by preaching the Gospel of Christ to those of the eireumcision. But it is not easy to say how many οf these and which of them were genuinely zealous and proved their ability to be the pastors of the churches founded by the Apostles, except by making a list of those mentioned by raul. For there were many thousands of his fellow-workers and, as he called them himself, fellow - soldiers, of whom the most were granted by him memorial past forgetting, for he recounts his testimony to them unceasingly in his own letters, and, moreover, Luke also in the Acts gives a list of those known to him and mentions them by name. Thus Timothy is related to have been the first appointed bishop of the diocese of Ephesus, as was Titus of the ehurehes in Crete. Luke, who was by raee an Antiochian and a physician by profession, was long a companion of Ρaul, and had careful conversation with the other Apostles, and in two books left us examples of the medicine for souls which he had gained from them—the Gospel, which he testifies that he had planned according to the tradition reeeived by him by those who were from the beginning eyewitnesses and ministers of the word, all of whom he says,1 moreover, he had followed from the beginning, and the Acts of the Apostles which he composed no longer on the evidence of hearing but of his own eyes. Αnd they say that Paul was actually accustomed to quote from Luke's Gospel since when writing of some Gospel as his own he used to say, “ According to my ” Of the other followers of Ρaul there is evidence that Crescens was sent by him to Gaul, and Linus, who is mentioned in the seeond Epistle to Timothy as present with him in Rome has already been deelared to have been the first after Ρeter to be appointed to the bishopric of the Chureh in Rome. Of Clement too, who was himself made the third bishop of the chureh of Rome, it is testified by Paul that he worked and strove in company with him. In addition to these Dionysius, one of the ancients, the pastor Of the diocese of the Corinthians, relates that the first bishop of the Chureh at Athens was that member of the Areopagus, the Οther Dionysius, whose original eonversion after Ρaul’s speech to the Athenians in the Areopagus Luke deseribed in the Acts. Now 1 The translation obscures the difficulty οf the Greek. Is it the tradition or the eyewitnesses which Luke (in the opinion of Eusebius) claims to have followed? The Greek is quite ambiguous. as we go on our way the chronological details of the succession of the Apostles will be related, but at present let us go on to the next stage of the narrative.

V. Αfter Νero had held the sovereignty for thirteen years 1 the affairs of Galba and Otho 2 occupied a year and six months, and then Vespasian, who had distinguished himself in the operations against the Jews, was proclaimed Imperator by the army there and appointed Emperor in Judaea itself. Ηe at once set off for Rome and entrusted the war against the Jews to his son Titus. Now after the ascension of our Saviour in addition to their crime against him the Jews at onee contrived numberless plots against his disciples. Stephen was first stoned to death by them and next after him James, the son of Zebedee and brother of John, was beheaded.3 In addition to all, James, who was the first after the ascension οf our Saviour to be appointed to the throne of the bishopric in Jerusalem, paried away in the manner deseribed above and the other Apostles were driven from the land of Judaea by thousands of deadly Ρlots. They went on their way to all the heathen teaching their mesage in the power of Christ for he had said to them, “ Go and make disciples of all the heathen in my ” 4 On the other hand, the 3 Cf. Acts vi. 8 ff. and xii. 2. 4 This is the form in which Eusebius usually quotes Matt. xxviii. 19, omitting the reference to baptism. It cannot be accidental, but there are no MSS. of the N.T. with this text. Some think that the Eusebian text is an earlier form, some that Eusebius wished to keep secret the formula of baptism. people οf the church in Jerusalem were commanded by an oracle given by revelation before the war to those in the city who were worthy of it to depart and dwell in one οf the cities of Perea which they called Ρella. To it those who believed on Christ migrated from Jerusalem, that when holy men had altogether deserted the royal eapital of the Jews and the Whole land of Judaea, the judgement of God might at last overtake them for all their crimes against the Christ and his Apostles, and all that generation οf the wicked be utterly blotted out from among men. Those who wish can retrace accurately from the history written by Josephus how many evils at that time overwhelmed the whole nation in every place and especially how the inhabitants οf Judaea were driven to the last point of suffering, how many thousands οf youths, women, and children perished by the sword, by famine, and by countless other forms of death ; they ean read how many and what famous Jewish cities were besieged, and Rnally how terrors and worse than terrors were seen by those who fled to Jerusalem as if to a mighty capital; they can study the nature οf the whole war, all the details οf what happened in it, and how at the end the abomination of deSolation spoken of by the prophets was set up in the very temple of God, for all its ancient fame, and it perished utteriy and passed away in flames. But it is neceSSary to point οut how the same writer estimates at three millions the number οf those who in the days of the Feart of the Passover thronged Jerusalem from all Judaea and, to use his own words, were shut up as if in prison. Ιt vas indeed right that on the same day on which they had perpetrated the passion of the Saviour and benefactor of all men and the Chrit of God they sholrid be, as it were shut up in prison and reeeiVe the destruetiOn which pursued them from the sentence of God.

Omitting then the details of their misfortunes from the sword and otherwise, Ι think it necessary to adduce only their sufferings from famine in order that those who study this work may have some partial knowledge of how the punishment of God follOWed close after them for their crime against the Christ of God.

VI. Come then, take up again the fifth book of the history of Josephus and go through the tragedy of what was then done. “For the ’’he says, “ to remain was equal to destruction, since for the sake of their property they were murdered on the charge of intended desertion. But the madneb of the rebels grew with the famine, and the terror of both blazed more fiercely day by day. No corn was visible anywhere, but they burst into houses and searched them. Then, if they found any, they tormented the inmates for their denying; if not they tortured then for having hidden it too earefully. The bodies of the miserable creatures were evidence whether they had it or not. Those who were still in health seemed to be provided with food, while those who were already wasted away were passed by, and it seemed unreasonable to kill those who would soon die of need. Μany secretly exchanged their property for a single measure or wheat, if they were richer, of barley, if they were poorer. Then, shutting themselves up in the inmost recesses of their houSes, some, in the extremity of their want, would eat the grain unprepared, others would cook it as necessity and fear dietated. No table was set anyWhere, but snatching it from the fire they tore in pieces the still uncooked food. Their living was pitiable, and their appearance worthy of tears ; the strong plundered and the weak wailed. Famine truly surpasses all sufferings, but it destroys nothing so much as shame 1 ; for what is at other times worthy of respect is despised in famine ; women took the food from the very mouths of their husbands, children from their fathers, and, most piteous of all, mothers from their children, and while their deareSt were wasting away before them there WaS no scruple in taking away the last drop of life. Yet they did not escape detection When they thus ate, but everywhere the rioters arose to rob them even of this; for whenever they Saw a house Shut up it was a sign that those within had obtained food and at onee they tore down the doors, ruShed in, and seized the morSelS, almost squeering them out of their throats. Old men were beaten for withholding food, and Women were dragged by the hair for concealing it in their hands. There Was no pity for grey-headed age or for little children, but they picked up babies clinging to crusts and dashed them on the floor. 1 The Greek means rather more than this: it is almost a “ sense of decency.” To those who had anticipated their entry, and had gulped down their expected prey, they were the more cruel, as though they had been injured by them. For the ffiscovery of food they sought for terrible methods of torture, sewing up their victims and inmpaling them on sharp stakes. Men suffered things terrible even to hear to secure the confession of a single loaf, and to disclose a single pint of hidden barley. But the torturers suKered no hunger (and indeed their cruelty would have been less had it been from neeessity) but there was method in their madness and they prorided sustenanee for themselves for days to come. When some crept out by night as far as the Roman lines to gather wild herbs and grass, they intercepted them when they thought that they had at last escaped the enemy, plundered them of what they were carrying, and for all their many entreaties and invocations of the awful name οf God to give them some share οf what they had brought at their οwn risk, they gave them nothing whatever, and he Who Was robbed was lueky not to be murdered too.” Αfter some οther details he continues: “Νow When all hope of safety was cut off from the Jews by the closing of the exits from the city and famine deepening from house to house and family to family was eating up the people, the rooms were filled with dead women and children and the alley—ways the corpses of old men. Boys and young men, wandering 1 like ghosts through the market—place, were seimd by death and lay each where the blow had stricken him. The sick had no strength to bury sufferers from famine, not of ghosb (and the text seems corrupt). Or it may be “ swllen yet ghost—like ghost—like ’’ their families and the strong heritated for the number of the dead and their own doubtful fate. Many indeed fell in death on those whom they were burying and many went to their graves before the necessity arose. There was no lamentation or wailing at losses, but famine overcame emotion and those who were dying in misery looked with dry eyes on those Who had found rest before them. Deep silence and night pregnant with death encompassed the city. Worse than these were the robbers. Breaking into houses like body-snatchers they robbed the dead, tearing the garments from their bodies, and went out with laughter. They tried the edge of their Swords on the corpses, and to prove the steel ran through some of the fallen who were still alive, but those who begged for the kindliness of a mortal blow they left in contempt to the famine. These all died with eyes fixed on the temple and lert the rebels to life. Αt first orders were giVen to bury the dead at the public expense because of the unbearable stench ; then afterwards when this was impracticable they Were thrown from the walls into the trenches. When Titus, going round the trenches, saw then full of the dead and the thick gore oozing from the rotting bodies, he groaned, and raising his hand called God to witness that this was not his doing.”

Αfter a little more he goes on : “Ι cannot refrain from stating what emotion bids me. Ι think that had the Roman delayed their attack on the scoundrels the city would haVe been engulfed by the earth opening or overwhelmed by a flood or shared the thunderbolts of Sodom, for it had brought forth a generation far more ungodly than those who thus suffered. It was by their madness that the whole people perished.”

In the sixth book he writes thus : “Οf those who perished in the city from the famine the number which fell was countless and their sufferings indescribable. For in each house if there appeared the very shadow οf food there was fighting, and the dearest friends wrestled together for it, snatching the miserable sustenance of life. Νor were even the dying believed to be destitute, but while they were still breathing the robbers searched them, lest any should feign death while having food on his person. others, gaping from lack of food, stumbled and hurried along like mad dogs, beating at the doors like drunken men, and rushing two or three times in a single hour into the same houses from sheer incompetence. Necessity brought all things to men's teeth and they endured eating a collection of scraps unnt for the ffithieSt of brute beasts. Αt the last they abstained not even from belts and shoes and gnawed the hides stripped off their shieldS. Some fed on wisps of old straw, others collected Stubble and sold a tiny portion for four Attic drachmae.1

“But what need is there to Speak of the shamelessness οf the famine towards inanimate things? I purpose to relate a consequenee of it such as has been narrated neither by the Greeks nor by the barbarians, horrible to tell, ineredible to hear. I myself would have gladly omitted the tragedy to avoid 1 About half a crown or sixty cents. appearing to posterity to fabricate legend had I not had coulrtless vitneses to it in my own generation. Certainly I should render cold comfort to my country Were I to compromise the account of her sufferings. There was a woman among those who lived beyond Jordan named Mary whose father was Eliezer of the village Bathezor (which means “ House of ”). She was famous for her family and Wealth, and having fled with the rest of the population to Jerusalem was eaught in the Siege. The tyrants seized all her other possessions which she had brought from Peraea and carried into the city, and the guards rushed in daily and seized the iemnants of her property and any food which they perceived. Fierce indignation seized the woman and by her frequent abuseS and curses she tried to irritate the robbers against herSelf. But when no one killed her either in anger or pity and she wearied of finding food for others, and indeed it was now impossible to do so anywhere, famine entered into her heart and marrow, and rage burnt more fiercely than famine. Anger and neceSsity were her councillors: she turned against nature and seized her child, a boy whom She was suckling. ‘Miserable infant,’ she said, ‘amid war, famine, and rebellion for what 1 am I keeping you ? Slavery among the Romans faces us if they give us our liveS ; famine is overtaking slavery; the rebelS are worse than both. Come, be food for me, an avenging fury to the rebels, and the one story still lacking to the sufferings of the Jews to be told to the world.’ With these words she her son, and then cooked him, ate half, and covered 1 Οr possibly “ for whom.” 1 κἄν in most MSS. and in Josephus, but it seems impossible. up and kept the rest. Αt that moment the rebels came and smelling the horrible savour, threatened to kill her at onee if they were not given what she had made ready. she told them that rile had kept a good helping for them and uncovered the remains of the child. Αs for them, horror and amazement seized them at once, and they stood transfixed at the sight, but She said, ‘ This was my own child and the deed is mine. Eat, for I myself have eaten. Do not be more squeamish than a woman, or compassionate than a mother. But if you have scruples, and turn away from my sacrifice, What I have eaten was your share, let the rest remain for me.’ Αt they went out trembling, for only thiS made them coWards, and they scarcely yielded eVen thiS food to the mother ; but the Whole eity waS at once ffiled with the horror, and each, holding the tragedy before hiS eyes, shuddered as if it had been his own crime. And the sufferers from the famine sought for death and pronounced those blessed whom it had reached before they heard or saw such awful evils.”

VII. Such was the reward of the iniquity of the Jews and of their impiety against the ChriSt of God, but it is worth appending to it the infallible foreeast of our saviour in which he prophetically expounded these very — “ woe unto them that are with child and give suek in those days, but pray that your ffight be not in the winter nor on a sabbath day, for there Shall then be great affliction such as was not from the beginning of the world until now, nor shall be.” Αnd the historian, estimating the whole of those who were destroyed, says that 1.100.000 perished by famine and tlle sword, and that the rest of the rebels and bandits were pointed out by one another after the capture of the city and killed. The tallest of the youths, and those distinguished for physical beauty, were kept for a triumph, and of the remaining population those above seventeen years old Were sent as prisoners to hard labour in Egypt, but more were distributed throughout the provinces to be destroyed in the theatres by the sword and by wild beasts. Those below seventeen years old were sold into slavery and these alone were 90.000.

These things happened in this Way in the second year of the reign of Vespasian in accordance with the prophetic utterances of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who foreseeing them by divine power as though already present, shed tears at them and mourned according to the writing of the saered evangelist, who appends his actual words. For once he said to Jerusalem herself, “ If thou hadst known, even thou, in this day the thing which belong to thy peaee : but now they are hid from thine eyes, for the days will come upon thee When thine enemy Shall cart a trench around thee and compass thee round and keep thee in on every side, and shall lay thee and thy children even with the ground.” at another time, as if concerning the ”For there shall be great distress On the earth and wrath upon this people, and they shall fall by the edge of the sword, and be sold into slavery to all the Gentiles, and Jerusalem shall be trodden down by the Gentiles until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled.” And again, “ Αnd when ye Jemsalem surrounded by armies then know that her desolation is at ” If anyone compare the words of our Saviour with the other narratives of the historian concerning the whole war, how can he avoid surprise and a confession οf the truly divine and supematurally wonderful character both of the foreknowledge knowledge and of the foretelling οf our Saviour?

There is no necessity to add to the narratives of what happened to the whole nation after the passion of the Saviour and those words in which the multitude of the Jews begged off from death the robber and murderer and besought that the author of Life should be taken from them ; but it would be right to add a possible connnnation οf the kindliness οf beneficent Providence. For forty whole years it suspended their dertruction, after their crime against the Christ, and during all of them many ofthe apostles and disciples, and James himself, who is called the Lord's brother, the first bishop of the city, still survived in this world. By their dwelling in Jerusalem, they afforded, as it were, a strong proteetion to the place; for the govemment of God had still patience, if haply they might at last by repenting of their deeds, be able to obtain pardon and salvation; and in addition to such great long—suffering it wonderful tokens from God οf what would happen to them if they did not repent. These things have been thought worthy of mention by the historian already quoted, and there is nothing better than to append them for the readers of this work.

VIII. Take, then, and read what is related in the sixth book of the Jervish War. “ Now at that time impostors and lying prophets perverted the miserable people, but they gaVe neither attention nor credence to the clear marvels which foretold approaching desolation, but as though they had been thunderstruck and had neither eyes nor soul, they neglected the declarations of God. Αt One time a star stood over the city like a sword, and a comet which lasted for a year. Αt another tlme, before the insurrection, and the disturbance which led to the war, when the people were assembled for the Feast of Unleavened Bread, on the eighth of April, at the ninth hour of the night, a light shone on the alter and on the temple so brightly that it seemed to be full day, and this lasted for half an hour. TO the inexperienced this seemed a good sign, but was at once interpreted by the seribes before the events which actually followed. Αnd at thc same feast a cow, which had been led by the —priest for the sacrifice, gave birth to a lamb in the middle of the tempIe, And the eastern gate of the inner building, which was of bronze and very massive and was closed at evening time with difficulty by twenty men, and rested on beams bound with iron and had bars sunk deep, was seen at night at the sixth hour to have opened of itself. Αnd after the feast, not many days later, on the twenty—first of May, a demonic phantom of increffible size, and what will be related would have seemed a fairy-tale had it not been told by those who saw it, and been attended by suffering worthy of the portent. For before sunset there appeared in the air over the whole country chariots and armed troops coursing through the clouds and surrounding the cities. Αnd at the feast called Pentecost the priests passed into the temple at night, as was their custom, for their services, and said that they first perceived movement and noise and after that a sudden cry, ‘ We go hence’ But what was terrible a man of the people named Jesus, the son οf Ananias, a countryman, four years before the war, when the city was in complete peaee and prosperity, came to the feast when it was the custom for all to make booths for God, and began suddenly to cry οut opposite the temple, ‘ Α voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the temple, a voice against bridegrooms and brides, a voice against all the people.’ With this cry night and day he through all the narrow streets. But some οf the notables οf the people were annoyed at the ill omen, seized the man and abused him with many stripes. But he uttered no word in his own behalf, nor in private to those present, but went οn with the same cry as before. But the rulers thought that the man's action was inspired by some demon, as it indeed was, and brought him to the Roman govemor 1 ; there, though he was flayed to the bone with scourges, he uttered no plea and shed no tear, but taising his 1 That is, Albinus who was procurator from 61 to 64. voice with all his power, answered to every blow, ‘Woe, woe to Jerusalem.’”

IX. In addition to all this, it is right not to ignore 1 Two late manuscripts make the following additions from Josephus. “ Αnd when Albinus, for he was governor, asked him who he was and whence he came and why he said these things, he made no answer but did not cease reising his lamentation against the city until Albinus considered him mad and let him go. Until the time οf the war he neither approached any of the citizens nor was he seen talking, but daily, as though reciting a prayer, he wailed ‘Woe, woe to ’ He never cursed those who struck him daily, nor did he bless those who gave him food, but all received the same melancholy wail as an answer. He howled with especial vigour on feast days, and this he kept up for seven year and five months, nor did his voice fail or grow weary until at the siege he rested, seeing his lamentations fulfilled. For he went round on the wall with the piercing cry, ‘Woe, woe to the people, to the city, and to the temple,’ and as last he ‘ Woe, woe to me also,´ a stone flew from a catapult and hit him; he died at once, and gave up his soul still uttering those lamentations.” the date and Origin οf the Josephus who collected so mueh material in the work just dealt with. Ηe himself gives this information and says, “ was a son of Mathhisas, a priest of Jerusalem, and at the beginning he fought againrt the Romans and was forced to take part in the later events.” was the most famous Jew of that time, not only among his fellow countrymen but also among the Romans, so that he was honoured by the erection of a statue in the city of Rome, and the inclusion of the work composed by him in its library Ηe compiled the whole ancient history of the Jews in twenty volumes, 1 and the history of the Roman War 2 in his own time in seven; he testifies that he committed this not only to Greek but also to his native language, and he is for other reasons worthy of credenee. Two other books of his, worthy of notice, are extant, entitled Οn the ancientness of the Jervs, 3 in which he controverts Apion the Scribe, who had composed a treatise against the Jews, and other who had tried to calumniate the ancertral customs of the Jewish nation. Ιn the first of these he gives the number of the canonical scriptures of the –called Old Testament, and showed as follows which are undisputed among the Hebrews as belonging to ancicnt tradition.

X. “ We have no myriads of discordant and contradictory books, but only two and twenty, containing the narrative of all time, which have been justly believed to be divine. Οf thee five are those of 1 Usually qouted as “ Antiquities,” from the Latin rendering of ἀρχαιολογία by antiquitates. 2 Usually known as the “Wars” Οr the “ Jewish and often quoted as B.I. (bellum iudaicum). 3 Usually known as Contra Apionem. Moses and contain the Law and the tradition of human history until his deatll. This period covers almost three thousand years. From the death of Moses to Artaxerxes who succeeded Xerxes, king of the Persians, the prophets after Moses wrote the aecount of the events contemporary with them in thirteen books. 1 The remaining four books contain hymns to God and precepts for the life of men. From the time of Artaxerxes to our own the details have been written, 2 but are not considered worthy οf equal credence with the rest because there has not been an aceurate succession of prophetS. Αnd facts show plainly how we approach our own literature, for though so long a time has elapsed no one has dared to make additions, omissions, or changes, but it is innate in Jews from their very birth to regard them as the decreeS of God, to abide in them and, if it need be, to die for them ” This quotation from the author may be usefully appended.

Another work which is not without merit was produced by him on The Supremacy of Reason, which some entitled Maccabees 3 because it contains the conflicts of those Hebrews mentioned in the so-called books of the Maccabees, who strove valiantly for the worship of God. Αt the end of the twentieth book οf the Antiquities the same writer announces that he had planned to compose four books on the aneestral belief of the Jews concerning God and his nature and 1 Josephus does not state which these are. Probably he means Joshua, Judges and Ruth, 1 and 2 Sam., 1 and Κings, 1 and 2 Chron., Ezra and Νeh., Esther, Isaiah, Jer. and Lam., Ezek., Dan., the minor prophets, Job. The “ remaining four books” would be Pss., Ρrov., Feel., the Song of Songs. 2 Ηe means 1 Maccabees and perhaps 2 Maccabees. 3 4 Maccabees. concerning the Laws, why they allow some aetions and forbid others. Ηe also mentions in his οwn treatises that he had produced other works. Moreover, it is right to mention the words which he appends to the end οf the Antiquities to confirm our quotation οf the passages taken from him. Accusing of false statements Justus of Tiberias, who had undertaken to write a similar account of the same period, and bringing many οther charges against him, he continues as follows : “ I had no such fear as you with regard to my own writing, but I gave the books to the Emperors themselves while the events were still almost before their eyes. For I was conscious of having kept the tradition of the truth and I did not fail in my expectation of obtaining their testimony to that effect. I also gave the narrative to many others, of whom some had actually taken part in the war, such as King Agrippa and some of his relations. For the Emperor Titus Was pleased that from these book alone should information be given the public as to the events, and, writing with his own hand, he ordered the books to be published, and King Agrippa wrote sixty-two letters testifying that they were handing on the ” of these letters he appends two, but let this suffice οn the subject of Josephus and let us proceed.

XI. Αfter the martyrdom of James and the capture of Jemsalem which immeffidlately followed, the story goes that those οf the Apostles and of the disciples οf the Lord who were still alive came together from every place with those who were, humanly speaking, οf the family οf the Lord, for many of them were then still alive, and they all took counsel together as to whom they οught to adjudge worthy to succeed James, and all unanimously decided that Simeon the son οf Clopas, whom the scripture οf the Gospel also mentions, was worthy of the throne of the diocese there. He was, so it is said, a cousin οf the Saviour, for Hegesippus relates that Clopas was the brother of Joseph,

(XII.) and in addition that Vespasian, after the capture of Jerusalem, ordered a seareh to be made for all who were of the family of David, that there might be left among the Jews no one of the royal family and, for this reason, a very great persecution was again infficted οn the Jews.

XIII. when Vespasian had reigned for ten years, his son Titus succeeded him as emperor, 1 and in the second year of his reign, Linus, bishop οf the church οf the Romans, after holding his office for twelve years, handed it οn to Anencletus. Αfter Titus had reigned for two years and as many months Domitian, his brother, suceeeded him. 2

XIV. Νow in the fourth year of Domitian, Annianus, the hrst of the see of Alexandria, died after completing twenty-two years, and Abilius succeeded him as the second.

XV. Αnd in the twelfth year of the same reign, Clement sueeeeded Anencletus after he had been bishop of the church of the Romans for twelve years. The apostle states that he had been his –worker in his epistle to the Philippians saying, “ With Clement and 1 June 24, A.D. 79. 2 Dec 13. Α.D. 81. my other fellow-workers whose names are in book οf Life.”

XVI. There is one recognized epistle of Clement, Ιong and wonderful, Which he drew up for the church of the Corinthians in the name of the church of the Romans when there had been dissension in Corinth. We have ascertained that this letter was pubhely read in the common assembly in many churches both in the days of old and in our own time ; and that the affairs οf Corinth were disturbed by dissension in his day is adequately testffied to by Hegesippus.

XVII. When Domitian had given many proofs of his great cruelty and had put to death without any reasonable trial no small number of men distinguished at Rome by family and career, and had punished without a cause myriads of other notable men by banishment and confiscation of their property, he finally showed himself the successor of Nero's campaign of hostility to God. Ηe was the second to promote persecution against uS, though his father, Vespasian, had planned no evil against us.

XVIII. Αt this time, the story goes, the Apostle and Evangelist John was still alive, and was condemned to live in the island of Patmos for his witness to the divine word. Αt any rate Irenaeus, Writing about the number of the name ascribed to the anti-Christ the so-called Apocalypse of John, states this about John in so many words in the fifth book against Heresies. “But if it had been neceSSary to announce his name plainly at the present time, it would have been spoken by him who saw the apocablypse. For it was not seen long ago but almost in our own time, at the end of the reign of Domitian.”

The teaching of our faith shone so brilliantly in the days described that even writers foreign to our belief did not hesitate to commit to their narratives the persecutions and the martyrdoms in it, and they even indicated the time accurately, relating that in the fifeenth year 1 of Domitian, Flavia Domitilla, who was the niece of Flavius Clemens, one of the consuls at Rome at that time, was banished with many others to the island of Pontia as testimony to Christ.

ΧΙΧ. The samc Domitian gave orders for the execution of those of the family of David and an ancient story goes that some hererics accused the grandsons of Judas (who is said to have been the brother, according to the flesh, of the Saviour) saying that they were of the family of David and related to the Christ himself. Hegesippus this exactly as follows.

XX. “ Now there still survived of the family of the Lord grandsons of Judas, who was said to have been his brother according to the flesh, and they were delated as being of the family of David. These tlle officer 2 brought to Domitian Caesar, for, like Herod, he was afraid of the coming of the Christ. Ηe asked them if they were of the house of David and they admitted it. Then he asked them how much property they had, or how 2 The Greek represents the Latin evocatus, apparently the name of an official, but even Rufinus did not fully understand it and made οut of it a proper name Revocatus quidam. much money they controlled. and they said that all they possessed was nine thousand denarii them, the half belonging to each, and they stated that they did not possess this in money but that it was the valuation of only thirty-nine plethra of ground on which they paid taxes and lived on it by their own ” They then showed him their hands, adducing as testimony of their labour the hardness of their bodies, and the tough skin which had been embossed on their hands from their incessant work. They were asked concerning the Christ and his kingdom, its nature, origin, and time of appearance, and explained that it was neither of the world nor earthly, but heavenly and angelic, and it would be at the end of the world, when he would come in glory to judge the living and the dead and to reward every man according to his deeds. At this Domitian did not condemn them at all, but despised them as simple folk, released them, and decreed an end to the persecution against the church. But when they were released they were the leaders of the churches, both for their testimony and for their relation to the Lord, and remained alive in the peace which ensued until Trajan. Hegesippus tells this ; moreover, Tertullian also has made similar mention of Domitian. “ Domitian also once tried to do the same as he, for he was a Nero in cruelty, but, Ι helieve, inasmuch as he had some sense, he stopped at once and recalled those whom he had banished.”

XXI. After Νerva had reigned a little more than a year he was suceeeded by Trajan,2 in whose first year Abilius, after leading the diocese οf Alexandria for thirteen years, was sueceeded by Cerdo ; he was the third in charge οf that see after the first, Annianus. Αt this time Clement was still governing the Romans and he, also, occupied the third Ρlace in the list οf bishops in Rome after Ρaul and Ρeter ; Linus was the first and after him Anencletus.

XXII. Moreover, at the time mentioned, Ignatius was famous as the second bishop at Antioch where Evodius had been the first. Likewise at this time, Simeon was second after the brother οf our Saviour to hold the ministry of the church in Jerusalem.

XXIII. Αt this time that very disciple whom Jesus loved, John, at οnce Apostle and Evangelist, still remained alive in Asia and administered the churches there, for after the death of Domitian, he had returned from his banishment οn the island. Αnd that he remained alive until this time may fully be confirmed by two witnesses, and these ought to be trustworthy for they represent the orthodoxy of the 1 Sept. 18, A.D. 96. 2 Jan. 27, A.D. 98. church, no less persons than Irenaeus and Clement οf Alexandria. The former of these writes in οne Ρlace in the second οf his books Against the Hereises, as follows : “ Αnd all the presbyters who had been associated in Asia with John, the disciple of the Lord, bear witness to his tradition, for he remained with them until the timesk of ” Αnd in the third book οf the same work he makes the same statement as follows : “ Νοw the church at Εphesus was founded by Ρaul, but Johu stayed there until the times οf Trajan, and it is a true witness of the tradition οf the Apostles.”

Clement indicates the same time, and in the treatise to which he gave the title Who is the rich man that is saved, adds a narrative most acceptable to those who enjoy hearing what is fine and edifying. Take and read here what he wrote. “ Listen to a story which is not a story but a true tradition οf John the Apostle Ρreserved in memory. For after the death of the tyrant he passed from the island of Ρatmos to Εphesus, and used also to go, when he was asked, to the neighbouring districts of the heathen,1 in some places to appoint bishops, in others to reconcile whole churches, and in others to ordain some οne of those pointed out by the spirit. Ηe came to one οf the cities which were near by (and some tell cven its name),2 and gave rest in general to the brethren ; then, while looking before them all at the bishop who had been appointed, he saw a young man οf strong body, beautiful appearance, and wann heart. ῾I commend this ᾿ he siad, 1 ᾿ἐθνῶν possibly means “ country-people ’’ as opposed to “town-folk.” 2 According to the Chronicon Paschale it was Smyrna. to you with all diligence in the face of the church, and with Christ as my witness.’ received him, and promised everything, and the same conversations and protestations were used. John then returned to Ephesus and the presbyter1 took to his house the young man entrusted to him, brought him up, looked after him, and finally baptized him. Αfter this he relaxed his great care and watchfulness, because he had set upon him the seal of the Lord as the perfect safeguard. But some idle and dissolute youths, familiar with evil, corrupted him in his presature freedom. First they led him on by expensive feasts, then they started out at night for robbery and took him with them, then they urged him to greater crimes. Ηe gradually became accustomed to this, and like an unbroken and powerful horse starting from the straight way and tearing at the bit, rushed all the more to the precipice becaue οf his natural vigour. Finally he renounced salvation from God; and now he planned nothing small, but, having perpetrated some great crime, since he was ruised once for all, accepted the same lot as the others. Ηe collected them and formed a band of brigands and was himself a born chief, excelling in violence, in murder, and in cruelty. Time went on and some necessity arose to summon John. When he had arranged the rest of his mission John said, ‘Come now, bishop, pay me back the deposit which Christ and I left with you, with the church, over which you preride, as witness.’ The bishop was at first amazed, thinking that he was being blackmailed for money which he had not received. Ηe could neither show his faitjfi;mess in 1 Immediately above he is called a bishop. what he had never had, nor could he fail John. But when John said, ‘I ask back the young man and the soul οf the brother,’ the οld man deeply and shedding tears, said, ‘ He has died.’ ‘ Ηow and with what death ? ’ ‘ Ηe has died to God,’ he said, ‘ for he turned out wicked abandoned and finally a brigand, and now instead of the church he has taken to the mountains with an armed band of men like himself.’ Then the rent his gannents and beat his head with great lamentation. ‘Well,’ he said, ‘it was a fine guardian whom I left for the soul of our brother. But let me have a horse and some one to show me the way. ’ So he rode, just as he was, straight from the church. when he came to the place he was was by the sentinel of the brigands and neither fled nor made excuses, but ealled out, ‘This is why I am come ; take me to your leader.’ The leader waited for him, armed as he was, but when he recognized John οn his approach, he turned and fled in shame. But John pursued with all his might, forgetting his age and calling οut, ‘Why do you run away from me, child, your own father, unarmed and old ? Ρity me, child, do not fear me ! You have still hope οf life. I will aecount to Christ for you. Ιf it must be, I will willingly suffer your death, as the Lord suffered for us ; for your life, I will give my own. Stay, believe; Christ sent ’ when he heard this he nrst stood looking down, then he tore off his weapons, then he began to tremble and to weep bitterly. Ηe embraced the old man when he came up, pleading for himself with lamentations as best he could, baptized a second time in his tears, but his right hand he kept back. But John assured him by pledges and protestations that he had found forgiveness for him with the Saviour, led him back, prayed and kneeled and kissed that right hand as though cleansed by his repentance. Ηe brought him to the church, he prayed with many supplications, he joined with him in the struggle of continouns fasting, he worked on his mind by varied addresses and did not leave him, so they say, until he had restored him to the church, and thus gave a great example of true repentance and a great testimony of regeneration, the trophy of a visible ” These remarks of Clement may be quoted both for the Sake of the narrative and the edification of those who shall read them.

XXIV. But come, let us indicate the undoubted writings οf this Apostle. 1 Let the Gospel according to him be first recognized, for it is read in all the churches under heaven. Moreover, that it was reasonable for the aneients to reckon it in the fourth place after the other three may be explained thus. Those inspired and venerable ancients, I mean Christ's Apostles, had completely purified their life and adorned their souls with every virtue, yet were but simple men in speech. Though they were indeed bold in the divine and wonder-working power given them by the saviour, they had neither the knowledge or the desire to represent the teachings of the Master in persuasive or artiStic language, but they used only the proof of the spirit of God which worked with them, and the wonder-working power of Christ which was consummated through them. Thus they announced the knowledge οf the Kingdom of Ηeaven 1 John. to all the world and cared but little for attention to their style. Αnd this they did inasmuch as they were serving a greater, superhuman ministry. Thus Ρaul, the most powerful of all in the preparation of argument and the Strongest thinker, committed to writing no more than short epistles, though he had ten thousand ineffable thngs to say, seeing that he had touched the vision of the third heaven, had been caught up to the divine paradise itself, and was there granted the hearing ineffable words. Νor were the other pupils of our Saviour without experience of the same things, —the twelve Apostles and the seventy disciples and ten thousand others in addition to them. Yet nevertheless of all those who had been with the Lord only Matthewand John have left theirrecollections, and tradition says that they took to writing perforce. Matthew had first preached to Hebrews, and when he was on the point of going to others he transmitted in writing in his native language the Gospel according to himself, and thus supplied by writhing the Ιack of his own presence to those from whom he was sent, and Mark and Luke had already published the Gospels according to them, but John, it is said, used all the time a message which was not written down, and at last took to writing for the following cause. The three gospels which had been written down before were distributed to all including himself ; it is said that he welcomed them and testified to their truth but said that there was only lacking to the narrative the account of what waS done by Christ at first and at the beginning of the preaehing. The story is surely true. It is at least possible to see that the three evanglists related only what the Saviour did during one year after John the Baptist had been put in prison and that they stated this at the beginning or their nauative. Αt any rate, after the forty ’ fast, and the temptation which followed Matthew fixes the time described in his own writing by saying that “ hearing that John had been betrayed, he retreated ’’ from Judaea “ into ” Similarly Mark says, “ and after John was betrayed Jesus came into ” Αnd Luke, too, makes a similar observation before beginning the acts οf Jcsus saying that Ηerod added to the evil deeds which he had done by “ shutting up John in ” ney say accordingly that for this reason the apostle John was asked to relate in his own gospel the period Ρassed over in silence by the former evangelists and the things done during it by the Saviour (that is to say, the events before the imprisonment of the Baptist), and that he indicated this at one time by saying, “ this beginning οf miracles did ” at another by mentioning the Baptists in the the of the acts of Jesus as at that time still baptizing at Aenon near salem, and that he makes this plain by saying, “ for John was not yet cast into prison. ” Thus John in the course of his gospel relates what Christ did before the Baptist had been thrown into prison, but the other three evangelists narrate the events after the imprisonment of the Baptist. If this be understood the gospels no longer appear to disagree, becauswe that according to John contains the first of the acts οf Christ and the others the narrative of what he did at the end of the poriod, and it will seem probable that John passed over the genealogy οf our Saviour according to the flesh, because it had been already written out by Matthew and Luke, and began with the description of his divinity since this had been reserved for him by the Divine Spirit as for one greater than they.

The above must suffice us concerning the writing of the Gospel according to John, and the cause for that according to Μark has been explained above. Luke himself at the beginning of his treatise prefixed an account οf the cause for which he had made his compilation, explaining that while many others had somewhat rashly attempted to make a narrative of the things οf which he had himself full knowledge, 1 he felt obliged to release us from the doubtful propositions of the others and related in his own gospel the accurate account of the things οf which he had shimself firmly learnt the truth from his profitable intercourse and life with Ρaul and his conversation with the other apostles. This must suffice us for the present, but at the proper time we will endeavour to explain by citation from the ancients what has been said on the point by others.

Of the writings of John in addition to the gospel the first of his epistles has been accepted without controversy by ancients and moderns alike but the οther two are disputed, and as to the Revelation there have been many advocates of either opinion up to the present. This, too, shall be similarly illustrated by quotations from the ancients at the proper time.

XXV. Αt this point it seems reasonable to summarize the writings of the Νew Testament which have been quoted. Ιn the first place should be put the holy tetrad of the Gospels. To them follows the writing οf the Αcts of the Apostles. Αfter this should be reckoned the Epsitles of Ρaul. Following them the Epistle of John called the first, and in the same way should be recognized the Epistle of Ρeter. In addition to these should be put, if it Seem desirable, the Revelation of John, the arguments concerning which we will expound at the proper time. These belong to the Recognized Books. Of the Disputed Books which are nevertheless known to most are the Epistle called of James, that of Jude, the second Epistle of Ρeter, and the so-called second and third Εpistles of John which may be the work οf the evangelist or of some other with the same name. Among the books which are not genuine must be reckoned the Acts of Ρaul, the work entitled the Shepherd, the Apocalypse or Ρeter, and in addition to them the letter called of Barnabas and the so-called Teachings of the Apostles. Αnd in addition, as I said, the Revelation of John, if this view prevaial. For, as I said, some reject it, but others count it among the Recognized Books. Some have also counted the Gospel according to the Hebrews in which those of the Hebrews who have aceepted Christ take a special pleasure. These would all belong to the disputed books, but we have nevertheleSs been obliged to make a list of them, distinguishing between those writings which, according to the tradition of the Church, are true, genuine, and recognized, and those which differ from them in that they are not canonical but disputed, yet neverthelss are known to most of the writers οf the Chureh, in order that we might know them and the writings which put forward by heretics under the name of the apostles containing gospels such as those οf Ρeter, and Thomas, and Matthias, and some others besides, or Acts such as those of Andrew and John and the other apostles. To none of these has any who belonged to the succession of the orthodox ever thought it right to refer in his writings. Moreover the type of phraseology differs from apostolic style, and the opinion and tendeney of their contents is widely dissonant from true orthodoxy and clearly shows that they are the forgeries οf heretics. They ought, therefore, to be reckoned not even among spurious books but shunned as altogether wicked and impious.

XXVI. Let us now continue the narrative. Menander succeeded Simon Magus and showed himself as a weapon of the devil's power not inferior to his predecessor. He, too, was a Samaritan, progressed to the highest point οf sorcery not less than his master, and abounded in greater wonders. Ηe said of himself that he was the saviour who had been sent from above for the salvation of men from invisible aeons 1 and taught that no one, not even οf the angels who made the world, could survive unless they were first rescued through the magic art which was transmitted by him and through the bapiam 1 The Greek word liyrtslly means “age,’’ but in ecclesiastical astical Greek is sometimes used, as here, οf the supernatural beings who form part οf Gnostic theology. which he delivered, for those who were vouchsafed it would obtain a share of eternal immortality in this life itself, no longer mortal but remaining here, destined to everlasting and ageless immortality. This point can also be easily studied from the writings of Irenaeus. Justin, too, in the same way after mentioning Simon continues his account of him by saying, “ We also know that a certian Menander, who abo was a samaritan from the village of Caparat taea, became a disciple of Simon and being similarly srimulated by the demons appeared in Antioch and deceived many by magical arts. He persuaded those who followed him that they would not die, and there are still some of his followers who believe this.”

It was assuredly at the instigation of the devil that the name οf Christian was adopted by such sorcerers to calumniate by magic the great mystery of religion and through them to destroy the teaching of the Chureh on the immortality οf the soul and the resurrection of the dead. Those who termed these Saviours fell from the true hope.

XXVII. But others the wiched demon, when he could not aliienate them from God's plan in Christ, made his own, when he found them by a different snare. The first Christians gave these the suitablename of Ebionites because they had poor and mean opinions concerning Christ. They held him to be a plain and ordinary man who had achieved righteousness merely by the progress of his characcter and had been born naturally from Mary and her busband. They insisted on the complete observation of the Law, and did not think that they would be saved by faith in Christ alone and by a life in accordance with it. But there were others besides these who have the same name. These escaped the absurd folly of the first mentioned, and did not deny that the Lord was born of a Virgin and the Ηoly Spirit, but nevertheless agreed with them in not confessing his pre-existence as God, being the Logos and Wisdom. Thus they shared in the impiety of the former class, especially in that they were equally zealous to insist on the literal observance of the Law. They thought that the letters ofthe Apostle 1 ought to be wholly rejecgted and called him an apostate from the Law. They used only the Gospel called according to the Hebrews and made little account of the rest. Like the former they used to observe the sabbath and the rest of the Jewish ceremonial, but on Sundays celebrated rites like ours in commemoration of the Saviour's resurrection. wherefore from these practices they have obtained their name, for the name οf Ebionites indicates the poverty of their intelligence, for this name meanS “ poor ’’ in Hebrew.2

XXVIII. We have received the tradrtion that at the time under discussion Cerinthus founded another heresy. Gaius, whose words 1 have quoted before, in the inquiry attributed to him writes as follows about Cerinthus. “ Moreover, Cerinthus, who through revelations attributed to the writing of a great apostle, lyingly introduees portents to us as though shown him by angels, and says that after the resurrection the kingdom of Christ will be on earth and that 1 That is, Ρaul. 2 The does does mean “ poor ’’ in Ηebrew ; but it is not known why it was applied to the Jewish Chrisrians. One guess is as good as another. humanity living in Jerusalem will again be the slave of lust and pleasure. Ηe is the enemy οf the scriptures of God and in his desire to deceive says that the marriage feast 1 will last a thousand. years. ” Dionysius, too, who held the bishopric of the diocese of Alexandria in οur time, in the second book of his Promises makes some remarks about the Apocalypse οf John as though from ancient οn and refers to the same Cerintus in these words, “ Cerintus too, who founded the Cerinthian heresy named after him, wished to attaeh a name worthy of credit to his οwn invention, for the doctrine of his teaching was this, that the kingdom οf Christ would be οn earth, and being fond of his body and very camal he dreamt of a future according to his own desires, given up the the indulgence of the flesh, that is, eating and drinking and marrying, and to those things which seem a euphemism for these things, feasts and sacrifices and the slaughter of victums.”

Dionysius said this and Irenaeus in his first book Agianst Heresies quoted some οf his more abominable errors, and in the third book has committed to writing a narrative, which deserves not to be forgotten, stating how aecorffing to the traffidltion of Polycarp, the apostle John once went into a bath-house to wash, but when he knew that Cerinthus was within leapt out of the place and Red from the door, for he did not endure to be even under the same roof with him, and enjoined οn those who were with him to do the same, saying, “ Let us flee, lest the bath-house 1 This is the obvious sense of the Greek which is, however, clearly corrupt. It would appear that Gaius thought that Cerinthus was the writer of the Apocalypse. fall in, for Cerinthus, the enemy of the truth, is within.”

XXIX. Αt this time, too, there existed for a short time the heresy of the Nicolaïtans of which the of John also makes mention. These elaimed Nicolas, one of the deacons in the company of Stephen who were appointed by the Apostles for the serviee of the poor. Clement or Αlexandria in the third book of the Stromata gives the following account of him. “ Ηe had, they say, a beautiful wife ; but after the ascension of the saviour he was accused of jealousy by the apostles, and brought her forward and commanded her to be mated to anyone who wished. They say that this aetion was in consequenee of the injunction ‘ it is necessary to abuse the ’ and that by following up what had been done and said with simplicity and without perversion those who follow his heresy lead a life of unrestrained license. But Ι have learned that Nicolas had nothing to do with any other woman beside her whom he married, and that of his children the daughters reaehed old age as virgins, and that the son remained uncorrupted. Since this is the case it is clear that the exposure of the wife of whom he was jealous in the midst of the disciples was the abandonment of passion, and that teaching the abuse of the flesh was continence from the pleasures which he had sought. For I think that according to the command οf the Saviour he did not whish to serve two masters — pleasure and the Lord. They also say that this was the teaching of Matthias, to slight the flesh and abuse it, yielding nothing to it for pleasure, but to make the soul grow through faith and knowledge.” Let this suffice concerning the attempts made during this period to triumph against the truth which were, nevertheless, extinguished for ever more quickly than it takes to tell.

XXX. Clement, whose words we cited recently in the context οf the previous quotation, enumerates, on aeeount of those who reject marriage, those of the Apostles who were married, saying, “ Or will they disapprove even of the Apostles ? For Ρeter and Philip begat children, and Philip even gave his daughters to husbands, while Ρaul himself does not hesitate in one of his letters to address 1 his wife whom he did not take about with him in order to facilitate his ” Since we have made these quotations there is no harm in adducing another memorable narrative of Clement whleh he wrote down in the seventh book of the Stromata, and narrates as follows: “ They say that the blessed Ρeter when he saw his own wife led out to death rejoiced at her ealrmg and at her return home, and called out to her in true warning and comfort, addressing her by her name, ‘ Remember the ’ Such was the marriage of the blessed and the perfeet disposition of those dearest to ” Let this, cognate to the present subject, suffice for the moment.

XXXI. The time and manner of the death of Ρaul and οf Ρeter, and the plaee where their corpses were laid after their departure from this life, have been already described by us. The date of the death οf 1 Philipp. iv. 3 γνήσιε σύζυγε, ‘true yoke-fellow’ or ‘wife.’ John has also been already 1 mentioned, and the place of his body is shown by a letter of Polycrates (he was bishop of the diocese of Ephesus) which he wrote to Vietor, bishop of Rome. In this he mentions both John, Philip the apostle, 2 and Philip's daughters as follows: “ For great luminaries sleep in Asia, and they will rise again at the last day of the advent of the Lord, when he shall come with glory from heaven and call back all the saints, such as was Philip, one of the twelve apostles, who sleeps at Hierapolis with his two daughters who grew old as virgins and his third daughter 3 who lived in the ΗοΙy Spirit and rests in Ephesus. Αnd there is also John, who leaned on the Lord's breast, who was a priest wearing the mitre,4 and martyr and and he sleeps at ” So far concerning their deaths. Αnd in the dialogue of Gaius, which we mentioned a little earlier, Proclus, with whom he was disputing, speaks thus about the death of Philip and his daughters and agrees with what has been stated. “ Αfter him the four daughters of Philip who were prophetesses were at Hierapolis in Αsia. Their grave is there and so is their ” so he says. Αnd Luke in the Acts of the Apostles mentions the daughters of Philip who were then living with their father at Caesarea in Judaea and were vouchsafed the gift of prophecy. Ηe says as 2 Possibly Polycrates has confused Philip the Apostle and Philip the Deacon and Eusebius did not notice it. 3 This must be the meaning unless the text be corrupt. The Greek word tranriated “ third ’’ ought to mean “ the second of two.” 4 The word πέταλον is used in the LXX. οf the “ plate ’’ οr “diadem ’’ of the Ηigh Priest (cf. Exod. xxviii.), but what it means here has never been discovered. follows: “ We came to Caesarea and entered into the house οf Philip the Evangelist, one of the seven, and remained with him. Αnd he had four daughters who were prophetesses.”

We have now described the facts which have come to our knowledge concerning the Apostles and their times, the sacred writings which they have left us, those books which are disputed yet nevertheless are used openly by many in most churches, and those which are altogether fictitious and foreign to our historic orthodoxy. Let us now continue the narrative.

XXXII. Αfter Νero and Domitian tradition says that under the Emperor whose times we are now describing persecution was raised against us sporadically, in some cities, from pupular risings. We have learnt that in it Symeon, the son οf Clopas, whom we showed to have been the second hishop of the church at Jerusalem, ended his life in martyrdom. The witness for this is that same Hegesippus, of whom we have already quoted several passages. Αfter speaking of certain hereties he goes on to explain how Symeon was at this time accused by them and for many days was tortured in various manners for being a Christain, to the great astonishment of the judge and those with him, until he suffered an end like that of the Lord. But there is nothing better than to listen to the historian who tells these facts as follows. “ some οf these (that is to say the heretics) accused simon the son of Clopas of being deseended from David and a Christian and thus he suffered martyrdom, being a hundred and twenty years old, when Trajan was emperor and Atticus was ” The Same Writer says that his aecusers also soffered arrest for being of the royal house of the Jews when search was made at that time for those of that family. Αnd οne would reasonably say that Symeon was one of the eyewitnesses and actual hearers of the Lord on the evidence of the length of his life and the referenee in the Gospels to Μary the wife of Clopas whose son the narrative has already shown him to be.

The same writer says that other grandsons of one of the so-called brethren of the saviour named Judas survived to the same reign after they had given in the time of Domitian the testimony already recorded of them in behalf of the faith in Christ. Ηe writes thus: “ They came therefore and presided over every chureh as witnesses belonging to the Lord's family, and when there was complete peace in every cherch they survived until the reign of the Emperor Trajan, until the time when the son of the Lord's uncle, 2 the aforesaid Simon the son of Clopas, was similarly accused by the sects on the same charge before Atticus the Consular. Ηe was tortured for many days and gave hiS witness, so that all, even the consular, were extremely surprised how, at the age of one hundred and twenty, he endured, and he was eommanded to be ” Besides this the Same writer, explaining the events 2 Ηe was the brother of Joseph ; see iii. 11. 1. of these times, adds that until then the church remained a pure and uncorrupted virgin, for those who attempted to corrupt the healthful rule of the Saviour's preaching, if they existed at all, lurked in obscure darlness. But when the sacred band of the Apostles and the generation of those to whom it had been vouchsafed to hear with their own ears the divine wisdom had reached the several ends of their lives, then the federation of godless error took its beginning through the deceit of false teachers who, seeing that none of the Apostles still remained, barefacedly tried against the preaching of the truth the counter-proclamation οf “ knowledge falsely so-called.”

XXXIII. The persecution which at that time was extended against us in many places was so great that Plinius secundus, one of the most distinguished governors, was disturbed at the number of the martyrs, and reported to the Emperor the number of those being put to death for the faith, and in the same document mentioned that he understood them to do nothing wicked or illegal except that they rose at dawn to sing to Christ as though a God, and that they themselves forbade adultery, murder and similar terrible crimes, and that they did eVerything in obedienee to the law. In answer to this Trajan issued a decree to the effect that the tribe of Christians should not be sought for but punished when it was met with. By this means the imminent threat of persecution was extinguished to some extent, but none the less opportunities remained to those who wished to harm us. sometimes the populace, sometimes even the loeal authorities contrived plots against us, so that with no pen persecution partial attacks broke out in various provinces and many of the faithful endured martyrdom in various ways. The narrative has been taken from the Latin apology of Tertullian mentioned above of which the translation is as follows: “ Υet we found that this attempt against us was also prevented, for the governor of the province, Pliny secundus, after eondemning certain Christians and depriving them of their rank, was troubled at their number and, not knowing what to do in the future, eommunieated with the Emperor Trajan. saying that beyond their unwillingness to offer sacrifice to idols, he had found nothing wicked in them. Ηe also mentioned this that the Christians arose at dawn and sang a hymn to Christ as a God, and in order to preserve their teaching 1 forbade murder, adultery, covetousness, robbery, and suchlike. To this Trajan sent a rescript that the tribe of Christians should not be sought out but punished if met ” such were the events at that time.

XXXIV. In the third year of the afore-mentioned emperor, Clement handed over the ministry of the bishops of Rome to Evarestos and departed this life, having been in charge of the teaching of the diving word for nine years.

XXXV. Μoreover, when Symeon suffered martyrdom in the manner already deseribed a certian Jew named Justus, who was one of the many thousands of the circumcision who by that time had belived on 1 The Greek word means knowledge which is meaningless and clearly a mistaken translation of the Latin. Tertullian wrote disciplinam. Christ, succeeded to the throne of the bishopric of Jerusalem.

XXXVI. Αt this time there flourished in Asia Polycarp, the companion of the Apostles, who had been appointed to the bishopric of the church in Smyrna by The eyewitnesses and ministers of the Lord. Distinguished men at the same time were Papias, who was himself bishop of the diocese of Hierapolis, and Ignatius, still a name of note to most men, the second after Ρeter to succeed to the bishopric of Antioch. The story goes that he was sent from Syria to Rome to be eaten by beasts in testimony to Christ. Ηe was taken through Asia under most careful guard, and strengthened by his speech and exhortation the diocese of eaeh city in which he stayed. Ηe particularly warned them to be on their guard against the heresies which then for the first time were beginning to obtain, and exhorted them to hold fast to the tradition of the Apostles, to which he thought necessary, for safety's sake, to give the form of written testimony. Thus while he was in Smyrna where Polycarp was, he wrote one letter to the church at Ephesus, mentioning their pastor Onesimus, and another to the church at Mangnessia on the Meander (and here, too, he mentioned the bishop Damas), and another to the church in Tralles, of which he relates that Polybius was then the ruler. In addition to these he also wrote to the churcb at Rome, and to it he extended the request that they should not deprive him of the hope for which he longed by begging him off from his martyrdom. It is worth while appending a short extract from this in support οf what has been said. Ηe writes as follows: “ From Syria to Rome I am fighting with wild beasts, by land and sea, by night and day, bound to ten ‘ leopards ’ (that is, a company οf soldiers), and they become worse for kind treatment. Νow I become the more a disciple for their ill deeds, ‘ but not by this am I justified. ’ I long for the beasts that are prepared for me ; and I pray that they may be found prompt for me ; I will even entice them to devour me promptly ; not as has happened to some whom they have not touched from fear ; even if they be unwilling of themselves, I will force them to it. Grant me this favour. I know what is expcdient for me ; now I am beginning to be a disciple. May I envy nothing of things seen οr unseen that 1 may attain to Jesus christ. Let there come οn me fire, and cross, and struggles with wild beasts, cutting, and tearing asunder, rackings of bones, mangling of limbs, crushing οf my whole nody, cruel tortures οf the devil, may I but attain to Jesus Christ.”

This he put into words from the city mentioned to the churehes named. When he had already passed beyond Smyrna he also again conversed in writing from Troas with those in Philadelphia and with the church of the Smyrnaeans, and especially with Polycarp who was then the head of this church. Ηe knew well that Polycarp was an apostolic man and like a true and good shepherd commends the flock at Antioch to him, asking him to be zealous in his care for it. Ηe also wrote to the Smyranaeans quoting words from I know not what source and discoursing thus about Christ: “ For I know and believe that he was in the flesh even after the Resurrection. Αnd when he came to those with Ρeter he said to them: ‘ Take, handle me and see that Ι am not a phantom without a body. ’ Αnd they immediately touched him and believed.”

Ιrenaeus also knew of his martyrdom and quotes his letters saying thus : “ Αs one of the Christians said when he was condemned to the beaSts as testimony for God, ‘ Ι am the wheat of God and Ι am ground by the teeth of beasts that I may be found pure bread.’”

Ρolycarp, too, mentions these same things in the letter to the Philippians bearing his name and says: “ Νow I beseech you all to obey the word of righteousness, and to practise all the endurance which you also saw before your eyes, not only in the blessed Ignatius, and Zosimus, and Rufus, but also in others among yourselves, and in Pual himself, and in the other Apostles; being persuaded that all of these ‘ ran not in vain, ’ but in faith and righteousness, and that they are with the Lord in the ‘ place whieh is their ’ with whom they also suffered. For they did not ‘ love this present world ’ but him who died on our behalf, and was raised by God for our ” Αnd he continues later, “ Both you and Ignatius wrote to me that if anyone was going to Syria he shovld also take your letters Ι will do this if Ι have a convenient opportunity, either myself or the man whom Ι am sending as a representative for you and me. We send you, as you asked, the letters of Ιgnatius, which were sent to us by him, and others which we had by us These are subjoined to this letter, and you will be able to benefit greatly from them. For they contian faith, patience, and all the edification which pertains to our Lord.” such is the story concerning Ignatius, and Ηeros succeeded to the bishopric of Antioch after him.

XXXVII. Among those who were famous at this time was also Quadratus, of whom traffition says that he shared vith the daughters of Philip the ffistinc- tion of a prophetic gift. Αnd many others besides them were well known at this time and take the first rank in the Apostolic succession. These pious foundations οf the churches laid by the Apostles. They spread the preaching and scattered the saving seeds of the kingdom of Heaven, sowing them broad- cast through the whole world. Many of those then disciples, smitten in the soul by the divine Logos with an ardent passion for the love of wisdom,1 first fulfilled the Saviour's command and distributed their property to the needy, then, starting on their ourney, took up the work of evangelists and were zealous to preach to all who had not yet heard the word of the faith, and to transmit the writhing of the divine Gospels. Αs soon as they had no more than laid the foundations of the faith in some strange place, they appointed others as shepherds and had been just brought in, but they themselves passed on again to other lands and peoples, helped by the grace and co-operation of God, seeing that 1 The Greek wordd is “ philosophy ’’ ; but Eusebius does not mean metaphysics. many strange miracles οf the divine spirit were at that time still being wrought by them, So that whole crowds of men at the first hearing eagerly received in their souls the religion of the Creator οf the universe.

It is impossible for us to give the number and the names of all who first succeeded the Apostles, and were shepherds or evangelists in the churches throughout the world. It was, therefore, natural for us to recorded by name the memory only of those of whom the tradition still surviveS to our time by their treatises on the Apostolic teaching.

XXXVIII. such writings, of course, were the letters of Ignatius of which we gave the list, and the Εpistle of Clement which is recognized by all, which he wrote in the name of the church of the Romans to that οf the Corinthians. In this he has many thoughts parallel to the Εpistle to the Ηebrews, and aetuahy makes some verbal quotations from it showing elearly that it was not a recent production, and for this reason, too, it has seemed natural to include it among the οther writings of the Apostle. For Ρaul had Spoken in writing to the Ηebrews in their native language, and some say that the evangelist Luke, others that this same Clement translated the writing. Αnd the truth οf this would be supported by the similarity of style preserved by the Epistle of Clement and that to the Hebrewss, and by the little difference between the thoughts in both writings.

It must be known that there is also a second 1 so Wendland: the Mss. read ἐνήργουν. letter ascribed to Clement, but we have not the same knowledge of its recognition as we have οf the former, for we do not even know if the primitive writers used it. some have also quite recently put forward other verbose and long treatises, purporting to be Clement's, containing dialogues with Ρeter and Apion, 1 but there is absolutely no mention of them among the ancient writers nor do they Ρreserve the purc type οf apostolic orthodoxy.

XXXIX. Thus the recognized writing of Clement is well known and the works of Ignatius and Polycarp have been spoken οf, and of Papias five treatises are extant which have also the title of “ Interpretation οf the oracles of the ” These are also mentioned by Irenaeus as though his οnly writing, for he says in οne place, “ “To these things also Ρapias, the hearer of John, who was a comanion of Ροlycarp and one of the ancients, 2 bears witness in writing in the fourth of his books, for five books were composed by ” so says Irenaeus. Yet Ρapias himself, according to the preface of his treatises, makes plain that he had in no way been a hearer and eyewitness of the sacred Αpostles, but teaches that he had received the articles of the faith from those who had known them, for he speaks as follows : “ Αnd I shall not hesitate to append to the interpretations all that I ever learnt well from the presbyters and remember well, for of their truth I am conndent. For unlike most I did not rejoice in them who say much, but in them who teach the truth, nor in 3 “Ρrimitive’’ would perhaps be a better rendering for the Greek, which at Ιeast sometimes seems to mean a man who belonged to “the ” Cf. the application οf the adjective to Mnason ἀρχαίῳ μαθητῇ) in Αcts xxi. 16 them who recount the commandments οf others, but in them who repeated those given to the faith by the Lord and derived from truth itself; but if ever anyone came who had followed 1 the presbyters, I inquired into the words of the presbyters, what Andrew or Ρeter οr Philip or Thomas or James or John or Matthew, or any other οf the Lord's disciples, had said, and what Aristion and the Presbyter John, the Ιord’s disciples, were saying. For I did not suppose that information from books would help me so much as the word of a living and surviving voice.”

It is here worth nothing that he twiee counts the name of John, and reckons the first John with Ρeter and James and Matthew and the other Αpostles, clearly the the evangelist, but by changing his statement Ρlaces the seeond with the others outside the number of the Αpostles, putting Αristion Before him and clearly calling him a presbyter. This confirms the truth οf the story of those who have said that there were twp of the same name in Αsia, and that there are two tombs at Εphesus both still called John's. This calls for attention: for it is probable that the second (unless anyone prefer the fonner) saw the revelation which passes under the name οf John The Papias whom we are now treating confesses that he had received the words of the Αpostles from their followers, but says that he had aetually heard Αristion and the presbyter John. Ηe often quotes them by name and gives 1 Thc meaning οf the Greek is doubrtul ; see Jackson and Lake, Beginnings of Christianity, vol. ii. p. 501. 1 Cf. vii. 25. 16 (excerpt from Dionysios). their traditions in his writings. Let this suffice to good purpose. But it is worth while to add to the words of Papias already given other sayings οf his, in which he tells certain marvels and other details which apparently reached him by tradition. It has already been mentioned that Philip the Αpostle lived at Ηierapolis with his daughters, but it must now be shown how Ρapias was with them and reeeived a wonderful story from the daughters of Ρhilip; for he relates the resurrection of a corpse in his time and in another Ρlace another miraele conneeted with Justus surnamed Barsabas, for he drank poiSon but by the Lord's graee suffered no harm. Of this Justus the Αcts relates that the sacred Apostles set him up and prayed over him together with Matthias after the ascension of the Lord for the choice of one to fill up their number in place of the traitor Judas, “and they set forth two, Joseph called Barsabas, who was called Justus, and Matthias ; and they prayed and said." The same adduees other accounts, as though they came to him from unwritten tradition, and some strange parables and teachings of the saviour, and some other more mythical accountS. Αmong them he says that there will be a millennium after the resurrection of the dead, when the kingdom of Christ will be set up in material form on this earth. I suppose that he got these notions by a perverse 1 cf. C. de Boor's fragments of Papias in texte und Untersuchungen, v. 2. 170. reading οf the apostolic aceounts, not realiring that they had spoken mystically and symbolically. For he was a man of very little intelligence, as is clear from his books. But he is responsible for the fact that so many Christian writers after him held the same opinion, relying on his antiquity, for inrtance Irenaeus and whoever else appears to have held the same views.

In the same writing he also quotes other interpretations of the words οf the Lord given by the Aristion mentioned above and traditions of John the presbyter. To them we may dismiss the studious; but we are now obliged to append to the words already quoted from him a tradtion about the Mark who wrote the Gospel, which he expounds as follows. “ Αnd the Presbyter used to say tffihls, Mark became Ρeter’s interpreter and wrote accurately all that he remembered, not, indeed, in order, of the things said or done by the Lord. For he had not heard the Lord, nor had he followed him, but later on, as I said, followed Ρeter, who used to give teaching as necessity demanded but not making, as it were, an auangement of the Lord's oracles, so that Mark did nothing wrong in thus writing down single Ρoints as he remembered them. For to one tHhIng he gave attention, to leave out nothing of what he had heard and to make no false statements in them.' " This is related by Ρapias about Mark, and about Matthew this was said, “ Matthew collected the oracles in the Ηebrew language, and eaeh interpreted them as best he could.”

BOOK V

SORER, the bishop of the church of Rome, ended his life in the eighth year οf his rule. To him succeeded Elutherus, the twelfth from the apostles, and it was the seventeenth year of the Emperor Antonius Verus.1 Ιn this time the persecution οf us in some parts of the world was rekindled more violently by popular violence in the cities, and, to judge from the events in οne nation, myriads were distinguished by martyrdom. The story has chanced to be handed down in writing for posterity, and it is truly worthy of unceasing remembrance. sincc the whole reeord of its complete treatment has been embodied in our collection οf martyrs, 2 and contains not merely the narrahve itself but also an exposition οf doctrine, I will at present select and quote merely such points as belong to the present undertaking. Other writers οf historical works have confined themselves to the written tradition of victories in wars, of trimnphs οver enemies, of the exploits of generals and the valour of soldiers, men stained with blood and with countless murders for the sake of children and country and other possessions ; but it is wars most peaceful, 1 That B; Marcus Aurelius. Ηis seventeenth year was A. D. 177. 2 That is the Acts of the Martyrs which Eusebius collected. see Introdution, p. xxiii. waged for the very peace of the sOul, and men who therein have been valiant for truth rather than for country, and for piety rather than for rileir dear ones, that our reeord of those who order their lives according to God will inscribe on everlasting monuments : it is the struggles of the athletes of piety and their valour which braved so much, trophies won from demons, and victories against unseen adversaries, and the crowns at the end of all, that it will proclaim for everlasting remembrance.

1. Gaul was the country in which was prepared the stage for these events. Its capital cities, famous and more renowned than the others in the distriet, were Lyolb and Vienne, through both of which passes the river Rhone, flowing in an ample stream through the whole district. The distingtliSlled churches of this country sent the document about the martyrs to the churches in Asia and Phrygia, in this way recording what happedned among them, and I will quote their words : “ The servants sojourning in Vienne and Lyons in Gaul to the brethren in Αsia and Phrygia, who have the same faith and hope of redemption as you. Ρeace, grace, and glory from God the Father and Jesus Christ, our Lord.”

Then after other prefatory remarks they begin their narrative thus : “ The greatness of the persecution here, and the terrible rage of the heathen against the saints, and the suffering of the blessed martyrs, are more than we can narrate accurately, nor can they be put down in writing. For with all his might the adversary attaeked us, foreshadowing his coming which is shortly to be, and tried everything, practising his adherents and training them ngainst the servants of God, so that we were not merely excluded from houses and baths and markets, but we were even forbidden to be seen at all in any place whatever. But against them the grace of God did eaptain us ; it reseued the weak, and marshalled against them steadfast pillars of men able by patience to draw to themselves all the attack of the enemy. They cmne together and endured every kind of abuse and punishment, they eounted many things as few in their zeal for Christ, and ffidld indeed prove that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to bc compared with the glory which shall be revealed to us.

“First they endured nobly all that was heaped upon them by the mob, howls and stripes and dragging about, and rapine and imprisonment and stoning, and all things which are wont to happen at the hands of an infuriated populace against its supposed enemies and foes ; then they were dragged into the market-place by the tribune and by the chief authorities of the city, were indicted and eonfessed, and at last they were shut up until the coming οf the governor. Then they were brought before the governor, and When he used all his eruelty against them, then intervened Vettius Εpagathus, one οf the brethren, mled filled with love towards and towards his neighbour, the strietness οf whose life had gone so far that in spite οf his youth his reputation was equal to that οf the elder Zacharias. 1 Ηe walked in all the commanmnents and orffinances of the Lord blameless and was unwearied in all ministrations to his neighbours, having much zeal toward God and being fervent in spirit. Ηis character forbade him to endure the unreasonable judgement given agninst us, and, overcome with indignation, he asked to be heard himself in defence of the brethren to the effect that there was nothing atheistic or impious among us. Ηe was howled down by those around the judgement-seat, for he was a man οf position, 2 and the governor would not tolerate the just requests which he had put forward but merely asked if he were a Chrirtian hinBeK. Ηe then confessed in clear tones and was himself taken into the ranks of the martyrs. Ηe was called the ‘ Comforter of Christians,’ but had the Comforter in himself, spirit of Zacharias which he had shown by the fullness of his love when he chose to Ιay down even his οwn life for the defence of the brethren, for he was and he is 3 a true ffidlsciple οf christ, and he follows the Lamb wheresoever he goes.

“The rest were then ffidIrided and the first martyrs were obviously ready, and they fulffiled the confession of martyrdom with all reaffiness, but some οthers appeared not to be ready, and failcd in training and in strength, unable to endure the strain 1 Ζacharias the father οf John the Baptist, as is shown by the allusion to Luke i. 6 in the following line. 2 Apparently the meaning is that his social position made the crowd even more indignant at his advocacy of Christians. 3 It is almost incredible that this “ is ’’ was interpreted by Rcnan and others as showing that Vertius was not actually put to death. of a great cOnffiet, and abOut ten in nmber failed, as those born out of due time. They caused us great grief and immeasurable mourning, and hindered the zeal of the others wo had not been arrerted. Yet they, although suffering all the terrors, nervertheless remained with the martyrs and did not desert them. But at that point we were all greatly terrified by uncertainty as to their confession, not fearillg the threatened punishment but looking towards the end and afraid lest some one should fall away. Yet day by day those who were worthy went on being ariested, completing their number, so as to collect from the two churches all the zealous and those through whom the life of the locality was kept together. There were also arrested certain heathen slaves of our members, since the governor had publicly commanded that we should all be prosecuted, and these by the snare of Satan, fearing the tortures which they saw the saints suffering, when the soldiers urged them, falsely accused us of Theyestean feasts and Oedipodean intercourse, 1 and things which it is not right for us either to speak οf or to think of or even to believe that such things could ever happen among men. When this rumour spread all men turned like beab againt us, so that even if any had formerly been lenient for friendship's sake they then became furious and raged against us, and there was fulfilled that which was spoken by our Lord that ‘the rime will come when whosoever killeth you will think that he doeth God ’ Then at last the holy martyrs endured sufferings beyong all description, for Satan was striving to wring some l According to Greek mythology Thyestes had unconsciously eaten his children and Oedipus bad married his mother. blasphemy eVen from them, and all the fury of the mob and of the gOVernor and Of the soldiers was raised beyond meaSure against sanetus, the deacon from Vienne, and against Maturus, who was a noviee but a noble contender, and against Attalus, a pergamene by race, who had always been a pillar and support of the Christians there, and against Blandina, through whom Christ showed that things which are mean and obscure and contemptible among men are vouehsafed great glory with God beeause or the love towardS him shown in powere and not boasted of in appearance. For while we were all afraid, and her human mistress, who was herself one of the contenders among the martyrs, was in distress lest she should not be able, through the weakness of her body, to be bold enough even ro make confession, Blandina was ffiled with such power that she was released and rescued from those who took turns in torturing her in every way from morning until evening, and they themselves eonfessed that they were beaten, for they had nothing left to do to her, and they marvelled that she still remained alive, seeing that her whole body was broken and opened, and they testified that any one of these tortures was suffieient to destroy life, even when they had not been magnffied and multiplied. But the blessed woman, like a noble athlete, kept gaining in vigour in her confession, and found comfort and rest and freedom from pain from what was done to her by saying, ‘I am a Christian woman and nothing wicked happens among us.’

“Sanctus also himself endured nobly, beyond measure or human power, all the ill- treament of men, for though the wieked hoped through persistence and the rigour of his tortures to wring from him something wrong, he resisted them with such constancy that he did not even tell his own name, or the race or the city whence be was, nor whether he was slave or free, but to all questions answered in Latin, ‘I am a Christian.’ This he said for and city and race and for everything else, and the heathen heard no other sound from him. For this reason the governor and the torturers were very ambitious to subdue him, so that when they bad nothing left at all to do to him at last they fastened plates of heated brass to the tenderest parts of his body. His limbs were burnig, but he continued himself unbending and unyielding, firm in his confession, refreshed and strengthened by the heavenly spring of the water of life which proceeds forth from the body of Christ. His body was a witness to his treatment it was all one wound and bruise, wrenehed and torn out of human shape, but Christ suffering in him manifested great glory, overthrowing the adversary and showing for the example of the others how there is nothing fearful where there is the love of the Father nor painful where there is the glory of Christ. For when the wicked after some days again tortured the martyr they thought that they might overcome him how that his body was swollen and inflamed if they applied the same tortures, seeing that he could not even endure to be touched by the hand, or that by dying under torture he would put fear into the rest. Yet not only did nothing of this kind happen, but, beyond all human expectation, he raised himself up and his body was straightened in the subsequent tortures, and he regained his former appearance and the use of his limbs, so that through the grace of Christ the second torturing became not torment but cure.

“Biblis, too, one of those who had denied, did the devil bring to torture (thinking that he had already swallowed her up and wishing to condemn her through blasphemy as well), to force her to say immpious things about us, as though she were already broken and weak. But she recovered under torture, and, as it were, woke up out of deep sleep, being reminded through this transitory punishment of the eternal torments in hell, and contradicted the blasphemers, saying, ‘How would such men eat children, when they are not allowed to eat the blood even of irrational animals?’ And after this she confessed herself a Christian and was added to the ranks of the martyrs.

“But when the tyrant's torments had been brought to naught by Christ through the endurance of the blessed saints, the devil thought of other devices, imprisonment in the jail in darkness and in the most horrible place, and stretching their feet in the stocks, separated to the fifth hole, and the other outrages which angry warders filled with the devil are accustomed to inflict on the prisoners. Thus most of them were strangled in the prison, being all those whom the Lord had chosen thus to depart manifesting his glory. Some were tortured so cruelly that it seemed impossible for them to live even if they had had every care, yet surrived in the prison, bereft of human attention but strengthened by the Lord and given power in body and soul, and looking after and comforting the rest. But the younger ones, who had lately been arrested, whose boffidles had not become accustomed to it, did not endure the burden οf cofinement but died in prison.

“The blessed Pothinus, who had been entrusted with the ministry of the bishoprie at Lyons, was over nunety years old and very weak physically. Ηe was scarcely breathing through the physical weakness which had aheady come upon ffihlm, but was strengthened by zeal of spirit through urgent desire of martyrdom. Ηe was dragged before the judgementseat, and although his body was weakened by old age and disease, his soul was kept in him in order that through it Christ might triumph. Ηe was brought by soldiers to the judgement-seat ; the local authorities accompanied him, and all the populace, uttering all kinds of howls at him as though he was Christ himself, but he gave noble testimony. When asked by the governor, Who was the God of the Christians, he said, ‘ If you are worthy, you will ’ And then he was dragged about without mercy, and suffered many blows ; for those who were near ilhtreated him with feet and hands and in every way, without respect even for his old age, and those who were at a ffistance each threw at him whatever he had at hand, and all thought that it would be a great transgression and impiety to omit any abuse against him. For they thought that in this way they would vindicate their gods. Αnd he was thrown into prison scarcely breathing and after two days yielded up the ghost.

“Then a great ffispensation of God was given, and the measureless mercy of Jesus was so manifested, as has rarely happened among the brethren, but is not beyond the skill of Christ. For those who at the nrst arrest had denied were imprisoned themselves and shared in the terrors, for this time not even their denial was any advantage to them ; but those who confessed what they were Were imprisoned as Christians, no other accusation being brought against them, the others however were held as murderers and foul persons and punished twiee as much as the rest. For the burden of the former was lightened by the joy of martyrdom and the hope of the promises, and by love towards Christ and by the spirit of the Father ; but the latter were greauy punished by their conscience so that they were conspicuous among all the rest by their faces when they were taken out. For the one went forth gladly; glory and great grace were mingled on their faces, so that they wore even their fetters as a becoming ornament, like a bride adorned with golden lace of many pattems, and they were perfumed with the sweet savour οf Christ, so that some supposed that they had been anointed with worldly unguents ; but the others were depressed and humble and wretched and ffiled with every kind of unseemliness, and in addition were insulted by the heathen as ignoble and cowardly ; they had gained the accusation οf murder, but had lost the name which is full of honour and glory and gives life. wben the others saw this they were strengthened and those who were arrested confessed without hesitation and gave no thought to the argumentS of the devil.”

Αfter a few more sentences they go on again: “After this the testimony of their death fell into every kind of variety. For they wove various colours and all kinds of Rowers into one wreath to offer to the Father, and so it was necessary for the noble athletes to undergo a varied conteSt, and after great victory to receive the great crown of immortality. Maturus and sanctus and Blandina and Αttalus were led forth to the vild beasts, to the public, 1 and to a common exhibition οf the inhumanity of the heathen, for the day of fighting with beasts was specially appointed for the Christians. Maturus and Sanctus passed again through all torture in the amphitheatre as though they had suffered nothing before, but rather as though, having conquered the opponent in many bouts, 2 they were now striving for his crown, οnce more they ran the gauntlet in the accustomed manner, endured the worrying of the wild beastS, and everything which the maddened public, some in οne way, some in another, were howling for and commanding, finally, the iron chair on which the roasting οf their own bodies clothed them with its reek. Their persecutors did not stop even here, but went on growing more and more furious, wishing to eonquer their endurance, yet gained nothing from sanctus beyond the sound of the confession Which he had been accustomed to make from the beginning.

II. Such things happened to the churehes of Christ under the emperor mentioned, and from them it is possible to from a reasonable conclusion as to what was done in the other provinces. It is worth while to add other statements from the same document, in which the genueness and the kindness of the martyrs already mentioned have been set down in these very words. “ And they carried so far their zeal and imitation οf Christ, ‘ who being in the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal with God,’ that for all their glory, and though they had testified not once οr twice but many times, and had been taken back from the beasts and were covered with burns and scars and wounds, they neither proclaimed themselves as martyrs, nor allowed us to address them by this title. But if ever any one of us called them martyrs either in a letter οr in speech they rebuked him sharply. For they gladly conceded the title of martyrdom to Christ, the frialthful and true martyr 1 and first-born from the dead and author of the life of God. Αnd they reminded us of the martyrs who had already passed away, and said ‘they are already martyrs, whom Christ vouchsafed to be taken up at their confession, and sealed their witness by their departure, but we are lowly and humble ’ 2 Αnd they besought the brethren with tears, begging that earnest prayers might be made for their consecration. The power οf martyrdom they actually showed, having great boldness towards the heathen, and they made plain their nobleness by endurance and absence of fear or timidity; but the title of martyr they refused from the brethren, for they were filled with the fear οf God.”

Α little further οn they say: “They humbled themselves under the mighty hand and by it they have now been greatly exalted. At that time they made defence for all men, against none did they bring accusation; they released all and bound none; 3 The sense must be as given above, but the Greek word does not appear to be used in this sense. It is corrected in later manuscripts to ὁμολογηταί. Schwartz thinks that it is a primitive error for ὁμολογο[ῦντες ἔτ]ι, and Wendland suggested ὁμόδουλοι. and they Ρrayed for those who had inflicted torture, even as did Stephen, the perfect martyr, ‘Lord, lay not this sin to their ’ Αnd if he prayed for those who were stoning him how much more for the brethren?”

Αnd again after οther details, they Say: “For their greatest contes, through the genuineness of their love, was this, that the beast 1 should be choked into throwing up alive those whom he had at first thought to have swallowed down. For they did not boast over the fallen, but from their own abundance supplied with a mother's love those that and shedding many tears for them to the Father, they prayed for life, and he gave it to them, and they divided it among their neighbours, and then departed to God, having in all things carried off the victory. They ever loved Ρeace; peace they commended to us; and with peace they departed to God; for their mother2 they left behind no sorrow, and for the brethren no strife and war, but glory, Ρeace, concord, and ” Let this profitable extract suffice concerning the love of those blessed ones for their brethren who had fallen, for the sake οf the inhuman and merciless disposition οf those who after these events acted unsparingly to the members οf Christ.3

ΙII. The same document οf the aforementioned martyrs contains also another story worthy οf memory, and none could grudge οur bringing it to 3 Eusebius wishes to emphasize the charity οf these martyrs towards backsliders in contrast to the hardness οf soul οf his οwn contemporaries, notably the Donatists and Νovatians. the knowledge οf those who are about to study. It runs thus: There was among them a certain Alcibiades, who was living a very austere life, and at first was not partaking οf anything at all, but used merely bread and water and was trying to live thus even in the jail. But it was revealed to Attalus after the first contest which he underwent in the amphitheatre that Alcibiades was not doing well in not making use οf the creations οf God, and offering an example of offence 1 to others. Alcibiades was persuaded and began to partake οf everything without restraint and gave thanks to God; for they were not without help from the grace of God but the Ηoly Spirit was their counsellor. Let this suffice for this point.

Just at that time the party οf Montanus and Αleibiades and Theodotus in Ρhrygia began first to engender among many their views concerning prophecy (for the many other wonderful works of the grace of God which Were still being wrought up to that time in divers churches produced the belief among many that they also were prophets), and when dissension arose about the persons mentioned the brethren in Gaul again formulated their οwn judgement, pious and most orthodox, concerning them, subjoining various letters from the martyrs who had been consecrated among them, which letters while they were still in prison they had composed for the brethren in Αsia and Ρhrygia, and also for Εleutherus, who was then bishop οf the Romans, and so they were ambassadors for the sake οf the peace of the churches.

IV. Irenaeus also, who was at that time already a presbyter of the diocese at Lyons, the same martyrs commended to the afore-mentioned bishop οf Rome, and gave him much good testimony, as is shown by words to the following effect: “Once more and always, Father Εleutherus, we wish you greeting in God. We have asked our brother and companion, Irenaeus, to bring this letter to you and we beg you to hold him in esteem, for he is Ζealous for the covenant οf Christ. For had we known that rank can confer righteousness οn anyone, we should first of all have recommended him as being a presbyter of the church, for that is his position.”

What need is there to transcribe the list οf the martyrs in the above mentioned document, some consecrated by beheading, some cast out to be eaten by the wild beasts, οthers who fell asleep in the jail, and the number of the confessors which still survived at that time ? For whoever wishes can easily read the full aecount by taking the description which has been included in our collection of martyrs,1 as I said before. Such were the events which happened under Αntοninus.

V. It is said that when his brother, Marcus Aurelius Caesar, was engaging in battle with the Germans and Sarmatians, he was in difficulties, because his army was oppressed by thirst; but the soldiers of the legion which is called after Melitene,2 knelt on the ground according to our own custom οf prayer, in the faith which has sustained them from that time to this in their contests with their enemies, and turned 1 see Introduction, p. xxiii. 2 Melitene is in eastern Cappadocia. towards supplications to God. Now though this kind of spectacle seemed strange to the enemy, the story goes that another still more marvellous overcame them at once, for lightning drove the enemy to flight add destruction, and a shower falling on the army which had prayed to God, refreshed them all when they were on the point of destruction from thirst.

The story is both told among writers who are foreign to our faith who have undertaken to write of the times of the above mentioned emperors,1 and has also been recorded by Christians. By the heathen writers, inasmucb as they were strangers to the faith, the miracle is related, but it was not confessed that it happened through the prayers of the Christians; but in our own writers, inasmuch as they are the friends of truth, what happened has been described in a simply and harmless fashion. Αmong these would be also Apolinarius, who states that after that time the legion which had wrought the miracle through prayer had received a name from the emperor appropriate to what had happened, and was called in Latin the “Thundering ’’2 Tertullian is also a worthy witness of these things, who in addressing in Latin an apology for our faithto to the Senate, which we have quoted already, confirmed the story with more and clearer proof. In his writing he says that letters of Marcus, the most prudent emperor, were still extant, in which he testifies himself that when his army was on the point 2 But from Dio Cassius and from inscriptions, it would appear that the legion had certainly this name in the time of Nero, and probably in that of Augustus. οf destruction in Germany from lack οf water it had been saved by the Ρrayers of the Christians, and Tertullian says that the emperor also threatened death to those who attempted to accuse us. The author goes on as fohows: “What kind of laws are these which wicked, unrighteous, and cruel men use against us alone? Vespasian did not observe them although he conquered the Jews. Trajan partially allowed them, but forbade Christians to be sought οut. Neither Ηadrian, though busy in all curious matters, nor Pius, as he is called, ratified them.” But let these things be as anyone will, we must pass οn to the train of further events.

When Ρothinus was consecrated with the martyrs in Gaul at the age of full ninety years, Irenaeus received the episcopacy οf the diocese in Lyons,1 of which Ροthinus had been the head, and we have been told that he had been a listener to Polycarp in his early youth. In his third book against the heresies he gives the succession οf the bishops in Rome as far as Εleutherus, the events of whose days are now being discussed by us, as though his book had been composed at that time, and he gives the list, writing as follows.

VI. “Therefore when the blessed apostles had found and built the church they gave the ministry of the episcopate to Linus. Paul mentioned this Linus in his epistle to Timothy. Anencletus succeeded him, and after him Clement obtained the episcopate in the third place from the apostles. He had seen the blessed apostles and 1 That is, in A.D. 177. Cf. v. 1. 1, p. 407. conversed with them and the teaching of the apostles still rang in his ears, their tradition was held before his eyes. Nor was he alone in this, for there were still many surviving at that time who had been taught by the apostles. When in the time οf this Clement no little dissenstion arose among the Chrirtians at Corinth, the church in Rome sent a most powerful letter to the Corinthians urging them to peace and renewing their faith and the tradition which they had recently received from the apostles.1”

Αnd after a little he says: “Εvarestus succeeded to this Clement and Αlexander to Εvarestus, and then Xystus was appointed as the sixth from the apostles, and after him Telesphorus, who also was martyred gloriously; then Hyginus, then Pius, after him Anicetus. Soter succeeded Anicetus, and now, in the twelfth place from the apostles, Eleutherus holds the lot of the episcopate. The tradition from the apostles in the church and the preaching of the truth have reached us in the same οrder and the same teaching.”2

VII. These things Irenaeus recounts, according to the extracts which we have made already, in the books, five in number, to which he gave the title of Refutation and Overthrow of Knowledge falsely socalled, and in the second book of this work he proves in the following words that manifestations of the divine and marvellous power had remained in some 2 It is probable that “teaching’’ is a mistake in the text οf Eusebius for διαδοχή, “succession,” which is implied by the Latin version of Irenaeus. churches even as far as his time : “ But they fall so far 1 short of raising the dead, as did the Lord and his apostles through prayer (and often among the brethren, because of necessity and at the request of the whole church in the neighbourhood, with fasting and much supplication, the spirit of him who had died returned, and the man was given to the prayers of the ” Αnd again he says after other things : “ But if they say that the Lord has done all these things merely in appearance we will take them back to the prophetic writings, and show from them that all these things had been foretold concerning him, and that they certainly happened, and that he alone is the Som of God ; for which cause also his true disciples having reeeived graee from him use it in his name for the benefit of the rest of men, even as each has received the gift from him. For some drive out demons with certainty and truth, so that often those who have themselves been cleansed from the evil spirits believe and are in the church, and some have foreknowledge of things to be, and visions and prophetic speech, and others cure the rick by the haying on of hands and make them whole, and even as we have said, the dead have been raised and remained with us for many years. Αnd why should Ι say more 7. Ιt is not possible to tell the number of the gifts which the chureh throughout the whole worid, having received them from God in the name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, uses each day for the benefit of the heathen, deceiving none and making profit from none. For as it received freely from God, it ministers also ” And in another place the same author writes : “ Just as also we hear many brethren in the church who have gifts of prophecy, and who speak through the Spirit with all manner of tongues, and who bring the hidden things of men into clearness for the common good and expound the myrteries of ” So much on the point that variety of gifts remained among the worthy up till the time spoken of.

VIII. Αt the beginning of this work we made promise to quote from time to time the sayings of the presbyters and writers of the church of the first period, in which they have delivered the traditions which came down to them about the canonical Scriptures. Now Irenaeus was one of these, so let us quote his words, and in the first place those which refer to the saered Gospels, as follwos : “ Now Matthew published among the Hebrews a written gospel 1 also in their own tongue, while Ρeter and Paul were preaching in Rome and founding the church. But after their death Mark also, the disciple and interpreter of Peter, himself handed down to us in writing the things which were preached by Ρeter, and Luke also, who was a follower of Paul, put down in a book the gospel which was preached by him. Then John, the disciple of the Lord, who had even reted on his breast, himself also gave forth the gospel, while he was living at Ephesus in Asia.”

IX. When Antoninus had held the empire for nineteen years, Commodus 2 received the sovereignty, and in his first year Julian was appointed to the episcopate of the Churches in Αlexandria when Agrippinus had completed his ministry after twelve years.

X. Αt that time a man very famous for his learning named Pantaenus had charge of the life of the faithful in Αlexandria, for from ancient custom a school of sacred learning eristed among them. This sehool has lasted on to our time, and we have heard that it is managed by men powerful in their learning and zeal for divine things, but tradition says that at that time Pantaenus was especially eminent, and that he had been influenced by the philosophic system of those called stoics. They say that he showed sueh Zeal in his warm disposition for the divine word that he was appointed as a herald for the goSpel of Christ to the heathen in the East, and was sent as far as India. For indeed there Were until then many evangelists of the word who had forethought to use inspired zeal on the apostolic model for the increases and the building up of the divine word. Οne of these was Pantaenus, and it is said that he went to the Indians, and the tradition is that he found there that among some of those there who had known Christ the Gospel according to MattheW had preceded his coming ; for Bartholomew, one of the apostles, had preached to them and had left them the writing of Matthew in Hebrew letters, which was preserved until the time mentioned. Pantaenus, after many achievementS, was at the head of the sehool in Alexandria until his death, and orally and in writing expounded the treasures of the divine doctrine.

XI. Ιn his time Clement. the namesake of the pupil of the apostles who had once ruled the ehurch οf Rome, was famous in Αlexandria for his study of the Ηoly Scriptures with Ρantaenus. Ιn the Hypotyposes which he composed he mentioned Pantaenus by name as his teacher, and he seems to me to allude to him in the first book of the Stromateis,1 when he speaks thus in reference to the more distinguishedd members of the apostolic sueeession which he had received. “ This work is not a writing composed for show, but notes stored up for my old age, a remedy against forgetfulness, an image without art, and a sketch of those clear and rital words which was privileged to hear, and οf blessed and truly notable men. of these one, the Ionian, was in Greece, another in South Italy, a third in CoeleSyria,2 another from Egypt, and there were others in the Εast, οne οf them an Assyrian, another in Palestine of Hebrew origin. But when I had met the last, and in power he was indeed the first, hunted him out from his concealment in Egypt and found rest. But these men preserved the true tradition of the blessed teaching directly from Ρeter and James and John and Ρaul, the holy apostles, son receiving it from father (but there were few like their fathers), and by the blessing of God they came down to us to deposit those ancestral and apostolic seeds.”

XII. In their time there flourished Narcissus, bishop of the church at Jerusalem, who is still widely famous. Ηe held the succession in the fifteenth place after the siege of the Jews under Ηadrian, aud we have stated already that from that time the church in that city was composed οf Gentiles, in 1 See Introduction. p. xlv. 2 That is, the district οf the Lebanon. succession to the Jewish Christians, and that the first οf the Gentile bishops was Marcus. Αfter him the. local successions record that Cassian was bishop, and after him Publius, then Maximus, in addition to them Julian, then Gaius, after him Symmachus and Gaius the second, and then another Julian, and Capito, and in addition to them Valens and dolichianus, and after them all Νarcissus, the thirtieth from the apostles according to the regular succession.1

XIII. Αt this time too Rhodo, of Asiatic race, was, as he narrates himself, the pupil at Rome of Tatian, whom we have mentioned above, and composed various books, among others especially one direeted against the heresy of Marcion. Ηe says that it was divided in his time into various opinions, and, describing accurately those who had caused the divergence, he refutes the fahe teaching devised by each οf them. Listen then to him when he writes thus : “ Therefore they have ceased to agree among themselves, maintaining inconsistent opinions. One of their herd is Αpelles, who is reverenced for his life and old age. Ηe admits that there is one Principle,2 but says that the prophecies are of an opposing spirit, and he was persuaded by the utteranees of a possessed maiden named Philoumene. But οthers, such as the eaptain himself (Mareion), introduced two Principles. To them belong Ρotitus and Basilicus. These followed the wolf of Pontus,3 not Perceiving 1 This only gives thirteen names from Marcus to Νareissus, but Εusebius says that Νarcissus is the fifteenth. Comparison with the Chronicon shows that after Capito the names οf Maximus the second and Antoninus should be inserted. 2 or “Source οf ’’ “ “Beginning,” οr almost “God.” 3 That is, Marcion, who is said to have been the son of a bishop in Pontus. the division of things, any more than he, and turning to a simple solution, announced two principles, baldly and without proof. Others again, passing into worse error, supposed that there are not only two but even three Natures. of them the chief and leader is syneros, as those state who represent his school.”

The same writerd (Rhodo) says that he conversed with Αpelles, and states it thus : “ For the οld man Apelles when he consorted with us, was proved to make many false statements. Hence also he used to say that it is not necessary to investigate the argument fully, but that eaeh should remain in his own belief, for he asserted that those who placed their hope on the Crucffied would be saved, if they persisted in good works. But as we have srid before, the most obseure part of all the doctrines which he put forward were about God. For he kept on saying that there is only one Principle just as our doctrine ” Then after expounding all his opinions he goes on as follows: “ Αnd when I said to him, where is this proof of yours, οr how can you say that there is οne Ρrinciple ? Tell ’ he said that the prophecies refute themselves by not having spoken the truth at all, for they are inconsistent and false and contradict themselves, but as to how there is one Ρrinciple he said that he did not know it, but merely inclined to that riew. Then when adjured him to to speak the truth he swore that he was speaking the truth, when he said that he did not know how the unbegotten God is one but that he believed it. But I laughed at him and condemned him, because though he called himself a teacher he did not know how to establish what he taught.”

In the same work, speaking to Kallistio, the same writer states that he had been himself a disciple of Tatian at Rome, and he says that Tatian had preapred a book on Ρroblems, in which he undertook to set out what was unclear and hidden in the divine seriptures, and Rhodo himself in his own work announces that he will set out the answers to Tatian's Problems. There is also extant a treatise of Rhodo on the ëmeron.1 Αpelles, however, uttered countless impieties against the law of Moses, and in many treatises blasphemed the divine words with no little zeal, as it seemed, for their refutation and overthrow, as he at least thought. So much then concerning these.

XIV. The enemy of the church οf God, who hates good and loves deeply all that is wicked, left untried no kind of plot against men and again strove to raise up strange heresies against the church. Οf these some like poisonous reptiles crawled over Asia and Pyrygia, and boasted that Montanus was the Paraclete and that the women οf his sect, Priscilla and Maximilla, were the prophetesses of Montanus.

XV. Others flourished in Rome of which Florinus was the leader. Ηe had been turned out of the presbytery of the church and with him was Blastus who had suffered a similar fall. These drew away more οf the church and brought them to their own opinion, each trying to introduce innovations about the truth in his own way.

XVI. Αgainst the so-called Cataphrygian 2 heresy the power which champions the truth raised up a powertul and invincible weapon at Hierapolis in 1 That is, the Νarrative of Creation in six days. 2 i.e. Montanist. Apolinarius, who has already been mentioned in this work, and with him many others of the learned men οf that time, from whom abundant material for history has been left to us. One of these at the beginning of his treatise agrinst the Montanists indicates that he had also taken part in oral controversy against them. Ηe writers a preface in this way : “ For a long and protracted time, my dear Αbercius Mareellus, have been urged by you to compose a treatise against the sect of those called after Miltiades,1 but until now 1 was somewhat reluctant, not from any lack of ability to refute the lie and testify to the truth, but from timidity and seruples lest 1 might seem to some to be adding to the writings or injunctions οf the word of the new covenant οf the gospel, to which no οne who has chosen to live according to the gospel itself can add and from which he cannot take away. But when I had just come to Ancyra in Galatia and perceived that the chureh in that place was torn in two by this new movement which is not, as they call it, prophecy but much rather, as will be shown, false prophecy, I disputed concerning these people themselves and their propositions so far as I could, with the Lord's help, for many days continuously 2 in the church. Thus the church rejoiced and was strengthened in the truth, but our opponents were crushed for the moment and our adversaries were ffirtressed. Therefore the presbyters οf the place asked me to leave some note of what had been said against the opponents of the l See Introduction, p. lv. Miltiades was apparently a leader οf the Montanists. 2 This translates Schwartz's emendation οf ἐκτενέστατα instead of the impossible ἕκαστά τε. word of the truth, when Zoticus of Otrous, our fellow presbyter, was also present. Though we did not do so, we promised to write from home if the Lord permitted, and to send it to them speedily.”

Continuing with other similar remarks at the beginning of his treatise, he proceeds to narrate as follows the cause of the heresy rererred to : — “ Their opposition and their recent heretical schism from the church had the following origin. In Phrygian Μysia there is said to be a Village called Ardabav. There they say that a recent convert called Montanus, when Gratus was proconsul of Asia, in the unbounded lust of his sould for leadership gave access tp himself to the adversary, became obsessed, and suddenly fell into frenzy and convulsions. He began to be ecstatic and to speak and to talk strangely, prophesying contrary to the custom which belongs to the tradition and succession of the church from the beginning. Οf those who at that time heard these bastard utterances some were vexed, thinking that he was possessed by a devil and by a spirit of error, and was disturbing the populace ; they rebuked him, and forbade him to speak, remembering the distinction made by the Lord, and his warning to keep watchful guard against the coming οf the false prophets ; but others, as though elevated by a holy spirit and a prophetic gift, and not a little conceited, forgot the Lord's distinction, and encouraged the mind-injuring and seducing and people-misleading spirit, being cheated and deceived by it so that he could not be kept silent.1 But by some art, or rather by such an evil scheme of artifice, the deVil wrought destruction for the disobedient, and receiving unworthy honours from them stimuhrted and inflamed their understanding which was already dead to the true faith ; so that he raised up two more women and filled them with the bastard spirit so that they spoke madly and improperly and strangely, like Montanus. The spirit 2 gave blesrings to those who rejoiced and were pround in him, and puffed them up by the greatness of its promises. Yet sometimes it flatly condemned them completely, wisely, and faithfully, that it might seem to be critical, though but few of the Phrygians were deceived. But when the arrogant spirit taught to blaspheme the whole Catholic church throughout the world, because the spirit of false prophecy received from it neither honour nor entrance, for the Christians of Asia after assembling for this purpose many times and in many parts of the province, tested the recent utterances, pronounced them profane, and rejected the heresy, — then at last the Montanists were driven out of the chureh and excommunicated.”

Ηe tells this story at the beginning, and throughout the book continues the refutation of the error, but in the second book he speaks as follows about the 2 That is to say, the false spirit speaking through Montanus. Ιt is important to notice that Abercius fully believed in the supernatural gift of Montanus but ascribed it to the Devil instead of to the Holy Spirit. Ιt a the difficulty of distinguishing except on subjective grounds between these two sources of inspiration which led to so much trouble. end οf the persons referred to : “ Since then they called us murderers οf the prophets because we did not receive their chattering prophets (for they say that these are those whom the Lord promised to send to the people), let them answer us before God. Is there anyone, good people, of those whose talking began with Montanus and the women, who was persecuted by Jews οr killed by the wicked ? Νot one. Or was there any οne of them who was taken and crucified for the name ? Νo, there was not. Or was any οne of the women ever scourged in the synagogues of the Jews or stoned ? Νever anywhere. It was a different death that Μontanus and Maximilla are said to have died ; for the story goes that each οf them was inspired by a mind-destroying spirit to commit suicide, though not together, and there was much gossip at the time of the death οf eaeh. But thus it was that they died, and destroyed their lives like the traitor Judas. So also general report says that a certriaIn Theodotus, that remarkable man, the first steward as it were of their alleged prophecy, was sometimes taken up and raised to Heaven, when he fell into a trance and trusted himself to the spirit of deceit, but was hurled down and died miserably. They say, at least, that thiS happened thus. But not having seen them ourselves we do not elaim to have any knowledge of such things, my friend, for perhaps Montanus and Theodotus and the above mentioned woman died in this way, but perhaps they did not.”

Again in the same book he says that the sacred bishops of that time tried to refute the spirit that was in Maximilla, but were prevented by others who ainly co-operated with the spirit, and he writes us: “And let not the spirit which speaks through aximilla say, in the same work according to sterius Orbanus, 1 ‘I am driven away like a wolf the sheep. 1 am not a wolf, I am word and Ρirit and ’ But let him show clearly and rove the power in the spirit, and let him through spirit force to recognize him those who were then resent for the purpose of testing and conversing with he spirit as it spoke, — eminent men and bishops, ticus from the village Cumane, and Julian from Apamea, whose mouths the party of Themiso muzzled, and did not allow the false spirit which deceived the eople to be refuted by them.”

In the same book, again, after οther refutations of the false prophecies of Maximilla, in a single assage he both indicates the time at whieh he wrote this, and quotes her predictions, in which she foretold future wars and revolutions, and he corrects the falsehood of them as follows : “ Ηas it not been made obrious already that this is another lie ? For it is more than thirteen years to-day since the woman died, and there has been in the world neither local nor universal war, but rather by the mercy οf God continuing peace even for ”2

This is from his second book. Αnd from the third I will also quote a few words in which he speaks as 2 This probably means the period before the wars of Septimus severus. There seem to have been no important wars in the reign of Commodus, and though there were some persecutions there were less than in the earlier reigns. follows against those who boasted that they had had ̔̀tyrs. “ so when they have been refuted in he whole discussion and have nothing to reply, they try to take refuge in martyrs, saying that they have many martyrs and that this is a trustworthy proof the power of the alleged prophetic spirit among them. But this appears to be actually further from the tmth than anything. For some of the οther heresies have innumerable martyrs, but Ι do not suppose that we shall accept them for that reason, nor admit that they have the truth. In the first Ρlace, indecd, the so-called Marcianists οf the heresy of Marcion say that they have innumerable martyrs to Christ but nevertheless Chrirt himself they do not confess accorffing to truth.”

Αnd after a little he goes on as follows : “ Wherefore whenever members of the church who have been called to martyrdom for the true faith meet any of the so-called martyrs of the Montanist heresy, they separate from them and die without communicating with them, because they refuse to agree with the spirit in Montanus and the women. Αnd that this is true, and that it happened in our time in Αpamea on the Meander, is shown by the case of those who were martyred with Gaius and Αlexander οf Εumeneia.”

XVII. Αnd in this work he also quotes Miltiades as a writer who had also himself written a treatise against the heresy mentioned. Αfter quoting some of their sayings he continues as follwos : “I have given this abstract of what Ι found in a work of theirs when they were attacking the work of Alcibiades 1 the Christian in which he shows that a prophet need not to speak in ” And he goes on in the same work to give a catalogue of those who have been prophets of the New Testament, and among them he numbers a certain Ammia and Quadratus and says thus : “ But the false prophet speaks in ecstasy, after which follow ease and freedom from fear ; he begins with voluntary ignorance, but turns to involuntary madness of soul, as has been said before. But they cannot show that any prophet, either of those in the Οld Testament or οf those in the New, was inspired in this way ; they can boast neither of Agabus, nor of Judas, nor of Silas, nor of the daughters of Philip, nor of Ammia in Philadelphia, nor of Quadratus, nor of any others Who do not belong to ” And again after a little he goes on, “ For if the Montanist women succeeded to Quadratus and Ammia in Philadelphia in the prophetic gift, let them show who among them suceeeded the followers of Montanus and the women, for the apostle grants that the prophetic gift shall be in all the church until the final coming, but this they could not show, seeing that this is already the fourteenth year from the death of Maximilla.”

Ηe, therefore, so writes. But the Miltiades mentioned by him has also left us other monuments of his own zeal for the oracles of God in the treatises which he composed against the Gentiles and against the Jews, treating eaeh subject separately in two treatises, and besides this he wrote an Apology to the secular rulerS on behalf of the Ρhilosophy which he held.

XVIII. Apollonius also, a writer of the ehurch when the so-called Montanist heresy was still flourishing in Ρhrygia, composed a refutation and published it as a separate work against them, proving word by word that their alleged prophecies are false and showing the true character of the life of the leaders of the heresy. Listen to the actual words which he uses about Montanus. “ But the deeds and the teachings of this recent teaeher show his eharaeter. Ιt is he Who taught the annulment of marriage, who enacted fasts, who gave the name οf Jerusalem to Pepuza and Tymion, which are little towns in Phrygia, and wished to hold assemblies there from everywhere, who appointed colleetors of money, who organimd the receiving of gifts under the name of offerings, who provided salaries for those who preached his doctrine in order that its teaching might prevail through gluttony.”

So he says about Montanus. Αnd a little further on he writes thus about the Ρrophetesses. “ Thus we prove that these first prophetesses themselves deserted their husbands from the moment that they were filled with the spirit. what a lie it is then for them to call Ρriscilla a ” Then he goes on saying : “Does not all Scripture seem to you to forbid a prophet from receiving gifts and money 7. There- fore When Ι see that the prophetess has received gold and silver and expensive clothes, how should I refrain from blaming her?”

Then further on he says this about one of their confessors: “Moreover, Themiso too, who was garbed with specious covertousness, who did not endure the sign of confession but exchanged prison for wealth when he ought to have been humble-minded on this accound, and boasted that he was a martyr, dared, in imitation of the apostle, to compose an epistle general, to instruct those whose faith was better than his, and to contend with empty sounding words and to blaspheme against the Lord and the apostles and the holy ” Αnd again he writes thus about another of those who were honoured among them as martyrs: “But in order that we may not speak about more of them, let the prophetess 1 tell us the story of Alexander, who calls himself a martyr, with whom she joins in revels, to whom many pay reverence. We need not tell of his robberies and the other crimes for which he has been punished, but the record-house 2 has them. Which then forgives the ’s sins? Does the prophet absolve the martyr of robbery or the martyr forgive the prophet for avarice? For the Lord said, ‘Provide neither gold nor silver nor two ’; but these, doing wholly otherwise, have transgressed by the acquisition of these forbidden things. For we will show that their so-called prophets and martyrs make 2 ὀπισθόδομος, literally “baek ” It originally referred to a baek room in the temple of Athena on the Acropolis at Athens which was used as the treasury, and it was afterwards extended to any room used for this or similar public purposes. gain not οnly from the rich but from the poor and from orphans and widows. Αnd if they have the courage let them stop at this point and discuss these matters in order that if they are convicted they may at least cease transgressing for the future. For it is necessary to test the fruits of the prophet, for from the fruits the tree is known. But, that the story of Alexander may be known to those who wish, he was convicted by Aemilius Pompinus, proconsul in Ephesus, not for being a Christian but for his daring robberies, and he was an old offender. Then, by falsely claiming the name of the Lord he was released, having deceived the Christians there, and his own diocese from which he came would not receive him because he was a robber, and those who wish to learn his story have the public records of Asia at their disposition.1 The prophet is ignorant about him though he lived with him for many years, but we have exposed him, and through him expose also the nature of the prophet. we can ShoW the same in many instances, and, if they dare, let them stand the test.”

And again in another part of the book he says this about their boasted prophets: “If they deny that their prophets have taken gifts let them admit this, that if they have been convicted, they are not true prophets, and we will give countless proofs of this. But it is necessary to test all the fruits of a prophet. Tell me, does a prophet dye his hair ? Does he pencil his eyelids ? Does he love ornaments ? Does he gamble and dice ? Does he lend money ? Let them state 1 The story is an interesting parallel to Lucian's account Peregrinus. whether these things are right οr not, and I will show that they have been done among them.”

This same Apollonius in the same book says that it was forty years from the time when Montanus plotted his fictitious prophecy, to the time when he wrote his book. Αnd again he says that Zoticus, whom the former writer mentioned, when Maximilla pretended to prophesy in Pepuza had tried in opporition to confute the spirit which worked in her, but was prevented by those who agreed with her Ηe also mentions a certain Thraseas 1 as one of the martyrs οf that time. Moreover, he says, as though from tradition, that the Sariour ordered his apostles not to leave Jerusalem for twelve years. He also makes quotations from the Apocalypse of John and tells how by divine power a dead man was raised by John himseK at Ephesus. Αnd he says other things by which he demonstrated powertully and completely the error of the heresy under discussion. so far says Apollonius.

XIX. Tradition says that Serapion was bishop of Antioch after Maximinus at the time referred to, and he has mentioned the works of Apolinarius against the heresy described. Ηe mentions him in his own letter to Caricus and Pontius, in whieh he aho himself refutes the same heresy, and continues thus: : “Αnd in order that you may know this, that the working οf the so-called new prophecy of this false οrder is abominated in the whole οf Christendom 1 Cf. H.E. v. 24. throughout the World, Ι have sent you the writings of Claudius Apolinarius, the bishop of Hierapolis in Αsia, of blesed ” And in this letter of Serapion there are preserved the signatures various bishops, of whom one signed himself I, Aurelius Cyrenaeus, a martyr, pray for your ” as follows: “Ι, Aelius Publius Julius, bishop of Debeltum, a colony of Thrace. Αs God lives in the heavens the blessed Sotas in Anchialus wished to drive the devil out of Priscilla and the hypocrites would not let ” The autograph signatures of many other bishops who agreed with them are also preserved in the above mentioned writing. so far concerning them.

XX. In opposition to those in Rome who were discarding the sound ordinance of the church, Irenaeus composed various letters. He addressed one to Blastus On Schism, another to Florinus, On the Sole Sovereignty 1 οr That God is not the Author of Evil, for Florinus seemed to be defending this opinion. For his sake too, when he a attracted by the Valentinian error, a work was composed by Irenaeus On the Ogdoad,2 in which he also indicates that he had himself received the first succession of the apostles, and in it, at the end of the work, we find a most acceptable notice from him which we are obliged to give in this book and it runs as follows: “Ι adjure thee, who shalt copy out this book, by our Lord Jesus Christ, by his glorious advent when he comes to judge the living and the dead, that thou 1 The μοναρχία became the technical term for the assertion οf the Unity of the Godhead, without—as it —due regard to the reality of the Persons of the Trinity, though “Person” (or ὑπόστασις) was not yet used in this sense. 2 Some Gnostics regarded God as eightfold. compare what thou shalt transcribe and correct it with this copy whence thou art transcribing, with all care, and thou shalt likewise transeribe this oath and put it in the ” Μay his wordS be spoken to our profit and be narrated in order that we may keep those primitive and truly sacred men as the best example of the most zealous care.

In the letter to Florinus, whieh we have spoken of above, Irenaeus again mentionS his intercourse with Polycarp, and says: “These opinions, Ο Florinus, that I may speak sparingly, do not belong to sound doctrine. These opinions are inconsistent with the church, and bring those who believe in them into the greatest impiety. These opinions not even the hereties outside the church ever dared to proclaim. These opinions those who were presbyters before us, they who accompanied the apostleS, did not hand on to you. For while 1 was still a boy Ι knew you in lower Asia in Polycarp's house when you were a man rank in the royal hall and endeavouring to stand well with him. I remember the eventS of those days more cleariy than those whieh happened recently, for what we learn as children grows up vith the soul and is united to it, so that I can speak even of the place in which the blessed Polycarp sat and disputed, how he came in and went οut, the character of his life, the appearance of his body, the discourses which he made to the people, how he reported his intercourse with John and with the others who had Seen the Lord, how he remembered their wordS, and what were the things concerning the Lord which he had heard from them, and about their miracles, and about their teaching, and how Polycarp had received them from the eyewitnesses of the word of life, and reported all things in agreement with the Scriptures. I listened eagerly even then to these things through the mercy of God which was given me, and made notes Of them, not on paper but in my heart, and ever by the grace of God do Ι truly ruminate on them, and I can bear witness before God that if that blessed and apostolic presbyter had heard anything of this kind he would have cried out, and shut his ears, and said according to his custom, ‘Ο good God, to what time hast thou preserved me that I should endure ?' Ηe would have fled even the place in which he was seated or standing when he heard sueh words. And from his letters which he sent either to the neighbouring churches, strengthening them, οr to some of the brethren, exhorting and warning them, this can be made ” So says Irenaeus.

XXI. Αnd at the same time in the reign of Commodus our treatment was changed to a milder one, and by the grace of God peace came on the churches throughout the whole world. The word of salvation began ` to lead every soul of every race men to the pious worship of the God of the universe, so that now many of those who at Rome were famous for wealth and family turned to their own salvation with all their house and with all their kin. This was unendurable to the demon who hates good, envious as he is by nature, and he again stripped for conflict, and prepared various derices against uS. In the city οf the Romans he brought before thc court Apollonius, a man famous among the ChristianS of that time for his education and philosophy, and raised up to accuse him one οf his Servants who waS suitable for this. But the coward entered the case at a bad bme, for according to imperial decree informers on such points were not allowed to live; so they broke his legs at once, for the judge Perennius decreed this sentence against him. But the martyr, beloved of God, when the judge earnertly begged and prayed him to defend himself before the senate, made before every οne a most learned defence of the faith for which hc was a martyr, and was consecrated by beheaffing as if bv decree of the senate: for an aneient law obtrialned among them that there should be no οther issue for the case οf those who once appeared befor the court and ffid not change their opinion. The words of Apollonius before the judge dge and the answers which he made to the interrogation οf Perennius, and all the defence which he made to the senate, can be read by anyone who wishes in the compilation which we have made οf the ancient martyrs.1

XXII. In the tenth year ofthe reign οf Commodus 2 victor sueceeded Eleutherus who had served in the episcopate thirteen years. Ιn the same year Julian had completed his tenth year, and Demetrius was appointed to the administration of the Alexandrian dioceses, and at the same time the famous Serapion, whom we mentioned before, was bishop of the ehurch 1 See Introduction, p. xxlli. The facts as to Apollonius are obscurc; but the servant waS probably executed in accordance with the law against slaves who betrayed their mnsters. 2 That is, in A.D. 189. of Antioch and the eighth from the apostles. Theophilus ruled Caesarea in Palestine, and Narcissus, whomour work has mentioned before, still holding the administration of the church at Jerusalem. and at the same time bacchyllus was bishop of Corinth in Greece and Polycrates of the diocese of Ephesus. There were also, of course, countless other famous men at this time, but we have naturally given the names of those the orthodoxy of whose faith has been preserved to us in writing.

XXIII. At thattime time no small controversy arose because all the dioceses of Asia thought it right, as though by more ancient tradition, to observe for the feast of the Saniour's passover tbe fourteenth day of the moon, on which the Jews had been commanded to kill the lamb. Thus it was necessary to finish tbe fast on that day, whatever day of the Week it might be. 1 Υet it was not the custom to celebrate in this manner in the churches throughout the rest of the world, for from apostolic tradition they kept the custom which still exists that it is not right to finish tbe fast on any day save that of the resurrection of our Saviour. Many meetings and conferences with bishops were beld on this point, and all unanimously formulated in their letters the doctrine of the church for those in every country country that the mystery of the Lord's resurrection from the dead could be celebrated on no day save Sunday, 2 and 1 That is, instead of Good Friday as the anniversary of the Lord's death the Asiatic Christians observed the Jewish feast on the fourteenth day after the new moon with which the month Nisan began. Hence they are often called Quartodecimans. 2 And therefore the celebration of the crucifixion must come οn a Friday. that οn that day alone we should celebrate the end of the paschal faSt. Thcre is still eXtallt a writing of those who were eonvened in Palestine, οver whom piesided Theophilus, bishop of the dioeeSe of Caesarea, and Narcissus, bishop of Jerusalem; and there is similarly another from those in Rome on the same eontroversy, which gives Vietor as bishop; and there is one of the bishops of Pontus over whom Palmas presided as the oldest; and of the dioceses of Oaul, of which Irenaeus was biShop bishop; and yet οthers οf those in OSrhoene and the citieS there; and particularly οf Bacchyllus, the bishop of the chureh of Corinth; and οf ver y many moie who expreSsed one and the Same opinion and judgement, and gave the same vote.

XXIV. These iSsued the single definition which was given above; but the bishops in Asia were led by Polycrates in persisting that it was necessary to keep the custom whieh had been handed doWn to them of old. Polycrates himself in a document which he addreSsed to victor and to the church of Rome, expounds the traffition which had come to him as follows. “Therefore we keep the day undeviatingly, neither adding nor taking away, for in Αsia great luminaries 1 sleep, and they will rise on the day of the coming of the Lord, when he shall come with glory from heaven and seek out 2 all the saints. sueh were Philip of the twelve apostles, and two of his daughters Who grew old as virgins, who sleep in Hierapolis, and another daughter of his, who lived in the Ηoly spirit, reSts at Ephesus. Moreover, 1 στοιχεῖα in late Greek often means the planets. 2 some Mss. (AB) read ἀναστήσει, “raise ” and this may be the right reading. there is also John, who lay on the Lord's breast, who was a priest wearing the breastplate, and a martyr, and teacher. Ηe sleeps at Εphesus. Αnd there is also Ρolycarp at smyrna, both bishop and martyr, and Thraseas, both bishop and martyr, from Εumenaea, who sleeps in Smyrna. Αnd why should I speak of Sagaris, bishop and martyr, who sleeps at Laodicaea, and Papirius, too, the blessed, and Melito the eunuch, who lived entirely in the Ηoly Spirit, who lies in sardis, waiting for the visitation from heaven when he will rise from the dead? Αll these kept the fourteenth day of the passover accorffing to the gospel, never swerving, but following according to the rule of the faith. Αnd I also, Ρolycrates, the least of you all, live according to the tradition οf my kinsmen, and some or them have I followed. For seven of m y family were bishops and 1 am the eighth, and my kinsmen ever kept the day when the people put away the leaven. Therefore, brethren, Ι who have lived sixty- nve years in the Lord and conversed with brethren from every country, and have studied all holy scripture, am not afraid of threats, for they have said who were greater than I, ‘It is better to obey ood rather than men.’”

Ηe continues about the bishops who when he wrote were with him and shared his opimon, and says thus: “And I could mention the bishops who are present whom you required me to summon, and I did so. If I should write their names they would be many multitudes; and they knowing my feeble humanity, agreed with the lerter, knowing that not in vain is my head grey, but that 1 have ever lived in Christ Jesus.”

Upon this Victor, who presided at Rome, immediately tried to cut off from the common unity the dioceses of all Αsia, together with the adjacent churches, οn the ground of heterodoxy, and he indited letters announcing that all the Christians there were absolutely excommunicated. But by no means all were pleased by this, so they isSued counter-requests to him to consider the cause of peace and unity and love towards his neighbours. Thcir words are extant, sharply rebuking victor. Αmοng them too Irenaeus, writing in the name of the Christians whose leader he was in Oaul, though he recommends that the mystery of the ’s resurrection be observed only οn the Lord's day, yet nevertheless exhorts victor suitably and at length not to excommunicate whole churches of God for following a traffidltion οf ancient custom, and eontinues as follows: “For the controversy is not only about the day, but also about the actual character οf the fast; for some think that they ought to fast οne day, others two, others even more, some count their day as forty hours, day and night. 1 Αnd such variation of observance ffid not begin in οur own timep but much earlier, in the days of οur predecessors who, 3 The construction οf the Greek is harsh: γεγονυῖα seems a mistake for γέγονε. it would appear, ffisregarding strictness maintained a practice which is simple and yet allows for personal preference, establishing it for the future, and none the less all these lived in peace, and we also live in peace with one another and the disagreement in the fast connrms οur agreement in the faith.”

Ηe adds to this a narrative whieh I may suitably quote, running as follows: “Among these too were the presbyters before soter, who presided over church of which you are now the leader, I mean Anicetus and Ρius and telesphorus and Xystus. ney did not themselves observe it, 1 nor ffid they enjoin it οn those who followed them, and though they ffidId not keep it they Were none the less at peace with those from the ffioceses in which it was οbserved when tbey came to them, although to observe it was more objectionable to those who ffid not do so, 2 Αnd no οne was ever rejected for this reason, but the presbyters before you who did not observe it sent the Εucharist to those from other dioceses who did; and when the blessed Polycarp was staying in Rome in the time of Anicetus, though they disagreed a little about some other things as well, they immediately made peace, having no wish for strife between them on this marter. For neither waS Anicetus able to persuade Polycarp not to observe it, inasmuch as he had always done so in company with John the disciple of οur Lord and the other apostles with whom he had associated; nor did Polycarp persuade Anicetus to observe it, for he said that he ought to keep the eustom of thOse who Vere presbyters before him. Αnd under these circumstances they communicated Vith eaeh other, and in the church Anicetus yielded the eelebrariOn Of rile Fucharist to Polycarp ObViouriy out Of respect, and tbey parted from each other in peace, fOr the peace Of the whole church was kept both by thOse who obserVCd and by those Who did not.”

Αnd Irenaeus, who deserVed his name, making an eirenicon in this vay, gaVe exhortations of this kind for the peace of the church and served as as ambassador, for in letters he diseussed the Various views on the issue vhieh had been raised, not Only with Vletor but with Vith many other rulers of churehes.

XXV. The Palestinians whom Ve bave reeenriy mentioned, that is to say Narcissus and Theophilus, and with them Cassius, the bishop of the church in Tyre, and Clarus, the birilop Of the church in Ptolemais, and thoSe Vho aembled rith them, treated at length the tradition concerning rile passover which had come down tO them frOm the succession of the apostles, and at the end Of their riring they add as follows: “Try tO send copies of Our letter to eVery diocese that ve may nOt be guilty towards thOse who easily deeeiVe tbeir own sOulS. Αnd Ve make it plain tO you that in Alexandria also they celebrate the Same day as do we, for letters have been eXehanged between them and us, so that we obserVe the holy day together and in agreement.”

XXVI. Ιn addition to the published treatises and to the letters of Irenaeus, there is extant a concise and extremely convincing treatise of hiS against the Greeks, entitled Concerning Knowledge, and another vhieh he has dedicated to a Christian named Marcian on the Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching, and a little book of Various discourses in which he menrions the Epistle to the Hebrews and the so-called Wisdom of solOmon, quoting certain passages from them. such is the extent Of our knovledge of the works of Irenaeus.

When CommoduS had riniShed his relgn after thirteen years severus became emperor not quite six monthS after the death Or CommOdus, Pertinax coming in the interval. 1

XXVII. Many workes of the Virtuous zeal of the aneient members of rile church of that time have still been widely preserved until now, and we haVc read them OurselveS. such are the writings of Heraclitus on the Epistles, 2 and the writings of Maximus on the problem of the source of eVri; sO much traversed by the heretic, and on whether matter has an origin, the works of Candidus on the Hexaëmeron, 3 and of Apion On the same subject, also of seXtuS on the Resurrection, and another treatise of Arabianus, and eountless Others of whieh We are unable from lack of evidenee to give the date or any aecOunts Of their hiStOry. Αnd there are many otherS alSo which have reaehed uS, but we cannot even giVe their names, yet they are orthodox 2 Literally “on the apostle,” which in ecclesiastical Greek regularly means the Epistles of Paul, not the Acts of the Apostles. 3 That is, the the Six days of creation. and Christian, as their interpretation of the dirine Scripture demonstrates, but the writers are unknown to us bccause their names are not given in their writings.

XXVIII. In a treatise worked out by one of these against the heresy of Αrtemon, which Ρaul of Samosata has tried to renew in our time, there is extant an account which bears οn the history which we are examining. For he criticizes the abovementioned heresy (which claims that the sarivlour was a mere man) as a recent innovation, beeause those who introduced it wished to make it respectable as being ancient. Among many other points adduced in refutation of their blasphemous falsehood, the treatise rehtes this this: “For For they say that all who went before and the apostles themselves received and taught what they now say, and that the truth of the teaching was preserved until the times οf victor, who was the tffihlrteenth bishop in Rome after Ρeter, but that the truth had been corrupted from the time of his successor, Zephyrinus. What they said might perhaps be plausible if in the nrst place the dirine scriptures were not opposed to them, and there are also writings of certain christians, older than the time of Victor, wHch they wrote to the Gentiles οn behalf of the truth and against the heresies of their οwn time. 1 mean the works of Justin and Miltiades and Tatian and Clement and many others in all of which Christ is treated as God. For who is ignorant of the books of Irenaeus and Melito and the others who announced Christ as God and man? Αnd all the Ρsalms and hymns which were written by faithful Christians from the beginning sing of the Christ as the LogoS of Ood and treat him as God. Ηοw then is it possible that aftcr the mind οf the church had been announced for so many years that the generation before Victor can have Ρreached as these say? Why are they not ashamed of so calumniating Victor when they know quite well that Victor excommunicated Theodotus the cobbler, the founder and father of this insurrection which denie God, when he nrst said that Christ was a mere man? For if Victor was so minded towards them as their blasphemy teaches, how could he have thrown out Theodotus who invented this heresy?”

Such were the events of the time of Victor. When he had held his office ten yearS, Zephyrinus WaS appointed his suceessor in the ninth year of the reign οf Severus. 1 Αnd the author of the book mentioned about the founder of the above-mentioned heresy adds another incident which happened in the time of Zephyrinus and wTites as follows: “I will at least remind many of the brethren of an event whieh happened in our time whieh I think would have probably been a warning to the men of sodom had it happened in their city. There Was a certain confessor, Natalius, not long ago but in our own time. Ηe was deceived by Asclepiodotus and by a second Theodotus, a banker. These were both ffiscipleS of Theodotus the cobbler, who was first excommunicated by vietor, who, as I said, was then bishop, for this way 1 That is, A.D. 201. But reckoning backwards from the time οf Callistus who seems to have become bbhop of Romc in 217, when Zephyrinus had been bishop for eighteen years (cf. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi. 21), It Would seem that this datc is somewhat too late. of thinking, or rather of not thinking. Natalius was persuaded by them to be called bishop of this heresy with a salary, so that he was paid a hundred and Rfty denarii a month by them.1 When he was with them he was οften warned by the Lord in visions, for οur merciful Ood and Lord, Jesus ChriSt, did not with that there should go out of the church and perish one who had been a vitness οf his own sufferings.2 But when he paid indifferent artention to the visions, for he Was entrapped by hiS leading rank among them and by that covetousness which ruins so many, he was at last scourged all night long by holy angels, and suffered not a little, so that in the morning he got up, put on sackcloth, and covered himseR with ashes, and went with much haste, and fell down with tears before Ζephyrinus the bishop, rolling at the feet not only of the elergy but also of the laity, and moved vith his tears the compassionate church οf the merciful Christ. But for all hiS prayers and the exhibition of the wealS of the stripes he had received, he was searcely admitted into communion.”

We would add to this some other Words of the same author on the same persons, Which run as follows : “ They have not feared to corrupt divine scriptures, they have nullified the rule of ancient faith, they have not known Christ, they do not inquire what the divine scriptures sa y, but in- dustriously consider what syllogistic Bgure may be found for the support of their atheiSm. Ιf anyone adduced to them a text of divine Scripture they 1 That is, rather more than 𝕷5. This is the hrst clear instanee οf the payment of bishops, but compare chapter 18. 2. 2 This does not mean more than ἴ’ had been a confessor ’’ — a witness in court to the “sufferings of Christ.” inquire whether it can be put in the form of a conjunctive or a disjunctive syllogism. They abandon the holy scripture of God and Study geometry, 1 for they are of the earth and they speak of the earth and ffihlm who comes from above they do not know. Some οf them, forsooth, study the geometry οf Euclid and admire Αristotle and Theophrastus. Galen perhaps is even worshipped by some of them. when they make a bad use of the arts of unbelievers ror the opinions of their heresy, and adulterate the simple faith of the divine seriptures by the cunning οf the godless, what need is there to say that they are not even near the faith f For this cause they ffid not fear to lay hands οn the divine scriptures, saying that they had eonected them. Αnd that 1 do not calumniate them in saying tffis anywhowish can learn, for if any be willing to collect and compare with each other the texts of each of them, he would hnd them in great discord, for the copies 3 of Asclepiades do not agree vith those of Theodotus, and it is possible to obtain many of them because their disciples have diligently wTitten out copies corrected, as they say, but really corrupted by each of them. Again the eopies of Hermophilus do not agree with these, the copies οf ΑΡolloniades are not even consistent with themselves, for the eopies copies b y them at Rrst can be compared With those whieh later on underwent a second corruption, and they 3 That is, the copies of Scripture used by Apparently these Roman hereties added textual erltlcrim to the sin οf using Aristotle's logic, and were unable to reslst the temptations of conjectural emendation. will be found to disagree greatly. The impudence of this sin can careely be unknown even to them, for either they do not believe that rile diVine scriptures were spoken by the Holy Spirit, and if so they are unbelievers, or they think that they are wiser than the Ηoly spirit, and what are they but demoniacs? For they cannot even deny that this crime is theirs, seeing that the copies were Written in their own hand, and they did not receive the seriptures in thiS eondition from their teachers, nor can they show originals from whieh they made their copies. some of them have not thOught it neeessary even to emend the text, but simply deny the LaW and the Prophets, and thuS on the pretence 1 of their Wieked and godleSs teaching have fallen to the lowest destruction of ” Αnd let this suffice for these things.

THΕ ECCLESIASTICAL ΙSTΟRV ΟF EUSEBIUS

BΟΟΚ VII

1. Νow when Severus also was stirring up persecution against the churches, in every place splendid martyrdoms of the champions of piety were accomplished, but with especial frequency at Alexandria. Thither, as to some great arena, were escorted from Εgypt and the whole Thebais God's champions, who, through their most stedfast endurance in divers tortures and modes of death, were wreathed with the crowns laid up with God. Αmong these was Leonides, known as “the father of Οrigen,’’ who was beheaded, leaving his son behind him quite young. It will not be out of place to deseribe briefly how deliberately the mind was set on the Divine Word from that early age, especially as the story about him has received exceedingly widespread notoriety.

II. Μany indeed, would there be to say, if one were to attempt at leisure to hand down in writing the man's life, and the narrative concerning him would require also a work of its own. Nevertheless, on the present occasion abridging most things as briefly as may be, we shall state some few of the facts concerning him, gathering what we set forth from certain letters and information derived from pupils of his, whose lives have been preserved even to our day.

In the case of Origen I think that even the facts from his very cradle,1 so to speak, are worthy mention. For Severus was in the tenth year of his reigh,2 and Laetus was governor of Alexandria the rest of Εgypt, and Demetrius had just then received the episcopate οf the communities there in succession to Julian. When, therefore, the flame οf persecution was kindled to a fierce blaze, and countless numbers were being wreathed with the crowns οf martyrdom, Origen's soul was with such a passion for martyrdom, while he was still quite a boy, that he was all eagerness to come to close quarters with danger, and to leap forward and rush into the conflict. In fact, it were but a very little step and the end of his life was at hand, had not the divine and heavenly providence, acting for the general good through his mother, stood in the way of his zeal. She, at all events, at first had recourse to verbal entreaties, bidding him spare a mother's feelings; then, when he learnt that his father had been captured and was kept in prison, and his whole being was set on the desire for martyrdom, perceiving that his purpose was more resolute than ever, she hid all his clothes, and so laid upon him the necessity of remaining at home. Αnd since nothing else remained for him to do, and a zeal, intense beyond his years, suffered him not to be quiet, he sent to his father a letter on martyrdom most strongly urging him οn, in which he advises him in these very words, saying : “Take care to to change 1 Lit. “swaddling-clothes.” 2 Α. D. 203. thy mind on account.’’ Let this be recorded as the first proof of Origen's boyish readiness of mind and genuine love of godliness. For indeed in the study of the faith also he had already laid down a good foundation, having been trained in the divine Scriptures from the from the time that he was still a boy. Certainly it was no ordinary amount of labour that he bestowed on these, since his father, in addition to the customary curriculum, took pains that these also should be for him no secondary matter. On all occasions, for example, he kept urging him before beginning his secular1 lessons to train himself in the sacred studies, exacting from him each day learning by heart and repetition. Αnd this the boy did with no lack of willingness, nay, he worked with even excessive zeal at these studies, so that he was not satisfied with reading the sacred words in a simple and literal manner, but sought something further, and busied himself, even at that age, with deeper speculations, troubling his father by his questions as to what could be the inner meaning of the inspired Scripture. Αnd his father would rebuke him ostensibly to his face, counselling him to seek nothing beyond his years nor anything further than the manifest meaning; but secretly in himself he rejoiced greatly, and gave profound thanks to God, the Αuthor of all good things, that Ηe had deemed him worthy to be the father of such a boy. Αnd it is said that many a time he would stand over the sleeping boy and uncover his breast, as if a divine spirit were enshrined therein, and kissing it with reverence count himself happy in his goodly offspring. 1 Ἑλληνικῶν, “pagan’’; cf. the use of the word in 2 Mace. iv. 10 These are the stories, and others akin to these, that they tell about Origen's boyhood.

But when his father had been perfected by martyrdom, he was left destitute with his mother and six smaller brothers, when he was not quite seventeen. His father's property was confiscated for the imperial treasury, and he found himself, along with his ralatives, in want of the necessaries of life. Yet he was deemed worthy of divine aid, and met with welcome and refreshment from a certain lady, very rich in this world's goods, and otherwise distinguished, who nevertheless was treating with honour a wellknown person, one of the heretics at Alexandria at that time Ηe was an Antiochene by race, but the lady we have mentioned kept him at her house as her adopted son, and treated him with especial honour. But although Origen of necessity had to consort with him, he used to give clear proofs of his orthodoxy, at that age, in the faith. For though very great numbers, not only of heretics but also of our own people, were gathered together with Ρaul (for that was the man's name), attracted by his apparent skilfulness in speech, Origen could never be persuaded to associate with him in prayer, keeping the rule οf the Church, even from boyhood, and “loathing’’ — the very word he himself uses somewhere— teachings of the heresies. Ηis father had brought him forward in secular studies, and after his death he applied himself wholly with renewed zeal to a literary training, so that he had a tolerable amount οf pronciency in letters; and, not not after his father's perfecting, by dint of application to these studies, he was abundantly supplied, for a person of his years, with the necessaries of of life.

III. Αnd while he was devoting himself to teaching, as he himself informs us somewhere in writing, since there was no one at Alexandria set apart for catechetical instruction (for all had been driven away by the threat of the persecution), some of the heathen approached him to hear the word of God. Of these Plutrach is pointed out as being the first, who after a noble life was adorned also with a divine martyrdom; and the second, Heraclas, Plutarch's brother. Ηe also, in his own person, afforded a noteworthy example of a philosophic life and of discipline, and was deemed worthy of the bishopric of Αlexandrians in succession to Demetrius. Origen was in his eighteenth year 1 when he came to preside over the catechetical school, and at this time also he came into prominence when the persecutions were going on under Aquila, the governor of Alexandria.2 Then also he won himself an exceedingly wide reputation among all those who were οf the faith, by the kindly help and goodwill that he displayed towards all the holy martyrs, unknown and known alike. For he was present not only with the holy martyrs who were in prison, not only with those who were under examination right up to the final sentence, but also when they were being led away afterwards to their death, using great boldness and coming to close quarters with danger; so that, as he courageously drew near and with great boldness greeted the martyrs with a kiss, many a time the heathen multitude round about in its fury went near to stoning him, but for the fact that time after time he found the divine right hand to help him, and so escaped marvellously; and this same divine and heavenly grace οn other occasions again and — it is impossible to say how οften—Ρreserved him safely, when plots were laid against him at that time because of his excessive Ζeal and boldness for the word of Christ. Αnd so great, then, was the war of unbelievers against him, that soldiers were placed in groups for his protection 1 round the house where he abode, because of the number of those who were receiving instruction from him in the sacred faith. Thus day by day the persecution against him blazed, so that there was no longer any place for him in the whole city; from house to house he passed, but was driven from all sides, on account of the numbers who through him came οver to the divine teaching. For in his practical conduct were to be found to a truly marvellous degree the right actions of a most genuine philosophy (for—as the saying goes—“ as was his speech, so was the manner of life’’ 2 that he displayed, and “as his manner of life, so his speech’’), and it was especially for this reason that, with the co-operation of the divine power, he brought so very to share his zeal.

Αnd when he saw still more pupils coming to him (for the task of instruction had been entrusted by Demetrius, the president of the church, to him alone), considering that the teaching of letters3 was not consonant with training in the divine studies, without more ado he broke off the task of teaching letters,3 as being unprofitable and opposed to sacred study; and then, for the good reason that he might never be in need of others’ assistance, he disposed of all the 1 Or “with a view to capturing him.” 2 cf. Ρlato, Repub. 400 D. 3 Or “literature.” volumes οf ancient literature which formerly he so fondly cherished, content if he who purchased them brought him four obols a day. For a great number οf years he continued to live like a philosopher in this wise, putting aside everything that might lead to youthful lusts; all day long his discipline was to perform labours of no light character, and the greater part of the night he devoted himself to studying the divine Scriptures; and he persevered, as far as possible, in the most philosophic manner of life, at οne time disciplining himself by fasting, at another measuring οut the time for sleep, which he was careful to take, never on a couch, but οn the floor. Αnd above all he considered that those sayings οf the Saviour in the Gospel οught to he kept which exhort us not [to provide] two coats nor to use shoes, nor, indeed, to be worn οut with thoughts about the future. Yea, he was possessed οf a zeal beyond his years, and by persevering in cold and nakedness and going to the extremest limit οf poverty, he greatly astounded his followers, causing grief to numbers who besought him to share their goods, when they saw the labour that he bestowed οn teaching divine things. But he was not one to slacken enduranee. Ηe is said, for example, to have walked ror many years without using a shoe οf any description, yea more, to have refrained for a great many years from the use of wine and all except necessary food, so that he actually incurred the risk of upsetting and injuring his stomach.1

IV. The first of these, then, was Plutarch, he whom we mentioned a little while ago.1 As this man was being led οn the way to death, he οf whom we have been speaking, being present with him to the very end of his life, was again almost killed by his fellow- citizens, as being clearly responsible for his death. But οn that occasion also he was kept by the will of God.2 Αnd, after Plutarch, Serenus was the second οf Origen's pupils to show himself a martyr, having through fire given the proof of the faith he had received. From the same school Heraclides was the third martyr, and after him Ηero, the fourth; the former of these was still a eatechumen, the latter lately baptized. Both were beheaded. Further, in addition to these, from the same school was proclaimed a fifth champion of piety, one serenus, a different person from the first-mentioned of that name. It is recorded that after very great endurance of torture his head was taken off. Αnd, among the women, Ηerais, who was still under instruction for baptism, as Οrigen himself sayssomewhere, “received the baptism by fire,” and so ended her life.

v. Seventh among them must be numbered Basilides, who led away the famous Potamiaena. The praise οf this woman is to this day still loudly sung by her fellow-countrymen, as of one who on of the chastity and virginity of her body, in which excelled, contended much with lovers (for assuredly her body, as well as her mind, was in the full bloom of its youthful beauty); as of one who endured much, and at the end, after tortures that were terrible and fearful to relate, was perfected by fire, along with her mother Marcella. Ιt is said, in fact, that the judge, whose name was Aquila, after inflicting severe tortures upon her entire body, at last threatened to hand her over to the gladiators for bodily insult, and that, when after a brief period of reflection she was asked what her decision was, she made a reply which involved from their point of view something profane. No sooner had she spoken than she received the sentence, and Basilides, being one of those serving in the army, took her and led her away to death. And as the crowed tried to annoy her, and insult her with shameful words, he kept restraining them and driving away the insulters, displaying the greatest pity and kindness towards her. She on her part accepted his fellow-feeling for her and bade him be of cheer, for that she would ask him from her Lord, when she departed, and before long would requite him for what he had done for her. Thus speaking [it is said], she right nobly endured the end, boiling pitch being poured slowly and little by little over different parts of her body from head to toe. Such was the contest waged by this maiden celebrated in song. Αnd not long afterwards, when Basilides was ked by his felleow-soldiers to swear for some reason οther, he stoutly affirmed that swearing was οlutely forbidden in his case, for that he was a ristian and acknowledged it openly. Αt first, deed, for a time they thought he was jesting, but hen he continued stedfastly to affirm it, they ought him to the judge. Αnd when he admitted e constancy [of his profession] in his presence, he as committed to prison. when his brethren in God e to and inquired the reason of this sudden d incredible impulse, it is said that he stated that ee days after her martyrdom Potamiaena appeared him by night, wreathing his head with a crown and saying that she had called upon the Lord for him, and obtained what she requerted, and that before ng she would take him to herself. Thereupon the brethren imparted to him the seal in the Lord, and n the day afterwards he gave notable testimony for the Lord and was beheaded. Αnd it is related that many others of those at Alexandria came over all at οnce to the word of Christ in the time of the persons mentioned, because Ρotamiaena appeared to them in dreams and invited thern. But this must suffice.

VI. Ρantaenus was succeeded by Clement, who directed the instruction at Alexandria up to such a date that Origen also was one of his pupils. In fact lement, when compiling his Stromateis, in the first k displays a chronological table, using the death of Commodus as a terminus in measuring his dates 1; so that it is clear that the work was composed by him 1 clem. Strom. i. 21 (139, 140, 144). under Severus, whose time this present account is describing.

VII. Αt this time Judas also, another writer, composed a written discourse on the seventy weeks in the book of Daniel; he stops his record of time at the tenth year of the reign of Severus. Ηe also was of the opinion that the much talked of coming of the antichrist was then already near. So strongly did the persecution which was then stirred up against us disturb the minds of the many.

VIII. Αt that time, while Οrigen was performing the work of instruction at Alexandria, he did a thing which gave abundant proof of an immature and youthful mind, yet withal of faith and self-control. For he took the saying, “There are eunuchs which made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven’s sake,” in too literal and extreme a sense, and both to fulfil the Saviour’s saying, and also that might prevent all suspicion of shameful slander on the part of unbelievers (for, young as he was, he used to discourse on divine things with women as well as men), he hastened to put into effect the Saviour's Saying, taking care to escape the notice of the greater number of his pupils. But, wishful though he might be, it was not possible to hide a deed of this nature. In fact Demetrius got to know of it later, since he was presiding over the community at that place; and while he marvelled exceedingly at him for his rash act, he approved the zeal and the sinceriry of his faith, bade him be of good cheer, and urged him to attach himself now all the more to the work of instruction.

IX. Many οther miracles, indeed, of Νarcissus do e citizens of the community call to mind, as handed wn by the brethren in succession, and among these ey relate that the following wonder was performed him. Once at the great all-night vigil of the ascha it is said that the oil failed the deacons, and at when deep despondency seized the whole ultitude, thereupon Narcissus commanded those ho were preparing the lights to draw water and ring it to him; that when this was no sooner said an done, he then prayed οver the water, and bade em pour it down into the lamps with unfeigned ith in the Lord. Αnd that when they did this, contrary to all reason by miraculous and divine power nature was changed in quality from water into il; and that for a very long time, from that day even ours, a little was preserved as a οf that wonder former days by very many οf the brethren there.

Αnd they enumerate a great many other things about the life of this man worthy of mention, among which is the following. Certain miserable creatures, not being able to endure his energy and the firmness of his conduct, and fearing lest they should be taken and put on their trial (for they were conscious of many evil deeds), anticipated the event by devising an intrigue agrinst him and spreading a certain grave slander to his hurt. Then, with a view to securing the belief οf their hearers, they strove to confirm their accusations by oaths; one swore, “[if this is not true] ay I be destroyed by fire”; another, “may y be wasted by an untoward diseasse”; and 1 For the reason οf this see c. 11. VOL. II c third, “may my eyes be blinded.” But, swear ey might, none of the faithful gave heed to them, the the fame of Narcissus's sobriety and virtuous nner of life was always well known to all. Ηe, vertheless, could not brook the wickedness of what been said, and, besides, had for a long time been uing the philosophic life,; so he escaped the οle company of the church, and spent many years cretly in deserts and obscure parts οf the country. et the great eye of Justice did not remain quiet at ese deeds, but with untmost speed visited upon those ess men the curses with which in their perjury ey had bound themselves. So the first was burnt death with all his family, the house in which he as staying being wholly set on fire one night from solutely no other cause than a small spark which ppened to fall οn it; as for the second, his body as convered, all at once, from head to toe with the isease that he had assigned to himself as a penalty; d the third, perceiving the hap of the οther o, and fearing the ineritable judgement of God who seeth all, made public confession of what they plotted together in common. Yet, in the act of repentance, so great were the lamentations by hich he was wasted, so many were the tears that me unceasingly poured forth, that both eyes were troyed.

such were the punishments that these men suffered their falsehood.

X. But as Narcissus had retired no one knew where he might be, it seemed good those presiding over the neighbouring churches to eed to the appointment οf another bishop. Ηis e was Dius. Αfter a brief presidency he was cceeded by Germanion, and he in turn by Gordius. In his day Narcissus appeared from somewhere, as if come to life again, and was onee more summoned to the presideney by the brethren, for all admired him to a still greater degree because of his retirement and philosophic life, and especially because οf the punishment with which God had deemed it meet to avenge him.

XI. Αnd when he was no longer able to perform the ministry on account of ripe old age, the abovementioned1 Alexander, being bishop of another community, was called by a dispensarion of God to a joint ministry with Narcissus, by a revelation which appeared to him in a vision at night. Whereupon, as if in obedience to some oraele, he made the journey rom the land of the Cappadocians, where he was rst deemed worthy of the episeopate, to Jerusalem, for the purpose of prayer and investigation οf the sacred] places. The people there gave him the most ordial welcome, and suffered him not to return home gain, in accordance with another revelation which as seen by them also at night, and which vouchsafed n identieal utterance of the clearest kind to those f them who were peculiarly zealous. For it indieated o them to go forth outside the gates and welcome as heir bishop him who was fore-ordained of God. Αnd oing this, with the common consent of the bishops ho were administering the churches round about, hey compelled him of necessity to remain. Αnd in fact Alexander himself in a personal letter to the ntinoites,2 which is still to this day preserved , mentions Narcissus as holding the chief place long with him, writing as follows, in these very words, the close of the letter: “Narcissus greets you, who before me was holding the position of bishop here, and now is associated with me in the prayers, aving completed 116 years; and exhorts you, as I likewise, to be of one mind.”

So was it with these matters. But when Serapion tered upon his rest, Asclepiades succeeded to the ishopric of the chureh at Antioch, and he was self distinguished for his confessions in the (??)ersecution. Αlexander also his his appointent, writing thus to the Antiochenes: “Αlexander, slave and prisoner οf Jesus Christ, to the blessed urch of the Antioehenes, greeting in the Lord. Light and easy did the Lord make my bonds, when learnt at the time οf my imprisonment that by the vine Ρrovidence Αsclepiades, whose worthy faith es him most suitable, had been entrusted with the ishopric of your holy church of the Antiochenes.”

This epistle he indicates had been sent by the hand f Clement,1 writing at the close in this is letter I send unto you, my dear brethren, by the and of Clement the blessed presbyter, a man irtuous and approved, of whom ye yourselves also ve heard, and with whom ye will become acquainted; o also, when he was present here in accordance h the providence and overseership of the Master, th stablished and increased the Church of the rd.”

XII. Νοw it is likely, indeed, that other memoirs , the fruit of Serapion's literary studies, are reserved by other persons, but there have come wn to us only those addressed To Domnus, οne ho had fallen away from the faith of Christ, at the 1 i.e. Clement οf Alexandria. time of the persecution, to Jewish will-worship; and those To Pontius and Caricus, churchmen, and other letters to other persons; and another book has been composed by him Concerning what is known as the Gospel of Peter,1 which he has written refuting false statements in it, because of certain in the community of Rhossus, who οn the ground of the said writing turned aside into heterodox teaehings. It will not be unreasonable to quote a short passage from this work, in which he puts forward the view he held about the book, writing as follows: “For οur part, brethren, we receive both Peter and the οther apostles as Christ, but the writings which falsely bear their names we reject, as men of experience, knowing that such were not handed down to us. For I myself, when I eame among you, imagined that all οf you clung to the true faith; and, without going through the Gospel put forward by them in the name f Peter, I said: If this is the only thing that seemingly causes captious feelings among you, let it be read. But since I have now learnt, from what has been told me, that their mind was lurking in some hole οf hersey,2 I shall give diligence to come again to you; wherefore, brethren, expect me quikly. ut we, brethren, gathering to what what of heresy arcianus3 belonged (who4 used to contradict himself, not knowing what he was saying, as ye will learn date of this Gospel: Swete put it at A.D. 165, others forty. even more years earlier. 2 Schwartz supposes that Serapion Wrote: “was halting reason of some heresy,” reading 3 The Armenian version has Marcion. But the person re mentioned was probably not the well-known heretic οf ntus, but a leader οf the Docetac at Rhossus. 4 Reading ὅς, with Schwartz. from what has been written to you), were enabled1 by οthers who studied this very Gospel, that is, by the successors of those who began it, whom we call Docetae2 (for most of the ideas belong to their teaching)—using [the material supplied] by were enabled to go through it and discover that the most part indeed was in accordance with the true teaching of the Saviour, but that some things were added, which also we place below for your benefit.”

XIII. Such are the writings of Serapion. But of Clement the Stromateis, all the eight books, are preserved with us, upon whieh he bestowed the following title: “Titus Flavius Clement's Stromateis3 of Gnostic Memoirs according to the True Philosophy”; and οf equal number with these are his books entitled Hypotyposeis,4 in which he mentions Ρantaenus by name as his teaeher, and has set forth his interpretations of the scriptures and his traditons. There is also a book of his, the Exhorlalion to the Greeks,5 and the three books of the work entitled Paedagogus, and Who is the Rich Man that is being Saved?5 (such is the title of another book of his), and the treatise Οn the Pascha, and discourses Οn Fasting and Οn Slander, and the Exhortation to Endurance, or To the Recently Baptized,5 and the [book] entitled the Ecclesiastical Cannon, or Against the Judaizers,6 which he has dedicated to Alexander, the bishop mentioned above.7 the bedelothes. Hence works of a miscellaneous character were thus entitled, not οnly by Clement, but also by Plutarch and Origen (see 24. 3).

XIV. Αnd in the Hypotyposeis, to speak briefly, he has given concise explanations of all the Canonical scriptures, not passing over even the disputed writings, Ι mean the Epistle of Jude and the remaining Catholic Εpistles, and the Epistle of Barnabas, the Apocalypse known as Peter's. Αnd as for Εpistle to the Hebrews, he says indeed that it is Paul's, but that it was written for Hebrews in the Ηebrew tongue, and that Luke, having carefully translated it, published it for the Greeks; hence, as a result of this translation, the same complexion of style is found in this Epistle and in the Acts: but that the [words] “Paul an apostle” were not prefixed. For, says he, “in writing to Ηebrews who had conceived a prejudice against him and were suspicious of him, he very wisely did not repel them at the beginning by putting his name.”

Then lower down he adds: “But now, as the blessed elder used to say, since the Lord, being the apostle of the Αlmighty, was sent to the Hebrews, ΡauΙ, through modesty, since he had been sent to the Gentiles, does not inscribe himself as an apostle οf the Hebrews, both to give due deference to the Lord and because he wrote to the Ηebrews also out of his abundance, being a preacher and apostle of the Gentiles.”

Αnd again in the same books Clement has inserted a tradition of the primitive elders with regard to the οrder οf the Gospels, as follows. Ηe Said that those Gospels were first written which include the genealogies, but that the Gospel according to Mark came into being in this manner1: When Ρeter had preached the word at Rome, and by the Spirit Ρroclaimed the Gospel, that those present, who were many, exhorted Mark, as one who had followed him for a long time and remembered what had been spoken, to make a record of what was said; and that he did this, and distributed the Gospel among those that asked him. Αnd that when the matter came to Ρeter’s knowledge he neither strongly forbade it nor urged it forward. But that John, last οf all, conscious that the outward2 facts had been forth in the Gospels, was urged οn by his disciples, and, divinely moved by the Spirit, composed a spiritual Gospel. This is Clement's account.

Αnd again Αlexander, of whom we spoke before,3 mentions Clement, and at the same time also Pantaenus, in a certain letter to Origen, as men who had been known to him. Ηe writes as follows: “For this also has proved to be the will of God, as thou knowest, that the friendship that comes to us from οur forefathers should remain unshaken, nay rather grow warmer and more stedfast. For we know as fathers those blessed ones who went before us, with whom we shall be ere long: Pantaenus, truly blessed and my master, and the holy Clement, who was my master and profited me, and all others like them. Through these I came to know thee, who art the best in all things, and my master and brother.” do these matters stand.

Now Αdamantius (for this also was Origen's name), when Zephyrinus was at that time ruling the church 2 Lit. “bodily.” 3 c. 11, etc. of the Romans, himself states in writing somewhere that he stayed at Rome. Ηis words are: “Desiring to see the most ancient church of the Romans.”

Αfter spending a short time there, he returned to Αlexandria, and indeed continued to fulfil in that city his customary work οf instruction with all Ζeal, Demetrius, the bishop of the people there, still exhorting and wellnigh entreating him to ply diligently his task of usefulness for the brethren.

XV. But when he saw that he was becoming unable for the deeper study of diving things, namely, the examination and translation of the sacred writings, and in addition for the instruction of those who were coming to him and did not give him time to breathe (for one batch of pupils after another kept frequenting from morn to night his lecture-room), he made a division of the numbers. seleeting Heraclas from among his pupils, a man who was Ζealous of divine things, and, as well, a very learned person and no tyro in philosophy, he gave him a share in the task of instruction, assigning to him the preliminary studies οf those who were just learning their elements, and reserving for himself the teaching of the experienced pupils.

XVI. Αnd so accurate was the examination that Origen brought to bear upon the divine books, that he even made a thorough study of the Ηebrew tongue, and got into his own Ρossession the original writings in the actual Ηebrew characters, which were extant among the Jews. Thus, too, he traced the editions οf the other translators οf the sacred writings besides the Seventy; and besides the beaten track of translations, that of Αquila and Symmachus and Theodotion, he discovered certain others, which were used in turn, which, after lying hidden for a long time, he traced and brought to light, Ι know not from what recesses. With regard to these, on account of their obscurity (not knowing whose in the World they were) he merely indicated this: that the one he found at Nicopolis, near Αetium, and the other in such another ρlace. Αt any rate, in the Hexapla1 of the after the four well-known editions, he placed beside them not only a fifth but also a sixth and a seventh translation; and in the case of one of these he has indicated again that it was found at Jericho in a jar in the time of Antoninus the son of Severus. Αll these he brought together, dividing them into clauses and placing them one over against the other, together with the actual Hebrew text; and so he has left us the copies of the Hexapla, as it is called. He made a further separate arrangement of the edition Οf Aquila and Symmachus and Theodotion together with that of the Seventy, in the Tetrapla.2

XVII. Now as regards these same translators it is to be noted that Symmachus was an Ebionite. Those who belong to the heresy of the Ebionites, as it is called, affirm that the Christ was born of Joseph and Μary, and suppose Him to be a mere man, and strongly maintain that the law ought to be kept in a more strictly Jewish fashion, as also we saw somewhere from the foregoing history.3 Αnd too of Symmachus are still extant, in which, by his opposition to the Gospel according to Matthew, he seems to hold the above-mentioned heresy. These, along with other interpretations of the Scriptures by the Hebrew into Greek letters, (3) Aquila, (4) symmachus, (5) Septuagint, (6) theodotion. 5 i.e. the Hexapla with columns (1) and (2) omitted. 3 iii. 27. 2 Symmachus, Οrigen indicates that he had received from a certain Juliana, who, he says, inherited in her turn the books from Symmachus himself.

XVIII. Αt this time also Ambrose, who held the views of the heresy of Valentinus,1 was refuted truth as presented by Origen, and, as if his mind were illuminated by light, gave his adhesion to the true doctrine as taught by the Church. And many other cultured persons, since Origen's fame was noised abroad everywhere, came to him to make trial οf the man's sufficiency in the sacred books. Αnd numbers of the heretics, and not a few of the most distinguished philosophers, gave earnest heed to him, and, one might almost say, were instructed by him in secular philosophy as well as in divine things. For he used to introduce also to the study of philosophy as many as he saw were naturally gifted, imparting geometry and arithmetic and the οther preliminary subjects, and then leading them on to the systems which are found among philosophers, giving a detailed account of their treatises commenting upon and examining into each, so that the man was proclaimed as a great philosopher even among the Greeks themselves. Αnd many persons also of a more ignorant character he urged to take up the ordinary elementary studies, declaring that they would derive no small advantage from these when they came to examine and study the drvine Scriptures. For this reason he deemed especially necessary even for himself a training in secular and philosophic studies.

XIX. Νow, as witnesses also to his achievements in this direction, we have the Greek philosophers themselves who flourished in his day, in whose treatises 1 Α Gnostic of the 2nd century: see iv. 11. 1. we find frequent mention οf the man. sometimes they would dedicate their books to him, sometimes submit their οwn labours to him for judgement, as to a master. But why need one say this, when even Porphry,1 who settled in our day in Sicily, treatises against us, attempting in them to slander the sacred Scriptures, and mentioned those who had given their interpretations of them? Αnd since he could not by any means bring any base charge against our opinions, for lack of argument he turned to deride and slander their interpreters also, and among these origen especially. Ηe says that in his early manhood he had known him; and he tries to slander the man, but unknown to himself really commends him, telling the truth in some cases, where he could not speak otherwise, in οthers telling lies, where he thought he could escape detection; and at one time accusing him as a Christian, at another describing his devotion to the study οf philosophy.

But hear the very words that he uses: “Some, in their eagerness to find an explanation of the wickedness of the Jewish writings rather than give them up, had recourse to interpretations that are incompatible and do not harmonize with what has been offering not so much a defence of what was outlandish as commendation and praise of their own work. For they boast that the things said plainly by Moses are riddles, treating them as divine oracles full of hidden mysteries, and bewitching the mental judgement by their own pretentious obscurity; and so they put forward their interpretations.”

Then, after other remarks, he says: “But this who composed a lengthy treatise against Christianity, which was answered by Εusebius himself. kind οf absurdity must be traced to a man whom I met when I was still quite young, who had a great reputation, and still holds it, because of the writings he has left behind him, I mean Oregen, whose fame has been widespread among the teachers of this kind of learning. For this man was a hearer of Ammonius,1 who had the greatest proficiency in philosophy in our day; and so far as a grasp οf knowledge was concerned he owed much to his master, but as regards the right choice in life he took the opposite road to him. For Αnnnonius was a Christian, brought up in Christian doctrine by his parents, yet, when he began to think and study philosophy, he immediately changed his way οf life conformably to the laws; but Origen, a Greek educated in Greek learning, drove headlong towards barbarian recklessness; and making straight for this he hawked himself and his literary skill about; and while his manner of life was christian and contrary to the law, in his opinions about material things and the Deity he played the Greek, and introduced Greek ideas into foreign fables. For he was always consorting with Ρlatο, and was conversant with the writings οf Numenius and Cronius, Apollophanes and Longinus and Moderatus, Nicomachus and the distinguished men among the Pythagoreans; and he used also the books of Chaeremon the Stoic and Cornutus, from whom he learnt the fingurative interpretation, as employed in the Greek mysteries, and applied it to the Jewish writings.”

These statements were made by Porphyry in the third treatise of his writings against Christians. Αnd while he tells the truth about the man's training and 1 Ammonius Saccas, an Αlexandrian philosopher, the teacher of Longinus and Plotinus, who is said to have died in A.D. 243. erudition, he cleariy lies (for what is the opponent of Christians not prepared to do ?) where he says that Origen came over from the Greeks, and that Ammonius lapsed from a godly life into paganism. For Οrigen kept safely the Christian teaching which he had from his parents, as the hitory above made clear1; and Ammonius maintained his inspired philosophy pure and unshaken right up to the very end of his life.2 To this fact the man's works witness to the present day, and the widespread fame that he owes to the writings he left behind him, as, for example, that entitled on the Harmony of Moses and Jesus, and all the other works that are to be found in the possession of lovers of literature.

Let these things be stated to prove at once the false one's calumny and Origen's great knowledge of Greek learning. With regard to such learning also he writes as follows in a certain epistle, defending himself against those who found fault with him for his zeal in that direction: “But as Ι was devoted to the word, and the fame of οur proficiency was spreading abroad, there approached me sometimes heretics, sometimes those conversant with Greek learning, and especially philosophy, and I thought it right to examine both the opinions of the heretics, and also the elaim that the philosophers make to speak concerning truth. Αnd in doing this we followed the example of Pantaenus, who, before us, was of assistance to many, and had acquired no small attainments in these matters, and also Heraclas, who now has a seat in the presbytery of the Alexandrians, whom Ι 1 2. 7 ff. 2 Eusebius is mistaken here. Ammonius Saccas was certainly not a Christian in Ιater life. und with the teacher οf philosophy, and who had emained five years with him before I began to ttend his lectures. Αnd though he formerly wore dinary dress, on his teacher's account he put it off and assumed a philosophic garb,1 which he keeps to this day, all the while studying Greek books as much as possible. ”

This, indeed, is what he wrote in defence οf his Greek training. But at this time, while he was living at Alexandria, one of the militray appeared οn the scene and delivered letters to Demetrius, the bishop οf the community, and to the then governor of the province οf Egypt, from the ruler of Αrabia, to the intent that he should send Origen with all peed for an interview with him. Ηe duly arrived in Arabia, but soon accomplished the object οf his journey thither, and returned again to Αlexandria. But after the lapse of some time no small warfare 2 broke out again in the city, and leaving Alexandria secretly he went to Ρalestine and abode at Caesarea. And although he had not yet received ordination to the presbyterate, the bishops there requested him to discourse and expound the divine Scriptures publicly the church. That this is so is clear from what lexander, the bishop οf Jerusalem, and Theotistus, the bishop of Caesarea, write with reference Demetrius. They make their defence somewhat follows : “ Αnd he added to his letter that such a ing had never been heard οf, nor taken plaee itherto, that laymen should preach in the presence f bishops ; though I do not know how he comes to 1 The reference is to the distinctive mantle of the Greek philosophers, called in Latin pallium. Cf. iv. 11. 8 2 This was no doubt the massacre οf the inhbitants of Alexandria by Caracalla in Α. D. 215. say what is evidently not true. For instance, where ere are found persons suited to help the brethren, ey also are invited to preach to the people by the οly bishops, as, for example, in Laranda Εuelpis by eon, and in Iconium Paulinus by Celsus, and in ynnada Theodore by Αttieus, our brother ishops. Αnd it is likely that this thing happens in ther places also without οur knowing it. ”

In this way honour was paid to the man of whom we are speaking, while he was still young, not only y his fellow-countrymen but also by the bishops in a foreign land. But since Demetrius once again ecalled him by letter, and by men who were deacons f the Church urged him to come back with speed Alexandria, he retumed and continued to labour ith his accustomed zeal.

XX. Νow there flourished at that time many earned churchemen, and the letters which they enned to οne another are still extant and easily ccessible. They have been preserved even to our ay in the library at Aelia,1 equipped by Alexander, en ruling the church there ; from which also we have been able ourselves to gather together the aterial for our present work.

Of these Beryllus has left behind him, as well as etters, varied and beautiful compositions. Ηe was ishop of the Arabians at Bostra. Αnd likewise also ippolytus,2 who also presided over another church mewhere.

Αnd there has reached us also a Dialogue of Gaius, who was the greatest scholar of the Western church in the three centuries, although conjecture and controversy arding him have been rife in modern times. His dates C. A. D. 160 to c. 235. a very learned person (which was set a-going at Rome in the time of Zephyrinus), with Ρroclus the champion οf the heresy of the Phrygians.1 In which, curbing the recklessness and audacity of his opponents in composing new Scriptures, he mentions οnly thirteen epistles of the holy Apostle, not numbering the Epistle to the Ηebrews with the rest ; seeing that even to this day among the Romans there are some Who do not consider it to be the Apostle's.

XXI. But indeed when Αntoninus had reigned for seven years and six months he was succeeded by Macrinus 2 ; and when he had eontinued in office for a year, again another Antoninus 3 received the Roman government. In the first year of the latter, Zephyrinus, the bishop of the Romans, 4 departed this life, having held the ministry for eighteen entire years.

After him Callistus was entrusted with the episcopate; he survived five years and then left the ministry to Urban. Αfter this the Εmperor Αlexander suceeeded to the principate of the Romans, Αntoninus having continued in office for only four years. Αt this time also Ρhiletus succeeded Asclepiades in the church f the Αntioehenes.

Origen's fame was now universal, so as to reach the ars οf the Εmperor’s mother, Μamaea by name, a ligious woman if ever there was one. She set great tore οn securing a sight of the man, and on testing at understanding οf divine things which was the onder of all. She was then staying at Αntioch, and moned him to her presence with a military escort. 1 See ii. 25 6, and note. 2 Α.D. 217. Generally known as Εlagabalus. 4 A.D. 222 And when he had stayed with her for some time, and shown her very many things that were for the glory of the Lord and the excellence of the divine teaching, he hastened back to his accustοmed duties.

XXII. Αt that very time alsο Ηippolytus, besides very many other memoirs, cοmposed the treatise οn Pascha in which he sets fοrth a register of the and puts fοrward a certain canon of a sixteenyears ars cycle for the Ρascha, using the first year οf the Emperοr Αlexander as a tenninus in measuring his (??)tes. of his other treatises the folloπing have ceached us : Οn the Hexaëmeron,1 On what followed the Hexaëmeron, Against Marcion, Οn the Sοng, On Parts of Εzekiel, Οn the Pascha, Against All the Heresies; and very many οthers also might be found preserved by many people.

XXIII. starting Dom that time also Origen’s commentaries on the divineScriptures had their beginning, at the instigation οf Αmbrose, who not plied him with innumerable verbal exhortations encouragements, but also provided him untintingly what was necessary. For as he Hictated there were ready at hand mοre than seven chorthand-writers, who relieved each other at fixed and as many copyists, as well as girls skilled penmanship; for all of whom Αmbrose supplied without stint the necessary means. Νay further, he contributee to origen a vast amount of zeal in the carnest study of the divine oracles, a zeal which more chan anything else acted as an incentive to him tο compose his commentarieses.

XXIV. But to that information it is necessary to add that in the sixth of his Expositions οn the [Gospel] according to John he indicates that he composed the first five while he was still at Alexandria ; but of this work on the whole of the selfsame Gospel only twenty-two tomes have come our way. Αnd [We must also state] that in the ninth of those On Genesis (there are twelve in all) he shows that not only were those before the ninth written at Alexandria, but also [his commentary] on the first twentyfive Psalms, and, as well those on Lamentations, of which there have come to us five tomes. In these he mentions also those Οn the Resurrection, of which there are two. Moreover he wrote his De Principiis before his removal from Alexandria, and he composed the [books] entitled Stromateis, ten in number, in the same city in the reign of Alexaner, as is shown by the annotations in his own hand in front of the tomes.

XXV. Νow while expounding the first Ρsalm he set forth the catalogue of the sacred Scriptures of the Old Testament, writing somewhat as follows in these words : “ But it should be known that there are twenty-two canonical books, according to the Ηebrew tradition ; the same as the number of the letters of their alphabet."

Then further on he adds as follows : “ These are the twenty-two books according to the Ηebrews : That which is entitled with us Genesis, but with the Hebrews, from the beginning of the books, Bresith, that is ῾ In the beginning.᾿ Exodus, that is, ῾ These ‘These are ‘ Αnd he called.᾿ Νumbers, Αmmes phekodeim. Deuteronomy, Elle addebareim, ‘ These are the words.᾿ Jesus the son of Nave, Iosoue ben Judges, Ruth, with them in one books, Sophteim. 2 Οf Kingdoms i, ii, with them one, Samuel, ‘The called of God.᾿ Οf Kingdoms iii, iv, in one, david, that is, ‘The Kingdom of David. Chronicles i, ii, in one, Dabreݲ iamein, that is, ‘Words of Esdras i, ii, in one, Ezra, that is, ῾Helper.᾿ Book Ρsalms, Sphar thelleim. Proverbs of Solomon, Meloݲth. Ecelesiastes, Koݲelth. Song of as some suppose, Songs of Songs), Sir assireim. Esaias, Iessia. Jeremiah with Lamentations and the Letter, in one, Jeremia. Daniel, Danieݲl. Ezekieݲl. Job, Joݲb. Esther, Estheݲr. 1 i.e “fifth (book) of the precepts” οr “of men.” 2 A transliteration of the Hebrew word meaning “ judges.” these there are the Maccabees, which are entitled Sar beth sabanai el."1

These things he inserts in the above-mentioned treatise. But in the first of his [Commentaries] on the Gospel according to Mattheru defending the canon of the Church, he gives his testimony that he knowns only four Gospels, writing somewhat as follows: “. . . as having learnt by tradition concerning four Gospels, which alone are unquestionable in the Church of God under heaven, that first was written that according to Matthew, who was once a taxcollector but afterwards an apostle of Jesus Christ, who published it for those who from Judaism came to believe, composed as it was in the Hebrew language. secondly, that according to Mark, who wrote it in accordance with Peter's instructions, whom also Ρeter aeknowledged as his son in the catholic epistle, speaking in these terms : ‘She that is in Babylon, elect together with you, saluteth you ; and so doth Μark my son.᾿ Αnd thirdly, that according to who wrote, for those who from the Gentiles [came to believe], the Gospel that was praised by Ρaul. Αfter them all, that according to John.”

Αnd in the fifth of his Expositions οn the Gospel according to John the same person says this with reference to the epistles of the apostles : “But he who was made suffieient to become a minister of the new covenant, not of the letter but of the spirit, even Ρaul, who fully preached the Gospel from Jerusalem and round about even unto Illyricum, did not so much as write to all the Churches that he taught ; and even to those to which he wrote he sent but a few of the first word in the text, and so lt would represent “The history of the house of the warriors.” lines. Αnd Ρeter, on whom the Church of Christ is built, against which the gates of Ηades shall not prevail, has left one acknowledged epistle, and, it may be, a second also ; for it is doubted. Why need I speak of him who leaned back on Jesus᾿ John, who has left behind one Gospel, confessing that he could write so many that even the world itself could not contain them ; and he wrote also the Apocalypse, being ordered to keep silence and not to write the voices of seven thunders ?. Ηe has left also an epistle of a very few lines, and, it may be, a second and a third ; for not all say that these are genuine. Οnly, the two of them together are not a hundred lines long.”

Furthermore, he thus discusses the Εpistle to the Ηebrews, in his Homilies upon it : “That the charaeter of the dietion of the epistle entitled To the Ηebrews has not the ’s rudeness in speech, who confessed himself rude in speech, that is, in style, but that the epistle is better Greek in the framing of its dietion, will be admitted by everyone who is able to discern differences of style. But again, on the other hand, that the thoughts of the epistle are admirable, and not inferior to the acknowledged writings of the apostle, to this also everyone will consent as true who has given attention to reading the apostle.”

Further on, he adds the following remarks : “But as for myself, if I were to state my own opinion, I should say that the thoughts are the apostle's that the style and composition belong to one who called to mind the apostle's teachings and, as, it made short notes of what his master said. Ιf any church, therefore,holds this epistle as Ρaul’s, let it be commended for this also. For not without reason have the men of old time handed it down as Ρaul’s. But who wrote the epistle, in truth God knows. Yet the account which has reaehed us [is twofold], some saying that Clement, who was bishop οf the Romans, wrote the epistle, others, that it was Luke, he who wrote the Gospel and the Acts.”

XXVI. But this must suffice on these matters. Νow it was in the tenth year of the above-mentioned reign1 that Origen removed from Αlexandria to Caesarea, leaving to Ηeraclas the Catechetical School for those in the city. Αnd not long afterwards Demetrius, the bishop οf the church οf the Alexandrians, died, having continued in the ministry for forty-three entire years. Ηe was succeeded by Heraclas.

XXVII, Νow at this time Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, was distinguished ; he displayed such esteem for Origen, that at one time he would summon him to his own parts for the benefit of the churches ; at another, Journey himself Judaea, and spend some time with him for his own betterment in divine things. Νay further, Alexander, who presided over the [church] of Jerusalem, and Theoctistus, [who presided] at Caesarea, continued their attendance on him the whole time, as their only teacher, and used to concede to him the task of expounding the divine Scriptures, and the οther parts of the Church’s instruction.

XXVIII. But to resume. When Alexander the A A.D. 262. Emperor of the Romans had brought his principate to an end after thirteen years, he was suceeeded by Maximin Caesar.1 Ηe, through ill-will towards the house of Alexander, since it consisted for the most part of beievers, raised a persecution, ordering the leaders of the Church alone to be put to death, as being responsible for the teaching of the Gospel. nen aho Origen composed his work On Martyrdom, dedicating the treatise to Ambrose and Protoctetus, a presbyter of the commurity at Caesarea ; for in the persecution no ordinary distress had befallen them both, in which distress it is recorded that these men were distinguished for the confession they made during the period, not more than three years, that the reign of Maximin lasted. Origen has noted this particular time for the persecution, in the twentysecond of his Expositions of the Gospel according to John, and in various letters.

XXIX. Gordian having succeeded to the Roman government after Maximin,2 Pontianus, when he had been bishop of the church of Rome for six years, was succeeded by Anteros; who exercised his ministry for a month, and was succeeded by Fabian. It is said that Fabian, after the death οf Αnteros, came from the country along with others and stayed at Rome, where he came to the office in a most miraculous manner, thanks to the divine and heavenly grace. For when the brethren were all assembled for the purpose of appointing him who should succeed to the episcopate, and very many notable and distinguished ersons were in the thoughts of many, Fabian, who as there, came into nobody's mind. But all of udden, they relate, a dove flew down from above and 1 A.D. 235. 2 A.D. 238. settled οn his head, in clear imitation of the deseent οf the Ηoly Ghost in the form of a dove upon the saviour ; whereupon the whole people, as if moved by one divine inspiration, with all eagerness and with οne soul cried out “worthy,” and without more ado took him and placed him on the episcopal throne.

Αt that very time also Ζebennus, bishop of Antioch, departed this life and Babylas succeeded to the rule ; and in Alexandria, Ηeraclas, having received the ministry after Demetrius, was succeeded in the Catechetical School there by Dionysius, who had also been one of Οrigen’s pupils.

XXX. Νow while Οrigen was playing his accustomed tasks at Caesarea, many came to him, not only of the natives, but also numbers of foreign pupils who had left their own countries. Αmong these as especially distinguished we know to have been Theodore, who was the selfsame person as that renowned bishop in our day, Gregory, and his brother Αthenodore. Both of them were strongly enamoured of Greek and Roman Studies, but Origen instilled into them a passion for philosophy and urged them to exchange their former love for the study of divine truth.1 Five whole years they continued with him, and made such progress in divine things that while still young both of them were deemed worthy of the episcopate in the churehes of Pontus.

XXXI. Αt that time Africanus also, the author of the books entitled Cesti,2 was well known. Α letter οf his, written to Οrigen, is extant ; he was at a loss as to whether the story of Susanna in the book of 1 Gregory, Pan. vi. 78, 83, 84. 2 i.e. “embroidered ” indicating the varied nature οf the contents οf the work : of. “Stromateis,” 13. 1 Daniel were a spurious forgery. Origen makes a very full reply to it. Αnd of the same Africanus there have reached us as well five books οf Chronographies, a monument of labour and accuracy. In these he says that he himself made a journey to Alexandria because οf the great fame of Ηeraclas ; who, as we have stated,1 was greatly distinguished for philosophy and other Greek learning, and was entrusted with the bishopric of the church there. Αnd another letter of the same Αfricanus is extant, to Αristides, On the supposed discord between the Genealogies of Christ in Matthew and Luke. In it he establishes very clearly the harmony οf the evangelists from an account that came down to him, which by anticipation I set forth in the proper place in the first book of the present work.2

XXXII. Αnd Origen too at this time was composing his Commentaries οn Isaiah, and at the same time those also οn Ezekiel. Of the former, thirty tomes have come our way on the third part of Ιsaiah, up to the vision of the beasts in the desert ; and on Ezekiel five and twenty, the only ones that he has written οn the whole prophet. Αnd having come at that time to Αthens, he finished the commentary on Ezekiel, and began that on the song of Songs, carrying it forward there up to the fifth book. And returning to Caesarea he brought these also to an end, numbering ten. Why should one draw up the exact catalogue of the man's works here and seeing that sueh would require a special study ? Αnd 1 3. 2 ; l5 ; l9. 13 f. ; 26. 2 i. we did record it in our account of the life of Pamphilus, that holy martyr of our day, in which, in showing the extent οf Pamphilus’s zeal for divine things, quoted as evidence the lists in the library that had brought together of the works of Origen and of other ecclesiastical writers; writers ; and from who pleases can gather the fullest knowledge of the works of Origen that have reached us. But We must now proceed with οur history.

XXXIII. Beryllus, who, as we have mentioned a little above,1 was bishop of Bostra in Αrabia, perverting the Church’s standard, attempted to introduce things foreign to the faith, daring to say that our Saviour and Lord did not pre-exist in an individual existence of Ηis own before Ηis coming to reside among men, nor had Ηe a divinity of Ηis own, only the Father’s dwelling in Ηim. after a large number of bishops had held questionings and discussions with the man, Origen being invited along with others, entered in the first place into conversation with the man to discover what Were his opinions, and when he knew what it was that he asserted, he corrected what was unorthodox, and, persuading him by reasoning, established him in the truth as to the doctrine, and restored him to his former sound opinion. Αnd there are still extant to this very day records in writing both of Beryllus and of the synod that was held on his account, which contain at once the questions Οrigen put put him and the discussions that took place in his own community, and all that was done on that occasion. And a great many other things about Origen have been handed down to memory by the older men of our day, which 1 20. 2 I think it well to pass over, as they do not concern the Ρresent work. But all that it was necessary to know of his affairs, these also one may gather from the Apology that was written on his behalf by us and Ρamphilus, that holy martyr Of our day, a work that we were at pains to compose conjointly because of the fault-finders.

XXXXIV. When after six whole years Gordian broadught his government of the Romans to an end, Ρhilip along with his sOn Ρhilip suceeeded to the principate.1 It is recorded that he, being a Christian, wished on the day of the last paschal vigil to share along with the multitude the Ρrayers at the church, but was not permitted to enter by him who was then preriding until he eonfessed and numbered himself among those who were reckoned to be in sins and were occupying the place of penitence; for that otherwise, had he not done so, he would never have been received by [the president] on account of the many charges made concerning him. Αnd it is said that he obeyed readily, displaying by his actions how genuine and pious was his disposition towards the fear of God.

XXXV. It was the third year of his regin 2 when Ηeraclas departed this life, after Ρresiding for sixteen years over the churches at Αlexandria; Dionysius took up the episcopal office.

XXXVI. Then indeed, as was fitting, When the faith was inereasing and our doctrine was boldly proclaimed in the ears of all, it is said that Οrigen, who was over sixty years Οf age, inasmuch as he had now acquired immeense facility from long preparation,3 Ρermitted shorthand-writers to take down the dis- 3 Gregory, Pan. ii. 10. delivered by him in public, a thing that he had never before allowed.

Αt that time also he composed the treatises, eight in number, in answer to the work against us, entitled True Discourse of Celsus the Epicurean. and twenty-five tomes on the Gospel according to Μatthew, and those on the twelve prophets, of which we found only five and twenty. Αnd there is extant alSo a letter of his to the Emperor Philip himself, and another to his wife Severa, and narious other letters to various persons. Αs many of these as we have been able to bring together, preserved as they were here and there by various persons, we arranged in separate roll-eases, so that they might no longer be dispersed. These letters number more than a hundred. Αnd he wrote also to Fabian the bishop of Rome, and to very many other rulers of churches, with reference to his orthodoxy. You will find these facts also established in the sixth book of the Apology We wrote on the ’s hehalf.

XXXVII. Οnce more in Αrabia at the above-men- tioned time other persons sprang up, introducing a doctrine foreign to the truth, and saying that the human soul dies for a while in this present time, along with our bodies, at their death, and with them turns to corruption; but that hereafter, at the time of the resurrection, it will come to life again along with them. Moreover, when a synod of no small dimensions was then assembled together, Origen was again invited, and there opened a discussion in public on the subject in question, with sueh power that he changed the opinions of those who had formerly been deluded.

XXXVIII. Αt that time also another perverse opinion had its beginning, the heresy known as that οf the Helkesaites, whic no sooner began than it was quenched. Origen mentions it in a public address οn the eighty-second Psalm, some such words as these: “There has come just now a certain man who prides himself on being able to champion a godless and very impious οpinion, of the Helkesaites, as it is ealled, which has lately come into opposition with the churches. I shall lay before you the mischievous teachings ofthat opinion, that you may not be carried away by it. It rejects some things from every scripture; agam; it has made use texts from every part ofthe old Testament and the Gospels; rejects the Αpostle entirely. Αnd it says that to deny is a matter of of indifference, and that the ffisereet man will on occasions of necessity deny with his mouth, but not in his heart. Αnd they produee a certain book οf which they say that it has fallen from heaven, and that he who has heard it and beldieves will reeeive forgiveness οf his sins — a forgiveness other than that which Christ Jesus has bestowed.”

XXXIX. But to resume. When Philip had reigned for seven years he was succeeded by Decius. 1 Ηe, on account of his enmity towards Philip, raised a persecution against the churches, in which Fabian was pertected by martyrdom at Rome, and was sueceeded in the episeopate by Cornelius.

In Palestine, Αlexander, the bishop of the church of Jerusalem, appeared οnce more for Chrisrt’s sake caesarea before the governor’s courts, and for second time distinguished himself by the confession he made; he underwent the trial of imprisonment, crowned with the venerable hoary loeks of ripe old age. Αnd when after the splenffid and manifest testimony that he gave in the governor’s courts asleep in prison, Mazabanes was proclaimed as is successor in the episeopate at Jerusalem.

Αnd when at Αntioch Babvlas, in like manner to lexander, after confession departed this life in rison, Fabius was made president of the church ere.

Now the nature and extent of that which happened to Origen at the time of the persecution, and what was the end thereof; how the evil demon marshalled ll his forces in rivalry agrialnst the man, how he led them with every derivlce and power, and singled him ut, above all others upon whom he made war at that ime, for special attack; the nature and extent of which he endured for the word of Christ, chains d tortures, punishments infficted on his body, unishments as he lay in iron and in the recesses of is dungion; and how, when for many days his feet ere stretched four spaces in that instrument of rture, the stoeks, he bore with a stout heart threats f fire and everything else that was inflicted by his nemies; and the kind of issue he had thereof, the udge eagerly striving with all his might on no account put him to death; and what sort of sayings he eft behind him after this, sayings full ofhelp for those ho needed uplifting —[of all these matters] the man’s umerous letters contain both a true and aecurate count.

XL. Αs to that which befell Dionysius, I shall uote from a letter of his against Germanus, where, eaking of himself, he gives the following account : Now I for my part speak also before God, and Ηe οws if I lie. Αcting not on my οwn judgement nor art from God have I taken flight; but οn a former occasion also when the persecution under Decius was blicly proclaimed, that selfsame hour Sabinus sent frumentarius1 to seek me out, and οn my part I emained four days at my house, expeeting the ival of the frumentarius; but he went around earching everything, the roads, the rivers, the fields, here he suspected I was hidden or walking, but was olden with blindness and did not find the house. or he did not believe that, pursued as I was, Ι was aying at home. Αnd after the fourth day, when od bade me depart, and miraculously made a way, ith difficulty did I and the boys2 and many of the rethren set out together. Αnd that this Was the οrk of the Dirine Providence, the sequel showed, which we proved helpful, it may be, to some.”

Then, after some intervening remarks, he tells what appened to him after the ffight, adffing as follows: ‘ For I, indeed, falling about sunset into the hands of the soldiers, together with those who were with was brought to Taposiris,3 but Timothy by the ivine Providence happened to be absent and to cape being seized; but coming afterwards he found house deserted and senants guarffing it, and us mpletely taken ”

Αnd further on he says: “Αnd what was the way which Ηe wonderfully brought it about? For the shall be told. one of the country-folk met imonthy fleeing and distraught, and inquired the ason of his haste. Αnd he spoke οut the truth, and when the other heard it (now he was off to take part had to do with the commissariat, but they also acted as uriers, and were employed on bolice work. 2 These may be either the sons οr the pupils οr the servants Dionysius. 3 Νear the coast, about thirty miles S.W. οf Alexandria. in a marriage-feast, for it is their custom to spend the tire night in such gatherings) he went in and told e who were reclining at table. Αnd they all, with single impulse, as if at a preconcerted signal, rose , and came running wtih all speed; and bursting upon us they gave a shout, and when the soldiers at were guarding us straightway took to ffight, they e up to us, lying ns we were on pallets without dding. Αnd I—God knows that at Rrst I ey were robbers coming to plunder and steal— yed on the bed, naked save for my linen shirt, and e rest οf my gannents that were lying by I held t to them. But they bade me get up and go out th all speed. Αnd then, gathering why they were e, I cried out, begging and beseeching them to go y and leave us alone; and I asked them, if they hed to do me a good turn, to anticipate those who leading me away and to cut off my head themves. Αnd while I was thus shouting, as those who e my compaions and partakers in everything , they raised me up forcibly. Αnd I let myself οn my back on the ground, but they seized me by hands and feet and dragged and brought me ide. Αnd there followed me the witnesses of all e things, Gaius, Faustus, Peter and Ρaul; who took me up in their arms and brought me out e little town, and setting me on the bare back of led me away.” Such is the account concerning himself.

XLI. But the same person in a letter to Fabius, of the Antiochenes, gives the following account contests of those who suffered martyrdom at dria under Decius: “It was not with the ial edict that the persecution began amongst us, blrt it preceded it by a whole year; and that prophet and creator οf evils for this eity, whoever he was, was beforehand in stirring and inciting the masses οf the heathen against us, fanning anew the flame of their native superstition. Aroused by him and seizing upon all authority for their unholy deeds, they conceived that this kind of worship of their gods—the thirsting for οur blood—was the only form of piety.

“First, then, they seized an old man named Metras, and bade him utter blasphemous words; and when le refused to οbey they belaboured his body with udgels, stabbed his face and eyes with sharp reeds, and leading him to the suburbs stoned him.

“Then they led a woman called Quinta, a believer, the idol temple, and were for forcing her to worship. But when she turned away and showed her lisgust, they bound her by the feet and dragged her through the whole city over the rough pavement, hat she was bruised by the big stones, beating her ll the while; and bringing her to the same place hey stoned her to death. Then with one accord they II rushed to the houses of the godly, and, falling ach upon those whom they recognized as neighbours, hey harried, spoiled and plundered them, appropriting the more valuable of their treasures, and scatterng and burning in the streets the cheaper articles and uch as were made of wood, until they gave the city he appearance of having been captured by enemies. ut the brethren gave way and gradually retired, and, like those of whom Paul also testified, they took yfully the spoiling of their possessions. Αnd I now not there be —save, it may it be. some single one who fell into their —who up to the resent has denied the Lord.

XLII. “ Αnd many others throughout the cities and villages were torn in pieces by the heathen, οf whom I shall mention οne as an example. Ischyrion was acting as the hired steward of one of the rulers. Ηis employer bade him sacrifice ; when he refused he insulted him, when he abode by his refusal he abused him foully ; and as he still remained firm he took a very large stick, thrust it through his bowels and vital οrgans, and so killed him.

“ What need is there to speak of the multitude of those who wandered in deserts and mountains,1 perished by hunger and thirst and frost and diseases and robbers and wild beasts ? Such of them as survive bear testimony to their election and victory ; but οne fact in connexion with these men also I shall adduce as evidence. Chaeremon was bishop of the city called Nilopolis, and of extreme age. Ηe fled to the Αrabian mountain with his wife, 2 and never returned, nor could the brethren ever lay eyes again either on them οr their bodies, although they made a long and thorough search. But many in that same Αrabian mountain were reduced to utter slavery by barbarian Saracens. Of these some were with difficulty ransomed for large sums, others have not yet been, up to this day.

“ Αnd I have not given this account, brother, to purpose, but that you may know all the terrible things that happened with us. Those who have had a larger experience of them would know more examples.“

Then, after a little, he adds as follows: “ Thererore the divine martyrs themselves among us, who now are assessors οf Christ, and share the fellowship οf His kingdom, and take part in Ηis decisions and judge along with Ηim, have espoused the cause of certain of the fallen brethren who became answerable for the charge of ; and seeing their conversion and repentance, they judged it had the power to prove acceptable to Ηim who hath no pleasure at all in the death of the sinner, but rather his repentance ; and so they received and admitted them to the worship οf the Church 1 as consistentes, 2 and gave them fellowship in their prayers and feasts. What then do ye counsel us, brethren, on these matters ? What are we to do ? Αre we to be of like opinion and mind with them, uphold their decision and concession, and deal kindly with those they pitied ? Or shall we esteem their decision unjust, and set ourselves up as critics of their opinion, cause grief to kindness, and do away with their arrangement ? ’’

Νow these words Dionysius added suitably, raising the question about those who had proved weak in the time of persecution,

XLIII. since Novatus, 3 a presbyter of the church of the Romans, being lifted up by arrogance against these, as if there was no longer any hope of salvation for them, not even if they were to perform everything that a genuine conversion and a pure confession demand, became the leader of a separate sect of those who, in their pride of mind, styled themselves Ρuritans. Whereupon a very large synod was assembled at Rome, of sixty bishop and a still greater number οf presbyters οf penitents. They were admitted to the eucharistic prayers, but debarred from communion. 3 This person, the founder of the Novatianist sect, is called by Eusebius, and subsequent Greek writers, Novatus, but by the Westerns (no doubt rightly) Novatianus. Cf. the letters οf Dionysius in c. 45 and vii. 8 and deacons, while in the rest of the provinces the pastors in their several regions individually considered the question as to what was to be done. It was unanimously decreed that Νovatus, together with the partners of his arrogance, and those who decided to agree with the man's brother-hating and most inhuman opinion, should be considered as strangers to the Church, but that such of the brethren as had fallen into the misfortune should be treated and and restored with the medicines of repentance.

Νow there have reached us a letter of Cornelius, bishop of the Romans, to Fabius, bishop of the church of the Αntiochenes, telling the fects concerning the Roman Synod, and what was decreed by them of Italy and Africa and the regions thereabout; ; and, again, another of Cyprian and of those with him in Αfrica, composed in the Latin language, in which it was made clear that they also agreed that those who had suffered trial should meet with succour, and that in the reason of things it was fitting that the leader of the heresy should be excommunicated from the Catholic Church, and likewise all those who were led away with him. To these was subjoine3d a certain οther letter of Cornelius, on the resolutions of the synod ; and, again, another on the doings of Novatus. There is nothing to prevent me from quoting parts of this last, so that those who read this book may know about him. Ιn explaining, then, to Fabius what kind of manner of man Novatus was, Cornelius writes these very words : “ “But that you may know that for a long time back this marvellous fellow has been seeking the office of a bishop, and has succeeded in concealing in his heart this his violent desire, using as a veil for his insane folly the fact that he had the confessors with him from the beginning, I wish to speak. Maximus, one of our presbyters, and Urban, both of whom twice reaped the highest meed of renown by confession, and Sidonius, and Celerinus, a man who, by the mercy of God, bore with the utmost endurance all kinds of tortures, and by the strength οf his faith strengthened the weakness of his body, and so has mightily overcome the adversary — these men marked him, and detecting the craftiness and duplicity that was in him, his perjuries and falsehoods, his unsociability and wolf-like friendship, returned to the holy Church. Αnd all the knavish tricks and devices that he had long dissembled in his heart, they made known in the presence both of a number of bishops, and also οf very many presbyters and laymen, bewailing and repenting of the fact that for a brief space they had left the Church under the persuasion of this treacherous and malicious wild beast.”

Then shortly afterwards he says : “ Ηow extraordinary a change and transformation, brother beloved, we have beheld to have taken plaee in him in a little while ḷ For in sooth this highly distinguished person, who was in the habit οf pledging himself by some terrible oaths in no wise to seek the office οf a bishop, of a sudden appears as a bishop as if he were cast into our midst by some contrivance.1 For in sooth this master οf doctrine, this champion of the Chrurch's discipline, when he was attempting to wrest and filch away the episcopate that was not given him from above, chose to himself two companions 1 μαγγάνου : the reference is probably to the method of raising, by means οf pulleys, cages containing wild beasts to the level οf the arena. who had renounced their own salvation, that he might send them to a small and very insignificant part of Italy, and entice thence by some made-up device three bishops, rough and very simple men. Ηe confidently maintained and affirmed the necessity of their coming quickly to Rome, on the pretext that any dissension whatsoever that had arisen might be ended by their activity as mediators, conjointly with other bishops. When they arrived, inasmuch as they were too simple, as we said before, for the unscrupulous devices of the wicked, they were shut up by certain disorderly men like himself, and at the tenth hour, when they were drunk, and sick with the after effects, he forcibly compelled them to give him a bishop's office by a counterfeit and vain laying on of hands, an office that he assumed by crafty treachery since it did not fall to his lot. Οne of the bishops not long afterwards returned to the Church, bewailing and confessing his fault ; with whom we had communion as a layman, all the laity Ρresent interceding for him. And as for the remaining bishops, to these we appointed successors, whom we sent into the places where they were.

“ This vindicator, then, of the gospel did not know that there should be one bishop in a catholic church, in which he was not ignorant (for how could he be ?) that there are forty-six presbyters, seven deacons, seven sub-deacons, forty-two acolytes, fifty-two exorcists, readers and door-keepers, above fifteen hundred widows and persons in distress, all of whom are supported by the grace and loving-kindness of the Master. But not even did this great multitude, so necessary in the Church, that number who by God's providence were rich and multiplying, nor an immense and countless laity, turn him from such a desperate failure and recall him to the Church.” Αnd again, further on, he adds to these remarks as follows : “ But come, let us next say in what deeds οr in what kind of conduct he placed his confidence so as to aspire to the episcopate. Was it because from the beginning he had been brought up in the Church, and had fought many conflicts on her behalf, and had been through the midst of dangers, many and great, for the sake of religiojn ? Νot so. The occasion of his acceptance of the faith was Satan, who resorted to him and dwelt in him for a long time. While he was being healed by the exorcists he fell into a grievous sickness, and, as he was considered to be all but dead, received baptism by affusion on the very bed in which he lay, if indeed one may say that such a man has received it. Νor yet indeed did he obtain the other things, when he recovered from his sickness, of which one should partake according to the rule of the Church, or the sealing by the bishop. Αnd as he did not obtain these, how could he obtain the Ηoly spirit ? ’’

Αnd shortly afterwards he says again : “ . . . he who through cowardice and love of life at the time of persecution denied that he was a presbyter. For when he was requested and exhorted by the deacons to leave the cell in which he shut himself, and bring all the help to the brethren that it is right and possible for a presbyter to being to brethren who are in danger and in need of succour, so far was he from obeying the deacons' exhortations, that he even went away and departed in anger. For he said that he no longer wished to be a presbyter, since he was enamoured of a different philosophy.”

Passing over a few things, he again adds as follows : “ For when this illustrious person deserted the Church of God, in which, when he came to believe, he was deemed worthy of the presbyterate through the favour of the bishop, who laid his hand on him to confer that order (meeting the opposition of all the clergy and many lay persons as well—since one has received baptism by affusion1 on his bed owing to sickness, as Νovatus had, might not be ordained to an order—with the request that he should be to ordain this man alone) .... ”

Then he adds something else, the worst of all the man's offences, saying thus : “ For when he has the offerings, and is distributing to each his portion,2 as he gives it [into their hands] he compels the wretched persons to utter an oath instead of the blessing, taking in both his hands those of him who had received, and not letting go until they swear saying thus (for I shall use his very words) : ‘Swear to me by the Blood and Body of our Lord Jesus Christ never to forsake me and turn to Cornelius.’ the miserable person does not taste until he first calls down a curse upon himself, and instead οf saying the Αmen as he receives that bread, he says, ‘ I will not return to Cornelius.’

Αnd after οther remarks he again says as follows : ‘‘ But know that now he has become bare and desolate, for every day the brethren desert him and go back 1 i.e. by pouring water, not by immersion. 2 i.e. of the Sacrament. to the Church. Αnd Moses, that blessed martyr who just now bore a goodly and marvellous testimony amongst us, while he was still in the world, perceiving his insane arrogance, broke off communion with him and with the five presbyters who, along with him, had separated themselves from the Church.”

Αnd at the close οf the letter he has made a catalogue οf the bishops present at Rome who condemned the stupidity of Νοvatus, indicating at once both their names and the name of the community over which each one presided ; and of those who were not present, indeed, at Rome, but who signified in writing their assent to the judgement of the aforesaid, he mentions the names and, as well, the city where each lived and from which each wrote. This is what Cornelius wrote for the information of Fabius, bishop of Antioch.

XLIV. But to this same Fabius, when he was inclining somewhat towards the schism, Dionysius also, he of Alexandria, wrote, making many οther reamarks with reference to repentance in his letter to him and describing the conflicts of those lately martyred at Alexandria. In the course of his narrative he tells a certain astonishing tale, which must needs be handed down in this work. It is as follows : ‘‘ But this one example that happened amongst us I shall set forth for thee. There was a certain Serapion amongst us, an old man and a believer, who lived blamelessly for a long time, but in the trial fell. This man oftentimes besought [absolution], and no one paid him heed. For indeed he had sacrificed. Αnd, falling sick, he continued for three successive days speechless and unconscious ; but on the fourth he rallied a little, and calling his grandson to him, he said: ‘Ηow long, my child, do ye hold me back? Ηaste ye, I pray, and grant me a speedy release; do thou summon me one or the presbyters.’ having Said this he again became speechless. The boy ran for the presbyter. But it was night, and he was unwell and eould not come. Yet sicne I had given an order that those who Were departing this life, if they besought it, and espeeially if they had made supplication before, should be absolved, that they might depart in hope, he gave the little boy a small portion of the eucharist, bidding him soak it and let it fall in drops down mto the old man’s Back came the boV with it, and when he WaS near, before he entered, serapion revived again and said, ‘ Hast thou eome, child? The presbyter could not come, but do thou quiekly What he bade thee, and let me depart.’ The boy soaked it 1 and at the time poured it into his mouth, and When he had swallowed a little he straightWay gaVe gave the ghost. WaS it not plain that he was preserved and remained until he obtained release, that, with his sin blotted out, he might be acknowledged for all the good deeds he had done?’’

XLV. Such is the aeeount of Dionysius. But let us see the kind of lerter that the same person wrote also to Novatus, 2 who was then disturbing the Roman brotherhood. Since, then, he put forward some of the brethren as an excuse for his defection and sehism, as having been eompelled by them to proeeed to this length, see how Dionysius writes to him: “Dionysius must therefore have been soaked in vater, or unconseerated wine—a very early instance οf communion in οne 2 See note on 43. 1. to Novatianus 1 a brother, greeting. If thou wast led οn unwillingly, as thou sayest, thou wilt prove it by retiring willingly. For a man ought to suffer anything and everything rather than divide the Church of Good, and it were not less glorious to incur martyrdom to avoid schism than to avoid idolatry, nay, in my opinion it were more so. For in the οne case a man is a martyr for the sake of his own single soul, but in the other for the sake οf the whole Church. And if thou wert even now to persuade or compel the brethren to come to one mind, thy recovery will be greater than. thy fall, and the one will not be reckoned, while the οther will be praised. But if they obey thee not, and thou hast no power, by all means save thine own soul. I pray that thou mayest fare well and cleave to peace in the Lord.”

XLVI. This aho he wrote to Novatus. Αnd he wrote also to the Egyptians a letter on Repentanee, in which he has set forth his opinions with reference to those who had fallen, outlining degrees of failures. Αnd to Colon (he was bishop of the community οf the Hermopolitans) a personal letter of his is extant On Repentance, and another in the nature of a rebuke to his flock at Alexandria. Αmong these there is also the brethren at Laofficea over whom Thelymidres resided as bishop ; and he wrote to those in rmenia, likewise On Repentanee, whose bishop was eruzanes. In addition to all these he wrote also Cornelius of Rome, when he received his letter against Novatus, in which abo he clearly infficates that he had been invited by Helenus, bishop at Tarsus 1 sce note οn 43. 1. namely Firmilian in Cappadocia and Theoctlstus in Palestine, to attend the synod at Antioch, where certain were attempting to strengthen the schism of Novatus. Moreover he writes that he had received information that Fabius had fallen asleep, and that Demetrian was appointed his suceessor in the episcopate of Antioch. And he Writes also vith referenee to the bishop of Jerusalem, saying in these very words: “For Alexander, that wonderful man, being put in prison, happily entered into his rest.”

Next to this there is also another extant, a “diaconic’’ 1 letter of DionySius to those in Rome through Hippolytus. To the same peOple he composed another letter On Peace, and likewise Οn Repentanee, and again another to the confessors there While they were still in agreement with the opinion of Novatus. Αnd to these same persons he wrote two more, after they had returned to the Chureh. Αnd in his communications with many others, likewise by letter, he has left behind a varied Souree of profit to those who still to this day set store by his writings.

BOOK VII

In the composition of the seventh book of Ecclesiastical History Dionysius, the great bishop of the Alexandrians, 1 will again assist us in our task by his own words, indicating in turn eaeh of the things that were done in his day, by means of the letters he has lert behind. From that point of time my record will take its beginning.

Ι. when Deeius had reigned for an entire period of less than two years, he was forthwith murdered along with his sons, and Gallus sueeeeded him. 2 Αt this time 3 Origen died, having completed the year save one of his life. Νow when writing to Hermammon, Dionysius speaks as follows, with reference to Gallus: “But not even did Gallus recognize the fault [in the policy] of Decius, nor yet ffid he look to that which caused his fall, but he stumbled against the same stone that was before his eyes. For when his reign was prospering, and matters were moing accorffing to his mind, he drove away the holy men who were supplicating God for his peaee and health. Therefore along with them he banished -ho their prayers on his behalf.”

ΙΙ. so much, then, concerning him. But in the city of the Romans, when Cornelius brought his 3 Α vague date: origen died apparently in 255, in the reign οf Valerian. episeopate to an end after about three years, Lucius was appointed his suecessor ; but he exercised his ministry for less than eight entire months, and dying transmitted ffihls offiee to stephen. To him Dionysius inffited the Rrst of his letters On Baptism, no small question harivlng then arisen as to whether it Were neeessary to eleanse by means of baptism those who were turning from any heresy whatsoever. Α euStom, which was at any rate old, having prevailed in such cases to use only prayer with the laying οn of hands,

III. Cyprian, pastor of the community at Carthage, was the Rrst of thoSe of his day to consider that they οught not to be admitted otherwise than by having been first eleansed from their error by baptism. But stephen, thinking that they ought not to make any innovation contrary to the traffition that had prevailed from the beginning, was full of indignation thereat.

Iv. Dionysius, therefore, haring communi- cated with him on this point at very great length in a letter, at its close shows that with the abatement οf the persecution the churches everywhere, having now rejected the innovation of Novatus, had resumed peace among themselves. Ηe writes thus:

V. “ But know now, brother, that all the ehurches in the East and still further away, which were fonnerly divided, have been united, and all their presidents eveqwhere are of like mind, rejoicing above measure at the unexpeeted arrival of peaee: Demetrian at Αntiοch, Theoctistus at Caesarea, Mazabanes at Aelia, marinus at Tyre (Alexander having fallen asleep), Heliodorus at Laodicea (for Thelymidres has entered into his rest), Helenus at TarSus and all the churches of Cilicia, Firmilian and all Cappadocia. For I name only the more eminent dishops, to avoid making my letter long and my discourse teffious. Νevertheless, the syrias as a whole and Αrabia, which ye constantly help and to which ye have now written, and Mesopotamia and Ρontus and and, in a everywhere all everywhere rejoice exceedingly their concord and brotherly love, giving glory to God.”

such is the aceount of Dionysius. But when stephen had fulRlled his ministry for two years, he was succeeded by Xystus. To him Dionysius penned a second letter on Baptism, showing the opinion and decision both of stephen and of the οther bishops. About stephen he speaks thus: ‘‘Νow he had written fonnerly with reference both to Ηelenus and Firmilian and all those from Cilicia and Cappadocia and, in fact, Galatia and all the prorinees that border on these, to the eKect that he would not hold communion in future with them either, for this same reason; since, says he, they rebaptize heretics. Αnd look thou at the importance of the matter. For deerees on this question have been actually passed in the largest synods of bishops, as 1 learn, so that those who come over from heresies are nrst placed under instruction, then washed and purged again from the ffith of the old and impure leaven. Αnd I wote beseeching him οn all these matters.”

Αnd, after other remarks, he says: “Αnd to οur beloved fellow-presbyters aho, Dionysius and Philemon, who had formerly been of the same opinion as stephen and mote [some letters] to me about the same matters, at Rrst I wrote briefly, but now at greater length.”

vI. But when inffidlcating in the same letter, with reference to the followers of the Sabellian heresy,1 that they were prevalent in his day, he speaks thus: “For as to the doetrine now set on foot at Ρtοlemais in the Pentapolis, an impious doctrine which contains great blasphemy concerning the Almighty ood, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and great unbelief as to Ηis only-begotten Son, the firstborn of all creation, the word who was made man, and whieh is without pereeption of the Ηοly Spirit, — when there eame to me nom both both both documents and also the brethren who were ready to discuss the question, I wrote some letters, as 1 was able by the help of God, giving an exposition of the marter in a somewhat didactic manner; οf which scnd thee the copies.”

VII. Αnd in the third οf those on Baptism, which the same Dionysius wrote to Philemon the Roman presbyter, he relates the following: “But as for me, 1 read both the compositions and the traditions ofthe heretics, polluting my soul for a little with their abominable thoughts, yet all the while deriving this advantage from them, that I could refute them for myself and loathed them far more. Αnd indeed a certain brother, one of the presbyters, attempted to dissuade and frighten me from becoming involved in the mire of their wickedness, for he said that I should injure my own soul; and said truly, as Ι perceived. nut a vision sent by ood came and strengthened me, and a word of command was given me, saying expressly: ‘Read all things that may come to thy only πρόσωπα or characters by which God is revealed to the Trinity being one οf revclation, not essence. See 26. 1. hand. For thou art able to sift and prove matter; Which thing Was originally the cause of thy ’ I accepted the vision, as agreeing with the apostolic saying addressed to the stronger: ‘Show yourselves approved money-changers.’ ’’

Then, making certain renlarks about all the heresies, he goe On tO say: “This rule and pattern I reeeiVed from our blessed pope 2 Ηeraclas. For those Who came over frOm the hereries, although they had departed from the Church (Or rather, had not eVen done that, but, while srill reputed members Of the congregation, were charged with frequenting some false teacher), he drOve rrom the Church, and refused to listen to their entreaties until they pubhely declared all that they had heard frOm them that oppose themselves.’ and then he admitted them to the congregation, without requiring of them a second baptism. For they had fOrmerly receiVed the holy [baptism] from him.’’

Αnd again, after a protracted discussiOn of the question, he adds as follows: “I have learnt this also, that the Africans did nOt intrOduee this practice noW for the rlrst time, but that long befOre, in the days of the bishops that were before us, in the most populous churches and the synods of the brethren, in Iconium and Synnada and in many places, this eOurse was adOpted. Αnd Ι do not dare to overturn their deeirions and involve them in strife and comtention. ‘ For ‘For thou shalt not remove,’ he says, neighbour’s landmarks, which thy fathers placed.’

The fourth of hls letters on baptism was written to 2 πάπα: this is the eariiest known occasion on which an Alexandrian bishop is entitled “pope,” though later on are several instances of the praCbee. Dionysius of Rome, who at that time had been deemed worthy of the presbyterate, but not long afterwards received also the episcopate there. from it one may learn how that he too had witness paid him by Dionysius Alexandria for his learning and admirable qualities. In the course of his letter to him he mentions the affair of Novatus in the following terms:

VIII. “For it is with good reason indeed that we feel enmity towards Novatian, who caused a in the church and drew away some of the brethren to impieues and blasphemies, and introduced as well most profane teaching about God, and falsely accouses our most compassionate Lord Jesus Christ of being without mercy; and above all this, he sets at naught the holy washing, and overturns the faith and confession that precede it, and entirely banishes the Ηoly sprit from them, even though there was some hope οf Ηis remaining with or even returning to them.”

IX. Αnd his fifth letter was written to Xystus, bishop of the Romans. In it, speaking much against the heretics, he sets forth the following thing that happened in his day, saying: “of a truth, brother, I have need of counsel, and ask an opinion of thee. The following matter has come before me, and 1 am fearful lest after all I be mistaken. of the brethren who meet together for worship there is one, reckoned faithful, of long stanffing, a member of the congregation before my ordination, and, I think, before the appointment of the blessed Heraclas. Having been present with those who were recently being baptized, and having heard the questions and answers, he came to me in tears, bewailing himself and falling before my feet; confessing and swearing that the baptism with which he had been baptized by the heretics, was not such as this and had nothing in common with it inasmuch as it had been full οf impieties and blasphemies. Ηe said that he was now altogether pricked in heart and had not courage so much as to lift up his eyes to God, after beginning with those unholy words and deeds; and therefore he begged that he night receive this most pure cleansing and reception and grace. This I for my part did not dare to do, saying that his long-standing communion with us had been sufficient for this purpose. For since he had heard the Thanksgiving and joined in saying the Αmen, and stood beside the Table and stretched forth his hands to receive the holy food, and had reeeived it and partaken of the Body and Blood of οur Lord ror a long time, I should not dare to build him up again from the beginning. But I kept exhorting him to be ofgood courage, and to approach for the participation οf the holy things with firm faith and good hope. nut he never ceases his lament, and shudders to approach the Table, and searcely, though invited, does he dare to take his stand with the consistentes at the prayers.1”

In addition to the above-mentioned letters, there is extant also another of his On Baptism, addressed by him and the community over which he ruled to Xystus and the church at Rome, in which with a long proof he gives a protracted discussion of the the subject in question. Αnd, after these, there is yet another letter of his extant, to Dionysius at Rome, that with reference to Lucian. so much for these matters.

X. But to resume. Gallus and his associates held 1 συνεστάναι ταῖς προσευχαῖς: see vi. 42. 5. the principate for less than two entire years, and then were removed out of the way; and Valerian along with his son Gallienus succeeded to the government. Once more we may learn from his letter to Hermammon the description that Dionysius gives of him also; in Which he gives an account of the following kind: “Αnd to John also it is likewise revealed: ‘Αnd there was given to him,᾿ says he, ‘a speaking great things and blasphemy, and there was given to him authority and forty and two months.᾿ Οne may wonder at both of these things 2 under Valerian, and of them note espeeially the nature of his previous conduct, 3 how mild and friendly he was to the men of God. For not a single one of the emperors before him was so kindly and favourably disposed towards them, not even those who said to have been openly Christians, as he manifestly was, when he received them at the beginning in the most intimate and friendly manner; indeed all his house had been ffiled with godly persons, and was a church of God. But the master and ruler of the synagogue of the Egyptian magicians 4 persuaded him to get rid of them, bidding him slay and pursue the pure and holy men, as being rivals and dinderers of his abominable and disgusting incantations (for indeed they are and were capable by their presence and sight, and by merely breathing on them and uttering words, of the derigns of the baneful demons). Αnd he advised him to perform unhallowed rites, and abominable juggleries and illwhich which predicted Valerian, and (as we may suppose) depicted him as favourable to the Church. The word “both” άμφότερα) refers to it and Rev. xiii. 5. 3 Reading τὰ πρῶτα, with three MSS., in place or τὰ αὐτοῦ. 4 i.e. Macrianus (see § 5). οmened sacrifices, such as cutting the throats of wretched boys and sacrificing children of hapless parents and opening up the entrails of new-born babes, and cutting up and mincing the handywork as if all this would bring them divine favour.”

And in addition he goes on to say: “Goodly at all events were the thank-offerings that Macrianus made to them for the Empire of his hopes. 1 Formerly when he was regarded as minister over the imperial accounts as a whole, he displayed neither a reasenable nor a catholic mind. But he has fallen under the prophetic curse which says: ‘Woe unto them that prophesy from their heart, and see not the whole.᾿ For he did not understand the universal nor did he suspeet the judgement of Him who is before all and through all and over all. Therefore he has come to be at enmity with His Catholic Church, and so alienated and estranged himself from God's mercy and banished himself as far as possible from his own salvations, in this proving true his name.”

Αnd again, after Other remarks, he says: “For Valerian, being induced by him to this course of aetion, Was given over to insults and reproaches, according to that which was said to Isaiah: “Αnd these have Chosen their own ways and abominations, in which their soul delighteth, and I will their mockings, and their sins I will recompense them.᾿ now this man,3 in his mad desire for εὔλογον (“reasonable”) and also between καθόλου καθολικόν; and, in order to maintain this latter play, Dionysius, in his quotation οf Ezek. xiii. 3 (LXX), takes τὸ καθόλου as the object of the sentence (“the whole”) instead of adverbially (“not at all’’). 2 Another play upon words: Μacrianus and μακρός ("far off’’). 3 i.e. Μacrianus; he was lame. imperial rule of Which he was not worthy, and unable to deck his maimed body With the imperial robes, put forward his two sons, who thus received their father's sins. For in them was clearly fulfilled the prophecy that God spake: ῾Visiting the rins of fathers upon children, until the third and fourth generation in them that hate me.᾿ For his own evil desires, in vhieh he failed, he heaped upon the heads of his sons, and so wiped off on them his own wickedness and his hatred toward God."

This is the account given by dionysius concerning valerian.

XI. But With regard to the storm of persecution that raged fiercely in his day, What the same Dionysius, and others with him, underwent for their piety toward the God of the universe will be made plain by his own words which he wrote at length against Germanus, one of the bishops of his day who was attempting to defame him. Ηe makes his statement in the following manner: “But Ι am in danger of falling, in truth, into great foolishness and stupidity, being foreed to the point of compulsion to recount the wonderful dispensation of God concerning us. But since ῾it is good,᾿ he says, ῾to keep close the secret of a king, but glorious to reveal the works of God,᾿ God,῾ I will join issue with the Germanus. I came before Aemilianus,1 not alone, but there followed me my fellow-presbyter maximus, and Faurtus, Εusebius, Chaeremon, deacons; and one of the brethren who had come from Rome entered in along with us. And Aemilianus did not lead off with the words ῾Do not hold essemblies.' For that would have been superfluous for him to say, and the last thing [to be mentioned] by one who was going back to the very beginning. For his discourse was not about not assembling others, but about not being Christians ourselves, and from that he ordered me to desist, thinking that if I were to change, the οthers also would follow me. But I gave a reply that was not inappropriate, nor far from ῾We must obey God rather than men’; yea, I testffied outright that I worship the only God and none other, nor would change or ever cease to be a Christian. Thereupon he bade us depart to a village near the desert, Cephro.

“But hear the things themselves that were spoken ὢ both sides, as they were placed on record: When Dionysius and Faustus and Maximus and Marcellus and chaeremon were brought into eourt, Aemilianus, the deputy-prefect, said, ‘ . . . Αnd verbally I discoursed with you concerning the kindness that our lords 1 have displayed on your behalf. For they gave you the opportunity of safety if ye were willing to turn to that which is according to nature and worship the gods which preserve their Εmpire, and forget those gods which are contrary to nature. What, therefore, say ye to these things? For I do not expect that ye will be ungrateful for their kindess, forasmuch as they urge you on to the better urse.'

“Dionysius replied : ‘Νot all men Worship all ods, but each one certain whom he regards as such. therefore both worship and adore the οne God and aker of all things, who also committed the Εmpire the Augusti, most highly favoured of God, Valerian d Gallienus; and to Ηim we unceasingly pray for their Empire, that it may remain unshaken.

XII. so it happened to Dionysius at that time. But during the perseeution of Valerian, of whieh we are speaking, three persons at Caesarea in Palestine, conspicuous for their confession of Christ, were adorned with a divine martyrdom, becoming food for wild beasts. of these οne was called Priscus, the second Malchus, and the name of the third was Alexander. It is said that these men, who were living in the country, at first reproached themselves for their carelessness and sloth, because instead of hastening to secure the crown of martyrdom, they were proving contemptuous of prizes, though the present opportunity was bestowing them upon sueh as yearned with a heavenly desire. But that when they had taken counsel thereon, they started for caesarea, appeared before the judge and met the above-mentioned end. Moreover they relate besides these, a certain woman during the same persecution and in the same city endured to the end a like conflict. But it is recorded that She belonged to the seet of Μarcion.

XIII. But not long afterwards Valerian underwent slavery at the hands of the barbarians,1 and his succeeding to the sole power,2 conducted the government with more prudence, and immediately by means of edicts put an end to the persecution against us. Ηe granted free power to those who preSided over the word to perform their accustomed duties, by a rescript which runs as follows: “The Emperor Caesar Publius Licinius Gallienus Ρius Felix Augustus to Dionysius and Ρinnas and Demetrius and the other bishops. I have given my order that the benent of my bounty should be published throughout all the world, to the intent that they should depart from the places οf worship,3 and therefore ye also may use ordinance contained in my rescript, so that none may molest you. Αnd this thing which it is within your power to accomplish has long since been conceded by me; and therefore Aurelius Quirinius, who is in charge of the Εxchequer, will observe the ordinance given by me.”

Let this, which for the sake of greater clearness was translated from the Latin, be inserted. Αnd there is also extant another of the same emperor’s ordinances, which he addressed to other bishops, 2 Gallienus, who had been associated in rule with his father Valerian since A.D. 253, became sole Augustus in 260 or 261. 3 i.e. that the heathen should depart from them, and give them up to the Christians. giving them permission to recover the sites οf the cemeteries, as they are called.

XIV. Αt that time Xystus was still ruling the church of the Romans, Demetrian, who came after Fabius, the chureh at Αntioch, and Firmilian at caesarea in Cappadocia; and moreover Gregory and his brother Athenodore were ruling the churches of Ρontus, pupils of origen. Αs to Caesarea in Palestine, on the death of Theoctistus, Domnus succeeded to the episcopate, but after he had continued in office a short time Theotecnus, our contemporary, was appointed to succeed him. Ηe also was of the school of Origen. But at Jerusalem, when Mazabanes had entered into his rest, Ηymenaeus succeeded to the throne, the same who was distinguished for very many years in our day.

XV. In the time of those persons, when the churches everywhere were at peace, a man at caesarea in Ρalestine called Μarinus, honoured by high rank in the army and distinguished besides by birth and wealth, was beheaded for his testimony to christ, on the following account. There is a certain mark of honour among the Romans, the vine-switch, and those that obtain it become, it is said, centurions. Α post was vacant, and according to the order of promotion Marinus was being called to this advancement. Indeed he was on the point of receiving the honour, when another stepped forward before the tribunal, and stated that in accordance with the ancient laws Marinus could not share in the rank that belonged to Romans, since he was a Christian and did not sacrifice to the emperors; but that the οffice fell to himself. Αnd [it is said] that the (his name was Αchaeus) was moved thereat, and first of all asked what views Marinus held; and then, When he saw that he was stedfast in confessing himeself a Christian, gave him a space of three hours for consideration.

When he came outside the court Theotecnus, the bishop there, approaehed and drew him aside in conversation, and taking him by the hand led him forward to the church. Οnce inside, he placed him close to the altar 1 itself, and rairing his cloak a little, pointed to the sword with which he was girded; at the same time he brought and placed before him the book of the divine Gospels, and bade him choose which of the two he wished.

Without hesitation he stretched forth his right hand and took the divine book. “Ηold fast then,” said Theotecnus to him, “hold fast to God; and, strengthened by Him, mayest thou obtain that thou hast chosen. Go in peace.” As he was thence immediately a herald cried aloud, summoning him before the court of justice. For the appointed time was now over Standing before the judge he displayed still greater zeal for the faith; and straightway, even as he was, was led away to death, and so was perfected.

XVI. In that place Astyrius also is commemorated for the boldness whieh is dear to God. Ηe was a member of the Roman Senate, a favourite of emperors, and well known to all both for birth and wealth. Ηe was present with the martyr when he was being perfected, and raising the corpse2 upon his shoulder he placed it upon a splendid and costly robe, and laying it out with great magnificence gave it a fitting burial.

XVII. Αt caesarea Philippit, which Phoenicians call Paneas, is said that on a certain festival a victim is thrown down among the springs that are shown there, on the slopes of the mountain called Paneion, from which the Jordan takes its source; and that it becomes invisible in some miraculous way through the power, a circumstance, they say, that is looked upon by those present as a far-famed marvel. Νow story goes] that once Astyrius was there when this was being done, and when he saw the multitude stuck with amazement at the affair, in pity for their error he looked up toward heaven and besought God who is over all, through Christ, to confound the demon who was causing the people to err, and put an end to the deception of these men. Αnd it is said that, when he had thus prayed, of a sudden the sacrifice floated on the surface οf the springs; and thus their miracle came to an end, and no further marvel ever took place in connexion with that spot.

XVIII. But since I have come to mention this city. I do not think it right to omit a story that is worthy to be recorded also for those that come after us. For they say that she who had an issue of blood, and who, as we leam from the sacred Gospels, found at the hands of our Sariour relief from her affliction, came from this place, and that her house was pointed out in the city, and that marvellous memorials of the good deed, which the Saviour wrought upon her, still remained. For [they said] that there stood on a lofty stone at the gates of her house a brazen figure in relief a woman, bending on her knee and stretching forth her hands like a suppliant, while opposite to this there was another of the same material, an upright figure of a man, clothed in comely fashion in a double cloak and stretching out his hand to the woman; at his feet on the monument itself a strange species of herb was growing, which climbed up to the border of the double cloak of brass, and acted as an antidote to all kinds of diseases. This statue, they said, bore the likeness οf Jesus. Αnd it was in existence even to our day, so that we saw it with our own eyes when we stayed in the city. Αnd there is nothing wonderful in the fact that those heathen, who long ago had good deeds done to them by our saviour, should have made these objects, since we saw the likenesses of Ηis apostles also, of Ρaul and Ρeter, and indeed of Christ Himself, preserved in pictures painted in colours. Αnd this is what we should expect, for the ancients were wont, according to their pagan habit, to honour them as saviours, without reservation, in this fashion.

XIX. Νow the throne of James, who was the first to receive from the Saviour and the apostles the episcopate of the church at Jerusalem, who also, as the divine books show, was called a brother of Christ, has been preserved to this day; and by the honour that the brethren in suecession there pay to it, they show cleariy to all the reverenee in whieh the holy men were and still are held by the men οf old time and those of our day, because of the love shown them by God. so much for these matters.

XX. But to resume. Dionysius, in addition to the letters of his that were mentioned, composed at that time also the festal letters which are still extant, in which he gives utterance to words specially suited to a solemn occasion with reference to the festival of the Ρascha. Of these he addressed one to Flavius, another to Domitius and Didymus in which also he sets forth a canon based on a cycle of eight years, proving that it is not proper to celebrate the festival of the Ρascha at any other time than after the vernal equinox. In addition to these he penned also another letter to his fellow-presbyters at Αlexandria, and others at the same time in different places. Αnd these [he wrote] while the persecution was still proceeding.

XXI. Ρeace had all but arrived, when he returned to Αlexandria. But when faction and war broke out there once more, since it was not possible for him to discharge his oversight over all the brethren in the city, separated as they were into one or other part οf the faction, he again at the festival of the Ρaseha communicated with them by letter, as if he were someone in a foreign country, from Alexandria itself. Αnd to Ηierax, after this, a bishop of those in Εgypt he writes another festal letter, mentioning in the following terms the faction prevailing among the Αlexandrians in his day:

“But as for me, what wonder is it if I find it difficult to communicate even by letter with those who at some distance, seeing that it has become impossible even for myself to coverse with myself, or to take counsel with my own soul? Certainly, I have need to write by letter to my very heart, that is, the brethren that are of the same household and mind with me, and citizens of the same church; and there seems no possible way of getting this correspondence through. For it were easier for a man to pass, I do not say to a foreign country, but even from East to West, than to traverse Alexandria from Αlexandria itself. For the street that runs through the very centre οf the city is harder to traverse and more impassable than that great and trackless desert through whieh Israel journeyed for two generations. Αnd our calm and waveless harbours have become an image of the sea, which, split up and made into a wall on either side, they had for a carriage road, and in the highway1 the Egyptians were drowned; and from the murders that take place in them they oftentimes appeared like a Red Sea. Αnd the river that flows on past the city at one time appeared drier than the waterless desert, and more arid than that in whose crossing Israel so thirsted that Moses cried out, and there flowed to them, from Ηim who alone doeth wonders, drink out of the rock of flint. Αt another time it overflowed to such an extent that it submerged the whole neighbourhood, both the roads and the fields, threatening to bring upon us the rush of waters that took place in the days of Νoah. Αnd always its course is defiled with blood and murders and drownings, such as it beeame for Pharaoh by the hand οf Moses, when it was turned to blood and stank. Αnd What οther water could there be to cleanse the water that cleanses all things? Ηow could the great ocean that men cannot pass, if it were poured upon it, purge this horrid sea? Or how could the great river that goeth out of Εden, if it were to divert the four heads, into which it is parted, into one, the Gihon, wash away the gore? Or when might the air, made foul by the vile exhalations on all sides, become pure? For such are the vapours that are given off from the land, winds from the sea, breezes 1 Omitting ὧν before ἐν τῆ λεωφόρῳ, as Schwartz suggests. from the rivers and mists from the harbours, that the dews are discharges from corpses rotting in all their constituent elements. Yet men marvel and are at a loss as to wheuce come the constant plagues,1 whence the grievous diseases, whence the various forms of death, whence the manifold and great human mortality, why this greatest of cities no longer contains within it so great a multitude of inhabitants, from infant children up to those extremely advanced in years, as it used formerly to support of those known as men οf green old age! Νay, those of forty years old and up to seventy were then so numerous, that the full total of their number is not to be reached now, when those from fourteen to eighty years have been registered and reckoned together for the public foodration2 ; and the youngest in appearance have become of equal age, so to speak, with those who long ago were the oldest.3 Αnd though the human race upon earth is thus ever diminishing and consuming away before their eyes, they do not tremble, as its total disappearance draws nearer and nearer.”

XXII. After this, when the war was followed by a pestilential disease, and the feast was at hand, he communicated once more by letter with the brethren, indicating the sufferings of the calamity, as follows:

‟To other men the present would not seem to be a time for festival, nor for them is this or any οther time of such a nature; I speak not of times of mourning, but even of any time that might be thought especially joyful. Νow indeed all is lamentation, and all men mourn, and wailings resound 2 We have no οther evidence, apart from this passagc, of this “dole” or public distribution of a food ration. 3 i.e. the young, by sharing in the dole, were now classed along with the old. throughout the city because of the number of dead and of those that are dying day by day. For as as it is written of the firstborn of the Egyptians, so also it is now: ‘There was a great cry; for there is not a house where there is not one dead’: and would indeed that it were but one !

“For of a truth many and terrible were the things also that happened to us before this. Αt first they drove us out, and alone we kept our festival at that time also, persecuted and put to death by all, and every single sport where we were afflicted became for us a place of festive assembly, field, desert, ship, inn, prison; but the brightest of all festivals was kept by the perfect martyrs, when they feasted in heaven. Αnd, after that, war and famine came upon us, which we bore along with the heathen. Alone we endured all the injuries they inflicted upon us, while we had the benefit besides of what they wrought upon each other and what they suffered: and we found our joy once more in the peace of Christ, which Ηe has given to us alone. But when the briefest breathing-space had been granted us and them, there descended upon us this disease, a thing that is to them more fearful than any other object of fear, more cruel than any calamity whatsoever, and, as one of their own writers declared, ‘the only thing of all that proved worse than what was expected.’ Yet to us it was not so, but, less than the other misfortunes, a source of discipline and testing. For indeed it did not leave us untouched, although it attacked the heathen with great strength.”

Following these remarks he adds as follows: “The most, at all events, of our brethren in their exceeding love and affection for the brotherhood were unsparing οf themselves and clave to one another, visiting the sick without a thought as to the danger, assiduously ministering to them, tending them in Christ, and so most gladly departed this life along with them; being infected with the disease from others, drawing upon themselves the sickness from their neighbours, and willingly taking over their pains. Αnd many, when they had cared for and restored to health οthers, died themselves, thus transferring their death to themselves, and then in very deed making good the popular saying, that always seems to be merely an οf courtesy: for ῾ in departing’ they became ῾their devoted’ 1 In this manner the best at any rate οf our brethren departed this life, certain presbyters and deacons and some of the laity, receiving great commendation, so that this form of death seems in no respect to come behind martyrdom, being the outcome of much piety and strong faith. So, too, the bodies of the saints they would take up in their οpen hands to their bosom, closing their eyes and shutting their mouths, carrying them on their shoulders and laying them οut ; they would cling to them, embrace them, bathe and adorn them with their burial clothes, and after a little receive the same services themselves, for those that were left behind were ever following those that went before. But the conduct of the heathen was the exact opposite. Εven those who were in the first stages of the disease they thrust away, and fled from their dearest. They would even cast them in the roads half-dead, and treat the unburied corpses as vile refuse, in their attempts to avoid the spreading and contagion of the death- περίψημά σου had, apparently, become a common expression of formal compliment: “Your humble and devoted.” plague; a thing which, for all their devices, it was not easy for them to escape.”

Αnd also after this letter, when peace reigned in the city, he once more sent a festal letter to the brethren in Egypt, and following this he again indited οthers. Αnd there is extant, also, a certain letter of his on the Sabbath, and another on Exercise.

Communicating by a letter again with Ηermammon and the brethren in Εgypt, he recounts in full many other things about the wickedness of Deeius and his successors, and mentions the peace under Gallienus.

XXIII. But there is nothing like hearing the nature of these happenings also.

“He1 then, after inciting one of his emperors and attacking the other, of a sudden disappeared altogether, root and branch with all his family, and Gallienus was proclaimed and acknowledged by all, being at once an old and a new emperor, for he was before and came after them; for in accordance with that which was spoken to the prophet Isaiah: ῾ Behold, the former things are come to pass, and new things which shall now spring forth.’ 2 For as a cloud speeds underneath the rays of the sun, and for a short time screens and darkens it, and appears instead of it, but when the cloud passes by or is melted away, the sun that shone before again shines forth and once more appears; so Macrianus, after coming forward and getting for himself access to the imperial power that belonged to Gallienus, is no more, since indeed he never was, while Gallienus is like as he was before; and the monarchy has, as it attempted to dethrone Gallienus (10. 8). Ηe and his son were subsequently defeated in battle and 3 Α mixed quotation from Is. xlii. 9 and xliii. 19, were, put aside its old age and cleansed itselffrom its former wickedness, and now blossoms forth in fuller bloom, is seen and heard more widely and spreads abroad everywhere.”

Then, following on this, he indicates also the time at which he wrote this, in these words: “Αnd it occurs to me once more to observe the days of the imperial years. For I perceive that those wicked persons, though they were named with honour, after a short time have become nameless; while he, who is holier and filled with more love to God, has Ρassed the period of seven years, and is now completing a ninth year,1 in which let us keep the feast.”

XXIV. Besides all these, the two treatises On Promises were also composed by him. The occasion was supplied him by the teaching of Νepos, a bishop of those in Εgypt, that the promises whieh had been made to the saints in the divine scriptures should be interpreted after a more Jewish fashion, and his assdumption that there will be a kind of millennium on this earth devoted to bodily indulgenee. Thinking for example, to establish his own peculiar opinion from the Apocalypse of John, he composed a certain book on the subject and entitled it Refutation of the Allegorists.2 Dionysius attaeked him in the books On Promises, in the first of which he sets out the view that he himself held with regard to the doctrine, and in the seeond treats of the Apocalypse of John. There, at the beginning, he mentions Νepos, writing as follows about him: “But since they bring forward in his ninth year he was, to use Dionysius's metaphor, “under a cloud.” 2 The “Allegorists’’ were those who, like Dionysius, protested against a literal interpretation οf Revelation: see 25. 6. a certain composition of Νepοs, on which they rely greatly as proving indisputably that the kingdom Christ will be on earth, let me say that in many other respects I approve and love Νepos, for his faith and devotion to work, his diligent study of the Scriptures and his abundant psalmody, by which many of the brethren have till this day been cheered; and I am full οf respeetful regard for the man, all the more for that he has gone to his rest already. But truth is dear and to be honoured above all things,1 and one must give ungrudging praise and assent to whatever is stated rightly, but examine and correct whatever appears to be unsoundly written. Αnd if he were present and putting forward his opinions merely in words, conversation, without writing, would be sufficient, persuading and instructing by question and answer ‘them that oppose themselves.’ But when a book is published, which some think most convicing, and when certain teachers, who consider the law and the prophets of no value and disregard the following of the Gospels and depreciate the epistles of the apostles, yet make promises concerning the teaching οf this treatise as if it were some great and hidden mystery, and do not suffer the simpler of our brethren to have high and noble thoughts, either about the glorious and truly divine appearing οf οur Lord, or οf our resurrection from the dead and our gathering together and being made like unto Ηim, but persuade them to hope for what is petty and mortal and like the present in the kingdom of God — then we also are compelled to argue with Nepos our brother as if he were present.”

Αfter other remarks he adds as follows: ‘‘Νοw 1 Cf. Aristotle, Eth. Nic. i. 1096 a. when I came to the nome of Arsinoë, where, as owest, this doctrine had long been prevalent, so hat schisms and defections of whole churches had place, I called together the presbyters and cachers οf the brethren in the villages (there were resent also such οf the brethren as wished), and I urged them to hold the examinartion of the question publicly. Αnd when they brought me this book as some invincible weapon and rampart, I sat with them and for three successive days from morn till night ttempted to correct what had been written. On at occasion I conceived the greatest admiration for e brethren, their firmness, love of truth, facility in llowing an argument, and intelligence, as we prounded in order and with forbearance the questions, the difficulties raised and the points of agreement; οn the one hand refusing to cling obstinately and at all costs (even though they were manifestly wrong) to opinions once held; and on the other hand not shirking the counter-arguments, but as far as possible attempting to grapple with the question in nd and master them. Νor, if convinced by reason, ere we ashamed to change our opinions and give ur assent; but conscientiously and unfeignedly and ith hearts laid open to God we accepted whatever as established by the proofs and teachings of the οly Scriptures. Αnd in the end the leader and troducer of this teaching, Coracion, as he was lled, in the hearing of all the brethren present, assented, and testified to us that he would no longer ere to it, nor discourse upon it, nor mention nor ach it, since he had been sufficiently convinced by e contrary arguments. Αnd as to the rest of the brethren, some rejoiced at the joint conrerence, and e mutual deference and unanimity which all isplayed. . . .’’

XXV. Then, in due course, lower down he speaks thus, with reference to the Apocalypse of John: “Some indeed of those before our time rejected altogether impugned the book, examining it chapter by chapter and declaring it to be unintelligible and by chapter and declaring it to be unintelligible and illogical, and its title false. For they say that it is not John's, no, nor yet an apocalypse (unveiling), since it is veiled by its heavy, thick curtain of unintelligibility; and that the author of this book was not only not one of the apostles, nor even one of ints or those belonging to the chureh, but Cerinthus, e same who created the seet called “Cerinthian’’ after him, since he desired to affix to his own forgery a name worthy of credit. For that this was the doctrine which he taught, that the kingdom of christ would be οn earth; and he dreamed that it would consist in those things which formed the object of his own desires (for he was a lover of the body and altogether camal), in the full satisfaction of the belly and lower lusts, that is, in feasts and carousals and marriages, and (as a means, he thought, οf procuring d lowerd not lower lusts, that is, in feasts and under a better name) in festivals and sacrinces and slayings of victims.1 But for my part I should not dare to reject the book, since many my brethren hold it in estimatin ; but, reckoning that my perception οt dare to reject the book, since many brethren hold is inadequate to form an opinion concerning it, I hold what the interpretation of each several passage is in some way hidden and more wonderful.2 For even although I do not understand it, yet I suspect that some deeper meaning underlies the words. For I 2 i.e than appears on the surface. do not measure and judge these things by my own reasoning, but, assigning to faith the greater value, I have come to the conclusion that they are too high for my comprehension, and I do not reject what I have not understood, but I rather wonder that I did not indeed see them.”

Moreover, after closely examining the whole book οf the Apocalypse and demonstrating that it cannot be understood in the literal sense, he adds as follows: “After completing the whole, one might say, of his prophecy, the prophet ealls those blessed who observe it, and indeed himself also; for he says: ῾ Blessed is he that keepeth the words οf the prophecy of this book, and I John, he that saw and heard these things.’ That then, he was certainly named John and that this book is by one John, I will not gainsay; for I fully allow that it is the work of some holy and inspired person. But I should not readily agree that he was the apostle, the son Zebedee, the brother of James, whose are the Gospel entitled According to John and the Catholic Epistle. For I fonn my judgement from the character of each and from the nature of the language and from What is known as the general construction of the book, that the John therein mentioned] is not the same. For the evangelist nowhere adds his name, nor yet proclaims himself, throughout either the Gospel or the Epistle.”

Then lower down he again speaks thus: “ . . . But John nowhere, either in the first or the third person. But he who wrote the Apocalypse at the very beginning puts himself forward: ῾ The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which he gave him to show unto his servants quickly, and he sent and signified it by his angel his servant John; who bare wrtness of the word of God and his testimony, even of all things that he saw.’ Then he also writes an epistle: ‘John to seven churches which are in Asia; Grace to you and peace.’ But the evagelist did not write his even at the beginning of the Catholic Epistle, but without anything superfluous began with the mystery itself of the divine revelation: ‘That which was from the beginning, that which we have heard, that which we have seen with our eyes.’ It was in respect of this revelation that the Lord called Peter saying: ‘Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-Jonah: flesh and blood hath not revealed it unto thee, but my heavenly Father.’ Nay, not even in the second οr third extant epistles of John, although they are short, is John set forth by name; but he has written ‘the elder,’ without giving his name. But this writer did not even eonsider it sufficient, harivlng once mentioned his name, to nanate what follows, but he takes up his name again: ‘I John, your brother and partaker with you in the tribulation and kingdom and in the patience of Jesus, was in the isle that is called Patomos for the word of ood and the testimony οf Jesus.’ Moreover at the close he speaks thus: ‘Blessed is he that keepeth the words of the prophecy οf this book, and I John, he that saw and heard these things.’

“That the writer of these words, therefore, was John, one must beieve, since he says it. But What John, is not clear. For he ffid not say that he was, as is frequently said in the Gospel, the disciple loved by the Lord, nor he whieh leaned back οn Ηis breast, nor the brother οf James, nor the eye-witness and hearer οf the Lord. For he would have mentioned some one of these aforesaid epithets, had he wished to make himself clearly known. Yet he makes use of none of them, but speaks of himself as our brother and partaker with us, and a witness of Jesus, and blessed in seeing and hearing the revelations. I hold that there have been many persons of the same name as John the apostle, who for the love they bore him, and beeause they admired and esteemed him and wished to be loved, as he was, of the Lord, were glad to take also the same name after him; just as Ρaul, and for that matter Peter too, is a common name among boys of believing parents. So then, there is also another John in the Αcts of the Αpostles, whose surname was Mark, whom Bamabas and Ρaul took with themselves, concerning whom also the scripture says again: ‘Αnd they had also John as their attendant.’ But as to whether it were he was the writer, I should say Νο. For it is written that he did not arrive in Αsia along with them, but having set sail, the Scripture says, from Ρaphos Ρaul and his company came to Ρerga in Pamphylia; and John departed from them and retumed to Jerusalem.’ But I think that there was a certain other [John] among those that were in Αsia, sinee it is said both that there were two tombs at Εphesus, and that each of ulc two is said to be ’s.

“Αnd from the conceptions too, and from the tenns and their arrangement, one might naturally assume that this writer was a different person from the other. For there is indeed a mutual agreement between the Gospel and the Εpistle, and they begin alike. The one says: ‘In the beginning was word’; the other: ‘That which was from the begining.' The one says: ‘Αnd the Word became nesh, and dwelt among us (and we beheld his glory, glory as of the only-begotten from the Father)’; the other, the same words slightly changed: That which we have heard, that wffihlch we have seen with our eyes, that which we beheld, and our hands handled, concerning the Word of life; and the life was manifested.’ For these words he employs as a prelude, since he is aiming, as he shows in what follom, at those who were asserting that the Lord had not come in the flesh. Therefore he was careful also to add: ‘Αnd that which we have seen, we bear witness, and declare unto you the life, the eternal life, which was with the Father, and was manifested unto us; that which we have seen and heard, declare we unto you also.’ 1 Ηe is consistent with himself 2 and does depart from what he has proposed, but proceeds throughout under the same heads and expressions, certain of whieh we shall mention eoncisely. But the attentive reader will Rnd frequently in one and the other ‘the’ 3 ‘the light,’ 4 ‘turning darkness’; continually ‘the truth,’ 5 ‘the ‘the foy,’ 7 ‘the 8 and blood 9 of the ‘the judgement,’ 10 ‘the forgiveness of sins,’ 11 ‘the love of God toward us,’ 12 the ‘commandment’ that we should ‘love one anothee,’ 13 that we should ‘keep ah the commanmnents’ 14; the ‘conviction’ of the 7 John iii. 29, etc.; l John i. 4; 2 John 12; 3 4 (u.l. “grace”) John i. 13, 14; vi. 53, 56, etc.; 1 John iv. 2 ’ John vi. 53-56; xix. 34; 1 John i. 7; v. 6 10 John iii. 19, etc.; 1 John iv. 17; ƒ. ii. ls, etc. 11 ƒ. John xx. 23: 1 John i. 9; ii. 12; ƒ. iii. 5. 12 John iii. 16; xiv. 23; xvii. 23; 1 John iii. 1; iv. 11, etc. 13 John xiii. 34; xv. 12, 17; 1 John iii. 23, etc. 1 John xv. 10; 1 John ii. 3; iii. 22 ff., etc. world,’ 1 of ‘the devil,’ 2 of ‘the antichriswt’ promise of the Ηoly spirit 4; the adoption of the sons of God 5; the the ‘faith’ 6 that is demanded of us throughout; ‘the Father’ and ‘the Son’7: these are to be found everywhere. In a word, it is obrivlous that those who observe their character throughout will see at a glance that the Gospel and Εpistle have one and the same complexion. But the Apocalypse is utterly different from, and foreign to, these writings; it has no connexion, no affinity, in any way with them; it searcely, so to speak, has even a syllable in common with them. Νay more, neither does the Εpistle (not to speak of the Gospel) contain any mention or thought of the Apocalypse, nor the Apocalypse of the Εpistle, whereas Ρaul in his epistles gave us a little light also on his revelations, which he ffidJd not record separately.

“Αnd further, by means of the style one can estimate the difference between the Gospel and Εpistle and the Αpocalypse. For the former are not only written in faultless Greek, but also show the greatest literary skill in their ffiction, their reasonings, and the constructions in which they are expressed. There is a complete absence of any barbarous word, or soleeism, or any vulgarism whatever. For their author had, as it seemS, both kind of word, by the free gift of the Lord, the word of knowledge and the word of speech. But I will not deny that the other writer had seen revelations and received knowledge and prophecy; nevertheless I observe his style and that his use of the Oreek language is not accurate, but that he employs barbarous idioms, in some places 6 John i. 7, etc.; 1 John v. 4. 7 John iii. 36 and passim; 1 John iv. 14, etc. committing downright solecisms. These there is no necessity to single out now. For I have not said these things in mockery (let no one think it), but merely to establish the dissimilarity οf these ”

XXVI. In addition to these letters οf Dionysius there are extant aho many others, as for example those against Sabellius to Αmmon bishop of the church at Bernice, and that to Telesphorus, and that to Euphranor and Αmmon again and Εupοrus. Αnd he composed on the same subject aho four οther treatises, which he addressed to his namesake at Rome, Dionvsius. Αnd we have many letters of his hesides these, and moreover lengthy books written in epistolary form, such as those on Νature, addressed to Timothy his boy, and that on Temptations, which also he defficated to Euphranor. In adffition to these, in writing also to Basilides, bishop of the communities in the Pentapolis, he says that he himself had written an exposition of the beginning of Ecclesiastes; and he has left behind for our beneRt various other letters addressed to this person.

so much for Dionysius. But come now, after recording these things, let us hand down for the infonnation of posterity the character οf our own generation.

XXVII. when Xystus had presided οver the church of the Romans for eleven years,1 he was succeeded by Dionysius, namesake of him of Αlexandria. Αt this time also when Demetrian had departed this life at Αntioch, Ρaul of samosata received the Ρiscopate. Αs this person espoused low and mean riews as to Christ, contraq to the ’s teaching, namely, that Ηe was in His nature 1 Xystus II. was bishop from Αug. οr sept. 257 to Αug. 258. Eusebius should have said “eleven an ordinary man, Dionysius of Alexandria was inrited to attend the synod, but, pleaffing as his excuse both old age and boffily weakness, he postponed his coming, and furnished by letter the opinion that he held on the subject in question. But the rest of the pastors of the churches, from various quarters, all hasted to Αntioch, and assembled as against a spoiler of the nock οf christ.

XXVIII. Αmong those who were the mort distinguished were Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea Cappadocia; the brothers Gregory and Athenodore, pastors of the communities in Pontus; and in addition to these, Helenus, [bishop] of community at Tarsus, and Nicomas, of the community at Iconium nor must we omit Hymenaeus, of the church at Jemsalem, and neotecnus, of this neighbouring church of Caesarea; and moreover there was aho, who was ruling with distinction the brethren at Bostra; and one would not be at a loss to reckon up countless others, together with presbyters and deacons, who were gathered together in the abovementioned city for the same cause. But these were the most famous among them. when all, then, were coming together frequently οn different oecasions, argmnents and questions were mooted at each meeting, the samosatene and his party attempting to keep still concealed and to cloak what was heterodox, while the οthers were eamestly engaged in laying bare and bringing into the open his heresy and blasphemy against Christ.

Αt that time Dionysius died in the tweKth year οf the reign οf Gallienus, 1 haring presided in the epis- 1 A.D. 264.265. copate at Alexandria for seventeen years. years. He was succeeded by Maximus.

Gallienus having held the prineipate for fifteen entire years, Claudius was established as his successor. 1

When he had completed his second year, he gac over the gOVernment to Aurelian.

XXIX. Ιn Aurelian's day a final synod of an ofexceedingly large number ofbishops Was assembled, and the leader ofthe heresy at Antioch, being unmasked and now cleariy condemned of heterodoxy by all, was excommunicated from the Catholich Church under heaven. The person foremost in calling him to account and in utterly refuting his attempts at concealment was Malchion, a learned man, who aho was head of a sehool of rhetoric, one of the Greek educational establihments at Antioch; and, moreoVer, for the surpassing sincerity of his faith in Christ he had been deemed worthy of the presbyterate of that community. Ιn faet, this man had stenographers to take notes as he held a disputatiOn with Ρaul, wllich we know to be eXtant even to tbis day; and he, alOne of them all, was able to unmask that erafty and deceitful person.

XXX. The pastors, then, WhO had been assembled together, indited unanimously a ringle letter personally to DiOnysius, bishop of ROme, and Maximus, of Alexandria, and sent it throughOut all the provinces. In it they make manifest to au their zeal, and also the perverse heterodoxy of Ρaul, as well as the arguments and questions that they addressed to him; and moreover they deseribe the man’s whole life and eonduct. From Which, by way οf memOrial, it may 1 Α.D. 270. be well on the Ρresent oecasion to give an account of these their utteranees.

“To Dionysius and Maximus and to all Our fellowministers throughout the worid, bishops, presbyters and deacons, and to the whole Catholic Chureh under heaven, Helenus and Ηymenaeus and Theophilus Theotecnus and Maximus, Ρroclus, Νicomas and Aelianus and Ρaul and Bolanus and Protogenes and Hierax and Eutychius and Theodore and Μalchion and Lueius and all the otherS who, with us, sojourn in the adjacent cities and provinces, bishops and preSbyters and deaeOns and the ehurcheS of God, aS to brethren beloved in the Lord send greeting.”

Α little further on they proeeed thus: “Αnd we wrote 1 inviting many even of the bishops at a distance to eome and heal this deadly doctrine, as for example, both DionySius at Alexandria and Firmihan of Cappadoeia, those blessed men. The former of these wrote to Antioch, [not to the bishop,] neither deeming the leader of the heresy worthy of being addressed nor writing to him personally, but to the whole community; of which letter also We subjoin a copy. Firmilian, on the other hand, even came twice, and eondemned Paul's new-fangled ideas, as we who were Ρresent know and bear Witness, and many others knoW aS well; but, on his promising to ehange, he adjourned the [proceedings], hoping and believing that the matter would be Bttingly eoncluded ithout any reproach to the Word; for he WaS deeeived by him who both denied his God and Lord, and also did not 1 The Greek (imperf.) implies a continued correspondence. preserVe the faith that he himself formeriy held. Αnd Firmilian was now again on his way to eross over to Αntioch, and had got as far as Tarsus, for he had had eVerience of the Villainy of this denier of God. But while we had come together and were actually calling him and awaiting his arrival, in the midst of it all he leaehed life's end.”

Αgain, after other remarks they describe the manner of his life, in the fOllowing terms: “But he departed from the canOn [of truth], and has turned aside to spurious and bastard doetrines, we are under no obligation to judge the actions of him that without, not even because, though he vas fOrmerly poor and penniless, neither haVing reeeived a livelihoos from hiS fathers nor having got it from a trade or any oeeupation, he has has come to possess abundant wealth, as a result of lawless deeds and sacrilegious plunderings and extortions exacted from the brethren by threats; for he deprives the injured of their rights, and promises to help them for money, yet breaks his word with these also, and with a light heart makes his harvest out of the readiness of persons engaged in lawsuits to make an offer, for the sake of being rid of those that trouble them; seeing that he considers that godliness is a way of gain. Νeither [do we judge him] beeause he sets his mind on high things and is lifted up, clothing himself with wordly honours and wishing to be ealled ducenarius 1 rather than bishop, and struts in the market-places, 2 reading and dictating letters as he walks in public, and attended by a bodyguard, some preceding, some following, and that too in numbers: with the result 2 Cf. Demosthenes, κατὰ Μειδίου, 158: τρεῖς ἀκολούθους ἢ τέτταρας αὐτὸς ἄων διὰ τῆς ἀγορᾶς σοβεῖ. that the faith is ill thought of and hated because of his conceit and the overweening pride of his heart. Nor [do we judge] the quackery in church assemblies that he derises, courting popularity and posing for appearance’ sake, and thus astonishing the minds the simpler folk, with the tribunal and lofty throne that he prepared for himself, not beRtting a disciple οf Christ, and the secretum 1 which, in imitation οf the rulers οf the world, he has and so styles. Αlsο, he smites his hand on his thigh and stamps the tribunal with his feet; and those who do not applaud οr wave their handkerchiefs, as in a theatre, or shout οut and jump up in the same way as do the men and mtched women who are his partixans and hearken in this disorderly fashion, but who listen, as in God's house, with orderly and becoming reverence,—these he rebukes and insults. Αnd towards the interpreters οf the word who have departed this life he behaves in an insolent and ill-bred fashion in the common assembly, and brags about himself as though he werc not a bishop but a sophist and charlatan. Αnd as to psalms, he put a stop to those addressed to our Lord Jesus christ, on the ground that they are modem and the compositions of modem men, but he trains women to sing hymns to himseK in the middle of the church οn the great day of the Ρascha, which would make οne shudder to hear. such aho is the kind of discourse that he permits the bishops of the neighbouring country and towns, who fawn upon him, and the presbyters as well, to deliver in their sennons to the people. For he is not willing to ackowledge with us that the son of ood has come down from heaven 1 The secretum was the privatc chamber of a magistrate οr judge. (to anticipate something οf what we are about to write; and this will not be merely asSerted, but is proved from many passages of the notes that we send, and not least where he says that Jesus Christ is from below 1); while they who sing psalms to him and utter his praises in the congregation say that their impious teacher has come down an angel from heaven. Αnd he does not prevent this, but is even present when sueh things are said, arrogant fellow that he is. Αnd as to the subintroductae, 2 as the Antiochenes call them, his own and those of the presbyters and deacoss in his company, with whom he joins in concealing both this and the other incurable sins (though he knows of, and has convicted, them), that he may have them under obligation to him, and that they may not dare, through fear for themselves, to aecuse him οf his misdemeanours in word and deed; yea, he has even made them rich, for which cause he is the beloved and amnired of those who affect such conduct — why should we write of these things? But we knoW, beloved, that the bishop and the priesthood as a whole Should be a pattem to the people of all good works; and we are not ignorant οf this: how many have fallen through procuring subintroductae for themselVes, while οthers are under suspieion; so that even if it be granted that he does nothing licentious, yet he ought at least to guard against the suspicion that arises from such a practice, lest he cause someone to stumble, and induce οthers also to imitate him. For how could he rebuke another, οr counsel him not to consort any further with a woman and so guard against a slip, as it is written, seeing that he has 2 i.e. spiritual “sisters.” sent οne away already, and has two in his company in the Rower of youth and beauty, and even if he go away anywhere, he brings them around with him, living all the while in luXury and surfeiting? Wherefore, though all groan and lament in private, so fearful have they become of his tyranny and poWer, that they dare not aeeuse him. Vet, as We have said before, 1 οne might call to aecount for these matters a man who has at any rate a catholic mind and is numbered along with us; but as for one Who burlesqued the myStery, and strutted about in the abominable heresy of Artemas 2 (for why should we not bring ourselves to declare his father?)—from such a one we think that we are under no obligation to demand a reckoning for these things.”

Then at the close οf the letter they add as follows:

“We were compelled therefore, aS he opposed himself to God and refused to yield, to excommunicate him, and appoint another bishop in his stead for the Catholic Chureh [choosing] by the providence of God, as we are persuaded, Domnus the son of the blessed Demetrian, who formerly presided with distinction over the same community; he is adorned with all the noble qualities suitable for a bishop, and we notify [this his appointment] unto you that ye may write to him, and from him receive letters of communion. But let this fellow write to Artemas, and let those who side with Αrtemas hold communion with him.”

When Ρaul, then, had fallen from the episcopate as well as from his orthodoxy in the faith, Domnus, as has been said, sueceeded to the ministry of the chureh at Αntioch. But as Ρaul refused on an any account to give up possession οf the church-building, the emperor Aurelian, on being petitioned, gave an extremely just decision regarding the matter, order the assignment οf the building to those with hom the bishops of the doctrine 1 in Italy and Rome should communicate in writting. Thus, then, was the aforesaid man driven with the utmost indignity from the church by the ruler of this world.

such indeed was the disposition οf Aurelian towards us at that time. But as his reign advanced, he changed his mind with regard to us, and was now being moved by certain counsels to stir up persecution against us; and there was great talk about this on all sides. But as he was just οn the point οf so doing and was putting, one might almost say, his signature to the decrees against us, the divine Justice visited him, and pinioned his arms, so to speak, to prevent his undertaking. Thus it was clearly shown for all to see that the rulers of this world would never find it easy to proeeed against the churches of Christ, unless the hand which champions us were to permit this to be done, as a divine and heavenly judgement to chasten and turn us, at whatsoever times it should approve. At all events, when Aurelian had reigned r six years, 2 he was suceeeded by Ρrobus. Ηe held e government for something like the same number οf years, 3 and Carus with his sons Carinus and Numerianus succeeded him; and when they in their turn had remained in office for not three entire years, the government devolved on Diocletian 4 and οn those who were brought in after him; and under them was 2 A.D. 270-275. 3 Α. D. 276-282, two emperors, Tacitus and Florianus, coming between Aurelian and Ρrοbus with short reigus. 4 A.D. 284 accomplished the persecution of our day and the estruction οf the churches therein. But a short time before this, Felix succeeded in the ministry Dionysius, bishop of Rome, who had completed nine years.

XXXI. Αt that time also the madman,1 named his devil-possessed heresy, was taking as his armour mental delusion; for the devil, that is Satan himself, the adversary of God, had put the man forward for the destruction of many. Ηis very speech and manners proclaimed him a barbarian in mode of life, and, being by nature devilish and insane, he suited his endeavours thereto and attempted to pose as Christ: at one time giving out that he was the Paraclete and the Ηoly spirit Himself, conceited fool that he was, as well as mad; at another time choosing, as Christ did, twelve disciples as associates in his new-fangled system. In short, he stitched together false and godless doctrines that he had collected from the countless, long-extinct, godless heresies, and infected οur empire with, as it were, a deadly poison that came from the land of the Ρersians; d from him the profane name of Manichaean is still commonly on men's lips to this day. Such, then, was the foundation on which rested this knowledge which is falsely so called, which sprang up at the e we have mentioned.

XXXII. At that time Felix, who had presided over the church οf the Romans for five years, was suceded by Eutychianus. This person did not r even ten entire months; he left the office to aius our contemporary. Αnd when he had presided the words have no etymological relation to each other, cient to give Eusebius occasion for punning. abοut fifteen years, Marcellinus was appointed his successor, the same whοm the persecutiοn has overtaken.

In the time of these persons, in suecession to Domnus, Timaeus was in charge of the episeopate of Antioch, whom our contemporary Cyril succeeded. During Cyril's episcopate we came to know Dorotheus, a leamed man, who had been deemed worthy of the presbyterate at Αntioeh. In his zeal for all that is beautiful in divine things, he made so careful a study of the Ηebrew tongue that he read with understanding the original Ηebrew Scriptures. Αnd he was by nο means unacquainted with the most liberal studies and Greek primary education; but withal he was by bature a eunuch, having been so frοm his very birth, so that even the emperοr, accounting this as a sort miracle, tοok him into his friendship and honoured him with the charge of the purple dye-wοrks at Tyre. we heard him giving a measured exposition of the Scriptures in the church.

After Cyril, Tyrannus succeeded to the episcopate the community of the Antiochenes, in whose day the attack upon the churches was at its height.

Αfter socrates as head of the cοmmumunity at Laodicea came Εusebius, being a native of the city οf Alexandria. The reason of his migration was the air of Ρaul. For when he had cοme to Syria οn busniess connected with Ρaul, he was prevented frοm returning home by those whο had divine things at heart. Ηe was a goοdly example of piety amοng our cοntemporaries, as it will be easy to discover from the expressions of Dionysius quoted above.1 Αnatolius was appointed his successor, one good man, as they say, folloning another. Ηe alsο was by race an Alexandrian, who for his learning, secular education d philosophy had attained the first place among our οst illustrious contemporaries; inasmuch as in ithmetic and geometry, in astronomy and other iences, whether οf logic οr of physics, and in the s of rhetoric as well, he had reached the pinnacle. t is recorded that because of these attainments the citizens there deemed him worthy to establish the school of the Aristotelian tradition1 at Now countless other οf his deeds of prowess are reted during the siege of the Pirucheum2 at seeing that he was deemed worthy by all of extraordinary privilege omong the officials; but as an example I shall make mention of the following one only. It is said that When the wheat failed the besieged, so that hunger was now a more intolerable thing than their enemies without, the person of whom we are speaking, being present, adopted the following device. The other part of the city was fighting in alliance with the Roman army, and thus was not besieged. Αmοng these latter was Eusebius (for it said that he was still there at that time before his igration to Syria), who had won so great fame and widespread a reputation that it reached the ears en οf the Roman general. To him Anatolius sent, d informed him as to those that were perishing of nger in the siege. When he learnt it, he asked the man commander as a very great favour to grant ety to deserters from the enemy; and having obtained his requert acquainted Anatolius of the fact. The moment Anatolius received the promise, he 1 Lit. ‘‘succession.’’ 2 The Greek quarter at Alexandria, in which were the most portant buildings. assembled a council οf the Alexandrians, and at first equested all to extend the right hand οf fellowship to the Romans. But when he pereeived that they were getting angry at the proposal, “At any rate,” said he, “I do not think you would contradict me if I were to counsel that those who were superfluous and in no wise useful to us ourselves, old women and young children and old men, should be permitted to o outside the gates whithersoever they wish. Why keep we these persons with us to no purpose, seeing ey are all but on the point of death ? why destroy we with hunger the mained and crippled in body, when we should support οnly men and youths, and husband the necessary wheat for such as are required to guard the city ? ” With some such arguments he persuaded the assembly, and was the first to rise and give his vote that the whole body of those who were not required for the army, whether men οr women, should depart from the city, because were they to remain and uselessly stay therein, there would be no hope οf safety for them, since they would perish with unger. Αnd when all the rest of those in the embly assented to this proposal, he went within a le of saving the whole of them that were besieged; took care that first of all those belonging to the urch, and then the rest remaining in the city, of ages, should escape, not only those who came der the terms οf the vote, but also great numbers of others, passing themselves off off as such, who secretly donned women's attire, and by his management left e gates by night and hastened to the Roman army. ebius was there to receive them all, and, like a ther and physician, restore them, in evil plight after eir long siege, with every kind of forethought and attention. such were the two pastors that the church of Laodicea was deemed worthy to have successively, who by dinine providence, after the above-mentioned war, had left the city of the Alexandrians to come there. Νot a very great many works, indeed, were composed by Anatolius, but enough have reached us to enable us to perceive both his eloquence and his great erudition. In these works he especially presents his opinions with reference to the Pascha; from which it may be necessary οn the present occasion to give the following passage.

From the Canons of Anatolius οn the Pascha.1

“It has therefore in the first year the new moon of first the first month, which is the beginning of the nineteen-year cycle, on the 26th of Phamnoth according to the Egyptians, but according to the months of the Macedonians the 22nd of Dystrus, or, as the Romans would say, the 11th before the Kalends of April. The Sun is found on the aforesaid 26th of Phamenoth not only to have arrived at the first sign of the zodiac, but already to be passing through the fourth day within it. This sign is commonly called the first of the twelve divisions and the equinoctial [sign] and the beginning of months and head of the cycle and the starting-point of the planetary course. But the preceding sign is the last of the months and the twelfth sign and the last of the twelve divisions and the end of the planetary circuit. Therefore we say that they who place the first month in it, and determine the fourteenth day of the Pascha accordingly,2 are guilty of no small or ordinary mistake.

BOOK VIII

Having concluded the succession from the apostles in seven entire books, in this eighth treatise we regard it as one of our most urgent duties to hand down, for the knowledge of those that come after us, the events of our own day, which are worthy of no casual record ; and from this point our account will take its beginning.

I. It is beyond our powers to describe in a worthy manner the measure and nature of that honour as well as freedom which was accorded by all men, both Greeks and barbarians, before the persecution in our day, to that word of piety toward the God of the universe which had been proclaimed through Christ to the world. Yet proofs might be forthcoming in the favours granted by the rulers to our people : to whom they would even entrust the government of the provinces, freeing them from agony of mind as regards sacrificing, because οf the great friendliness that they used to entertain for their doctrine. Why need one speak of those in the imperial palaces and of the supreme rulers, who allowed the members of their households — wives, children and servants — to practise openly to their face the divine word and conduct, and — one might say — permitted them even to of the freedom accorded to the faith ? Αnd these they used to regard with especial esteem and more favourably than their fellow-servants. such a one was the famous Dorotheus, who surpassed all in his devotion and faithfulness to them, and for this reason was more highly honoured than men who held positions as rulers or governors. With him was the celebrated Gorgonius and all those who, like them, had been deemed worthy of the same honour because of the word of God. With what favour one might note that the rulers in every church were honoured by all procurators and governors! Αnd how could οne fully describe those assemblies thronged with countless men, and the multitudes that gathered together in every city, and the famed concourses in the places of prayer ; by reason οf which they were no longer satisfied with the buildings of οlden time, and would erect from the foundations churches of spacious dimensions throughout all the cities ? Αnd as these things went forward with the times, and day by day increasingly grew mightier, no envy could stop them, nor was any evil spirit able to cast its spell or hinder them by human devices, so long as the divine and heavenly hand was sheltering and guarding, as a worthy object, its own people.

But when, as the result of greater freedom, a change to pride and sloth came οver our affairs, we fell to envy and fierce railing against one another, warring upon ourselves, so to speak, as occasion offered, with weapons and spears formed of words ; and rulers attacked rulers and laity formed factions against laity, while unspeakable hypoerisy and pretence pursued their evil course to the furthest end : until the divine judgement with a sparing hand, as is its wont (for the asseblies were still crowded), quietly and moderately began to exercise its overingt, the persecution commencing with the brethren the army. But when in our blindness we took not e least care to secure the goodwill and vour of the Deity, but, like some kind of atheists, agained that our affairs escaped all heed and oversight, we went οn adding one wickedness to another ; and those accounted our pastors, easting aside the sanctions of the fear of God, were enflamed with mutual contentions, and did nothing else but add to strifes and threats, the jealousy, enmity and tred that they used one to another, claiming with all vehemence the objects of their ambition as if they were a despot's spoils ; then indeed, then according the word spoken by Jeremiah, the Lord hath kened the daughter of Zion in his anger, and hath cast down from heaven the glory of Israel ; he hath not remembered his footstool in the day of his anger ; but the Lord hath also swallowed up all the beauty οf Israel and hath broken down all his hedges. Αnd according to what has been foretold in the Psalms, e hath overtumed the covenant οf his servant and th profaned to the ground, through the destruction of the churches, his sanctuary and hath broken down all his hedges, he hath made his strongholds cowardice. All that pass by the way have spoiled the multitudes of the people, yea more, he hath become a reproach to his neighbours. For he hath exalted the right hand of his adversaries, hath turned back the help of his sword and hath not taken his part in the battle. But he hath also made his purification to cease, and hath cast his throne down to the ground, and hath shortened the days of his time and, last of all, he hath covered him with shame.

II. Αll things in truth were fulfilled in our day, when we saw with our very eyes the houses of prayer cast down to their foundations from top to bottom, and the inspired and sacred seriptureS committed to the flames in the midst of the market-places, and the pastors οf the churches, some shamefully hiding themselves here and there, while others were ignominiously captured and made a mockery by their enemies ; when also, according to another prophetic word, He poureth contempt upon princes, and causeth them to wander in the waste, where there is no way.

But as to these, it is not our part to deseribe their melancholy misfortunes in the issue, even as we do not think it proper to hand down to memory their dissensions and unnatural conduct to one another before the persecution. Thererore we resolved to place on record nothing more about them than what would justify the divine judgement. Accordingly, we determined not even to mention those who have been tried by the persecution, or have made utter shipwreck of their salvation, and of their own free will were plunged in the depths of the billows ; but we shall add to the general history only such things as may be profitable, first to ourselves, and then to those that com after us. Let us proceed, therefore from this point to give a summary deseription of the sacred conflicts of the martyrs or the divine Word. lt was the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, 1 and the month Dystrus, 2 or March, as the Romans would call it, in which, as the festival of the 3 The Seventh month of the Macedonian year, which began in september. Saviour's Ρassion 1 was coming on, an imperial letter as everywhere promulgated, ordering the razing οf e churches to the ground and the destruction by οf the Scriptures, and proclaiming that those who ld high posiuons would lose all civil rights, while οse in households, if they persisted in their profeson on of Christianity, would be deprived of their liberty. uch was the first document against us. But not ng afterwards we were further visited with other ers, and in them the order was given that the presidents of the churches should all, in every place, first committed to prison, and then afterwards mpelled by every kind of device to sacrifice.

I. Then indeed, then very many rulers of the urches contended with a stout heart under terrible rments, and displayed spectacles of mighty conflicts ; ile countless others, whose souls cowardice had numbed beforehand, readily proved weak at the first ult ; while οf the rest, each underwent a serues varried forms of torture : one would have his body treated by scourgings ; another would be punished ith the rack and torn to an unbearable degree, hereat some met a miserable end to their life. But ers, again, emerged from the connict otherwise : e man was brought to the abominable and unholy ifices by the violence of others who pressed round him, and dismissed as if he had sacrificed, even though e had not ; another who did not so much as approach touch any accursed thing, when others had said t he had sacrfficed, went away bearing the false accusation in silence. Α third was taken up half- ad and cast aside as if he were a corpse already ; and, again, a certain person lying on the ground was agged a long distance by the feet, haring been reckoned among those who had voluntarily sacrificed. e cried out and with a loud voice attested his al to sacrifice, and another shouted aloud that was a Christian, glorying in his confession of the ving Name. Another stoutly maintained that he not sacrificed, and never would. ese also were struck on the mouth and silenced by large band of soldiers drawn up for that purpose, with blows on their face and cheeks driven ibly away. so great store ffid the enemies of ess set on seemingly by any means to have omplished their purpose.

But even such methods did not avail them against holy martyrs. what word of ours could suffice an accurate description of these ?

IV. For ht tell of countless numbers who displayed a ellous zeal for piety to the God of the universe; only from what time the persecution was stirred against all, but long before, during the period en peace was still firmly established. For when who had receivcd the authority 1 was just now akening, as it were, from profound torpor, though was in a secret and hidden manner aheady making pts against the churches during the time that e after Decius and valerian, and did not get him- in readiness for the war against us all at once, as yet made an artempt οnly upon those in the ps (for in this way he thought that the rest also could easily be taken, if first of all he were to get the r in the conflict with thess): then one could see t numbers of those in the army most gladly bracing civil life, so that they might not prove profound torpor ’’ the forty years' peace—the een the phersecutions οf valerian and Diocletian. renegades in their piety toward the creator οf the universe. For when the supreme commander, 1 whoever he was, was just making his first attempt at persecuting the soldiers — separating into elasses and thoroughly sifting out those serving in the camps, giving them a choice whether they would οbey and enjoy the rank they held, or else be deprived of it, if they continued to disobey the commandment — a great many soldiers of Christ's kingdom, without hesitation, unquestionably preferred to confess Ηim than retain the seeming glory and prosperity that they possessed. Αnd already in rare cases one οr two of these were receiving not only loss of honour but even death in exchange for their godly stedfastness, for as yet the instigator of the plot was working with a certrisln moderation and daring to proceed unto blood only in some instances ; fearing, presumably, the multitude of believers, and hesitating to plunge into the war against us all at οnce. But when he prepared himself still further for battle, it is quite impossible to recount the number or the splendour of God's martyrs that it was given to the inhabitants throughout all the cities and country parts to see.

V. To begin with, the moment that the decree against the churches was published at Nicomedia, a ertain person 2 by no means obscure, but most highly onoured as the world counts pre-eminence, moved y zeal toward God and carried away by his burning aith, seized and tore it to pieces, when posted up in n open and public place, as an unholy and profane chronicle. The words “ whoever he was ’’ are probably ntemptuous — he was not worth naming. 2 Probably Euethius, who suffered martyrdom at Nicomedia February 24, the day on which the ediet was published. radition, however, identified him with St. George of England. thing ; [and this he did] while two emperors were present in the same city, the senior of them all,1 he who held the fourth place in the government after him. 2 But this man was the first of those at that time who thus distinguished himself ; and, at the same time, in his endurance of such resultS as naturally followed a daring act of this kind, he maintained an untroubled and unffisturbed demeanour to his very last breath.

VI. But among all those whose praises have ever yet been sung as worthy of admiration and famed for courage, whether by Greeks or barbarians, this occasion produced those divine and outStanffing martyrs Dorotheus and the imperial servants that were with him. These persons had been deemed worthy of the highest honour by their masters, who loved them no less than their own children ; but they accounted the reproaches and sufferings for piety and the many forms of death that were newly devised against them, as truly greater riches than the fair fame and luxury of this life. We shall mention the kind of death that οne of them met, and leave our readers to gather from that instance what happened to the οthers.

Α certain man was publicly brought forward in the city of which we have spoken above, under the rulers we have mentioned. Ηe was ordered to sacrifice ; and, as he refused, the command was given that he should be raised on high naked, and have his whole body torn with scourges, until he should give in, and even against his will do what was bidden him. But when he remained unmoved even under these sufferings, they proceeded to mix vinegar and salt together and pour them into the mangled parts of his body, where the bones were already showing. Αnd as he despised these pains also, a gridiron and fire were then produced, and the remnants of his body, just as if it were flesh for eating, were consumed by the fire, not all at once, in case he might find immediate release, but tittle by little ; nor were those who placed him on the pyre allowed to desist, until, after such sufferings, he should signify his assent to what was commanded. But he clung fixedly to his purpose, and triumphantly gave up the ghost in the midst of his tortures. Such was the martyrdom of one of the imperial servants, who truly was worthy of his name. For he was called Ρeter.

But we shall pass by the martyrdoms of the rest, though they were not inferior, having regard to the due proportions of the book ; only Ρlacing it on record that Dorotheus and Gorgonius, together with many others of the household, after conflicts οf various kinds, departed this life by strangling, and so carried off the prizes οf the Good-given victory.

Αt that time Αnthimus, who then prerided over the church at Nicomedia, was beheaded for his witness to Christ. Αnd with him was associated a large number ofmartyrs all together; for, I know not how, in the Ρalace at Nicomedia a fire broke οut in those very days, and through a false suspicion the rumour went around that it was the work οf our people : and by the imperial command the God-fearing persons there, whole families and in heaps, were in some cases butchered with the sword ; while others were perfacted by fire, when it is recorded that men and women leaped upon the pyre with a divine and unspeakable eagerness. The executioners bound a multitude ofothers, and [placing them] on boats threw them into the depths οf the sea. Αs to the imperial servants, whose bodies after death had been committed to the ground with fitting honours, their reputed masters, starting afresh, deemed it necessary to exhume them and cast them also into the sea, lest any, regarding them as actually gods (so at least they imagined), should worship them as they lay in their tombs.

such were the things that were done in Νieomedia at the beginning of the persecution. But not long afterwards, when some in the district known as Melitene,1 and again οn the other hand when in syria, had attempted to take possession of the Empire,2 an imperial command Went forth that presidents οf the churches everywhere should be thrown into prison and bonds. Αnd the spectacle οf what followed surpasses all description; for in every place a countless number were shut up, and everywhere the prisons, that long ago had been prepared for murderers and grave-robbers, were then filled with bishops and presbyters and deacons, readers and exorcists, so that there was no longer any room left there for those condemned for wrongdoing.

Moreover, the first letter was followed by others, wherein the οrder had been given that those in prison should be allowed to go in liberty if they sacrfficed, but if they refused, should be mutilated by countless tortures. Αnd then, once more, how could one here number the multitude of the martyrs in each province, and especially of those in Αfriea and ³ and in Thebais and Εgypt ? From this last country also some departed into other 2 It is quite uncertain to what rising Eusebius here refers. 3 Lit. “the province (ἔθνος) οf the Μοοrs.’’ cities and proninces and were distinguished in their martyrdoms.

VII. We know at any rate those of them who were conspicuous in Palestine, and we know aho those at Tyre in Phoenicia. who that saw them was not struck with amazwment at the numberless lashes and the stedfastness displayed under them by these truly marvellous champions of godliness; at the conflict with man-eating wild beasts that followed immendiately on the lashes; the attacks that then took place ofleopards and different kinds of bears, οf wild boars and bulls goaded with hot iron ; and the marvellous endurance οf these noble persons when opposed to each οf the wild beasts ? We ourselves were present when these things were happening, what time we beheld the present, divine power of our sariour, Jesus christ Himself, the Object of their wintness, and the clear manifestation of that power to the martyrs. The man-eating beasts for a considerable time did not dare to touch or even approach the bodies οf those who were dear to God, but made their attacks on the others who presumably were provoking and urging them οn from the outside; while the holy champions were the only persons they did not reach at all, though they stood naked, waving their hands to drawa them οn to themselves (for this they were commanded to do) ; and sometimes, when the beasts would make a rush at them, they would be checked by, as it were, some divine power and once again retreat to the rear. Αnd when this happened for a long time, it occasioned no small astonishment among the spectators, so that, as the first beast did nothing, a second and a third were let loose against one and the same martyr.

VIII. Such was the contest of the Egyptians who at Tyre displayed their conffiets on behalf of piety.

IX. But it surpasses all description what the martyrs in the Thebais endured as regards both outrages and agonies. They had the entire body torn to pieees with sharp sherds instead of claws, even until life was extinct. Women Were fastened by one foot and swung aloft through the air, head-downwards, to a height by certain machines, their bodies completely naked with not even a covering ; and thus they presented this most disgraeerul, cruel and inhuman of all spectacles to the whole company of onlookers. Others, again, were fastened to trees and trunks, and so died. For they drew together by certain machines the very strongest of the branches, to eaeh of which they fastened one of the martyr's legs, and then released the branches to take up their natural position : thus contriving the rending asunder all at once of the limbs of those who were the objects of this deviee. Αnd indeed all these thing were done, not for a few days or for some brief space, but for a long period extending over whole years—sometimes more than ten, at other times above twenty persons being put to death ; and at others not less than thirty, now nearer sixty, and again at other times a hundred men would be slain in a single (lay, along with quite young children and women, being condemned to manifold punishments which followed one on the other.

Αnd we ourselves also beheld, when we were at these places, many all at once in a single day, some of whom suffered decapitation, others, the punishment of fire ; so that the murderous axe was dulled and, worn out, was broken in pieces, while the executioners themselves grew utterly weary and took it in turns to succeed one another. Ιt was then that we observed a most marvellous eagerness and a truly divine power and zeal in those who had placed their faith in the Christ of God. Thus, as soon as sentence was given against the first, some from one quarter and others from another Would leap up to the tribunal before the judge and confess themselves Christians ; paying no heed when faced with terrors and the varied forms of tortures, but undismayedly and boldly speaking of the piety towards the God of the universe, and with joy and laughter and gladness receiving the rinal sentence of death ; so that they sang and sent up hymns and thanksgivings to the God of the universe even to the very last breath. Αnd while these indeed were marvellous, those especially were marvellous who were distinguished for wealth, birth and reputation, as also for learning and philosophy, and yet put everything second to true piety and faith in our Saniour and Lord Jesus Christ. Such was Philoromus ; who had been entrusted with an office of no small importance in the imperial administration at Alexandria, and who, in connexion with the dignity and rank that he had from the Romans, used to conduct judicia inquiries every day, attended by a bodyguard of soldiers. Such also was Phileas, bishop of the church of the Thmuites,1 a man who was distinguished for the services he rendered to his country in public positions, and also for his skill in philosophy. Αnd though great numbers of relatives and other friends besought them, as well as many officials of high rank, and though the judge himself exhorted them to take pity on themselves and spare their children and wives, they could in no wise be induced by this strong pressure to decide in favour of love of life and despise the ordinances of our Saviour as to confessing and denying ; but with a brave and philosophic resolution, nay rather, with a pious and godly soul, they stood firm against all the threats and insults of the judge, and both were beheaded.

X. But since we said 2 that Phileas deserved a high reputation for his secular learning as well, let him appear as his own witness, to show us who he was, and at the same time to relate, more accurately than we could, the martyrdoms that took place at Alexandria.

XI. For instance, at this time armed soldiers surrounded a little town in Phrygia, of which the inhabitants were all Christians, every man of them, and setting fire to it burnt them, along with young children and women as they were calling upon the God who is over all. The reason of this was, that all the inhabitants of the town to a man, the curator himself and the duumvirs with an the officials and the whole assembly, confessed themselves Christians and refused to give the least heed to those who bade them commit idolatry.

Αnd there was a certain other person who had attained to a high position under the Romans, Adauctus by name, a man of illustrious Italian birth; who had advanced through every grade of honour under the emperors, so as to pass blamelessly through the general administration οf what they call the magistracy and ministry of finance. Αnd besides all having dostinguished himself by his noble deeds οf godliness and his confessions οf the Christ οf God, he was adorned with the crown of martyrodom, enduring the conflict for piety while actually engaged as finance minister.

XII. why need I now mention the rest by name, οr number the multitude of the men, or picture the varied tortures inflicted upon the wonderful martyrs? Sometimes they were slain with the axe, as was the case with those in Arabia; at other times they had their legs broken, as happened to those in Cappadocia; on some occasions they were suspended on high by the feet, head-downwards, while a slow fire was kindled beneath, so that when the wood was alight they were choked by the rising smoke—a treatment meted οut to those in Mesopotamia; on others, the noses, ears and hands were mutilated, and the remaining limbs and parts οf the body cut up, as was done at Alexandria.

Why need one rekindle the memory of those at Antioch, who were roasted οn heated gridirons, not unto death, but with a view to lengthy torture; and οf others who put their right hand into the very fire sooner than touch the aecursed sacrifice? Some of them, to escape such trials, before they were caught and fell into the hands of those that plotted against them, threw themselves down from the tops οf lofty houses, regarding death as a prize snatched from the wickedness of evil men.

Αnd a certain holy person,1 admirable for of soul yet in body a woman, and famed as well by all that were at Antioch for Wealth, birth and sound judgement, had brought up in the precepts of piety her two unmarried daughters, distinguished for the full bloom of their youthful beauty. Much envy was stirred up on their account, and busied itself in tracing in every manner possible where they lay concealed; and when it discovered that they were staying in a foreign country, of set purpose it recalled them to Antioch. Thus they fell into the soldiers’ toils. When, therefore, the woman that herself and her daughters were in desperate straits, she placed before them in conversation the terrible things that awaited them from human hands, and the most intolerable thing of all these terrors—the threat of fornication. she exhorted both herself and her giris that they ought not to submit to listen to even the least whisper of such a thing, and said that to surrender their souls to the slavery of demons was worse than all kinds or death and every form οf destruction. So she submitted that to flee to the Lord was the only way of eseape from it all. And when they had both agreed to her opinion, and had arranged their gannents suitably around them, on coming to the middle of their journey they quietly requested the guards to allow them a little time for retirement, and threw themselves into the river that flowed by.

thus were these their own executioners. But another pair of maidens, also at Antioch, godly in every respect and true sisters, famous by birth, distinguished for their manner of life, young in years, in the bloom of beauty, grave οf soul, pious in their deportment, admirable in their zeal, the worshippers of demons commanded to be cast into the sea, as if the earth could not endure to bear such excellence.

Thus it happened with these martyrs. Αnd others in Ρontus suffered things terrible to hear: sharp reeds were driven through their fingers under the tips of the nails; in the case of others, lead was melted down by fire, and the boiling, burning stuff poured down their backs, roasting the most essential parts of their body; others endured in their privy parts and bowels sufferings that were disgraceful, pitiless, unmentionable, which the noble and lawabiding judges devised with more than usual eagerness, displaying their cruelty as if it were some great stroke of wisdom ; striving to οutdo one another by ever inventing novel tortures, as if contending for prizes in a contest.

XIII. Of those rulers of the churches who were martyred in well-known cities, the first name that we must record on the monuments to holy men, as a martyr or the kingdom οf Christ, is that of Anthimus, bishop of the city οf the Nicomedians, who was beheaded. Of the martyrs at Antioch the best in his entire life was Lucian, a presbyter of that community; the same who in Nicomedia, where the emperor was, proclaimed the heavenly kingdom of Christ, nrst by word οf mouth in an Apology, and afterwards also by deeds. Of the martyrs in Phoenicia the most famous would be the pastors of the spiritual flocks of Christ, beloved of God in all things, Tyrannion, bishop of the church at Tyre, and Ζenοbius, presbyter of the church at Sidon, and, moreover, Silvanus, bishop οf the churches about Εmesa. The last-named became food for wild beasts, along with others, at Emesa itself, and so was received up into the choirs of martyrs; the other two glorified the word οf God at Αntiοch by their endurance unto death; one of them, the bishop, being committed to the depths of the sea, while that best of physicians, Ζenobius, died bravely under the tortures that were applied to his sides. Of the martyrs in Palestine, Silvanus, bishop οf the churches about Gaza, was beheaded at the copper mines at Phaeno, with others, in number forty save οne; and Εgyptians there, Ρeleus and Nilus, bishops, together with others, endured death by fire. Αnd mnong these we must mention the great glory of the community of Caesarea, Pamphilus, a presbyter, the most marvellous man of οur day; the merit of whose brave and good deeds we shall record at the proper time. Of those at Alexandria and throughout all Εgypt and the Thebais who were perfected gloriously, the first that must be recorded is Ρeter, bishop of Αlexandria itself, a divine example of the teachers οf godlines in Christ; and of the presbyters with him Faustus, Dius and Ammonius, perfect martyrs of Christ; and Ρhileas, Hesychius, Pachymius and Theodore, bishops of the churches in Egypt; and countless other famous persons as well, who are commemorated by the communities in their own district and locality. It is not οur part to commit to writing the conflicts of those who fought throughout the world οn behalf οf piety toward the Deity, and to record in detail each οf their happenings; but that would be the especial task of those who witnessed the events. Yet I shall make known to posterity in another work1 those with whom I was personally conversant. In this present book, however, I shall subjoin to what has been said the recantation2 of the things that were wrought us, and au that befell sinee the beginning οf the persecution, most profitable as they are to my readers.

Now as concerns the state of the Roman government before the war against us, during all the periods 1 The reference is probably to the account of Pamphilus iven given in the Martyrs of Palestine. Eusebius’s Pamphilus was, apparently, already written. 2 See c. 17. 3-10. that the rulers were friendly and peaceably disposed toward us, no words could suffieiently deseribe how bountiful and plenteous was its harvest of good things; when also those who held the chiefest places in a world-empire completed the decennalia and vicennalia1 of their principate, and used to their days in festivals and public games, in the most joyous feasts and gaieties, possessing complete, wellestablished peace.

But as their authority thus increased without let or hindrance and day by day waxed greater, all at once they departed from their peaceful attitude towards us and stirred up a relentless war. Αnd the second year2 of this kind οf movement οn their part had not fully expired, when a sort of revolution affecting the entire principate took place and threw the whole of public life into confusion. For a disease fell upon him who stood first among those οf whom we spoke,3 which caused his mind to deranged; and, along with him who had been honoured with the second place after him,4 he resumed the ordinary life of a private citizen. Αnd this had not yet taken place, when the whole principate was rent in twain, a thing that had never even been recorded as having happened at any time in days gone by.5

But after no very great interval of time the Εmperor Constantius, who all his hfe long was most mildly and favourably disposed toward his subjects, and most friendly towards the divine word, died6 according to the common law of nature, leaving his lawful son Constantine Εmperor and Αugustus in his divided ἰn respect of its treatment of Christians: persecution οntinued in the East, while it ceased in the West. 6 A.D. 306. stead; and was the first [of the new tetrarchy] to be proclaimed among the gods by them,1 being deemed worthy of every honour after death that might be due to an emperor, kindest and mildest of emperors that he was. Ηe indeed Was the only one of our contemporaries who passed the whole period of his principate in a manner worthy of his high office; and in other respeets displayed himself in a most favourable and beneficent light toward all; and he took no part in the war against us, but even preserved the God-fearing persons among his subjects from injury and harsh treatment; neither did he pull down the church-buildings nor employ any other new deviee against us. so he has had as his reward a happy and thrice-blessed issue of his life; for he alone enjoyed a favourable and glorious end while he was still emperor, with a lawful son, in all respects most prudent and godly, to succeed him.

Ηis son Constantine from the very hrst was proclaimed by the armies most perfect Emperor and Αugustus, and, long before them, by God Himselfe, the King supreme; and he set himself to be an emulator of his father’s piety toward our doctrine.

Sueh was he. And afterwards Licinius was declared Emperor and Augustus by a common vote of the rulers. 2 These things caused great vexation to Maximin, since up to that time he was still entitled only Caesar by all. Therefore, being above all things a tyrant, he fraudulently seized the honour for himself, and became Αugustus, appointed such by him- 2 The reference seems to be to the Congress of Carnuntum, Νov. 307, when Licinius, who appears to have been already Caesar, was given the tltle of Augustus. self. Αt this time he who had resumed offiee again after his1 abdication, as we have shown, was discovered devising a plot to secure the death of Constantine, and died a most shameful death. Ηe was the first [emperor] whose honorific inscriptions and statues and all sueh things as it has been customary to set up publicly they threw down, as belonging to an infamous and utterly godless person.

XIV. Ηis son Maxentius, Who seeured for himself the tyranny at Rome, at the beginning counterfeited our faith in order to please and fawn upon the Roman populace; and for this reason ordered his subjects to give over the persecution against Christians; for he was feigning piety and endeavouring to appear favourable and very mild above his predecessors. Yet his dees have not shown him to be such as it was hoped he would be. Οn the eontrary, he drove headlong into every form of wickedness, and there is not a single abominable and dissolute aet that he has left undone, committing adulteries and all kinds of rape. In fact he used to separate from their husbands lawfully married women, insult them with the utmost dishonour, and send them back again to their husbands; and he made it his business thus to assail persons neither undistinguished nor obseure, but the most eminent of those who had attained the highest rank in the assembly of the Roman senate were the very and especial objects of his offensive behaviour. Αll cowered before him, people and rulers, famous and obscure, and were worn out by his terrible tyranny; and even though they remained quiet and endured the bitter servitude, srill there was no escape from the tyrant’s murderous cruelty. for example, on a small pretence he gave the people οver to his bodyguard to be slaughtered, and immense numbers οf the Roman people were killed, in the mkidst οf the city, by the spears and arms, not of Scythians nor even of barbarians, but of their fellow-citizens. of a truth it would not even be possible to reckon how many senators were slaughtered because of designs on their wealth, for countless numbers were done away with for feigned reasons, varying according to circumstances. But the finishing touch οf all the tyrant’s evil deeds when he resorted to witchcraft: bent upon magic, at one time he would rip up pregnant women, at another explore the entrails of the new-born babes, slaughter lions, and invent certain abominable actions to invoke demons, and as a sacrffice to avert war. For an his hope hy in these means of securing victory.

Indeed, οne cannot even mention the kind of things that this tyrant at Rome did to enslave his subjects; so that they were actually reduced to such extreme scarcity and lack of even necessary food, as has never been known, according to οur contemporaries, either at Rome or elsewhere.

But the tyrant in the Εast, Maximin, secretly forming a friendly alliance with the tyrant at Rome, as with a brother in wickedness, for a very long time thought that it was unknown. Αs a matter of fact, afterwards he was detected1 and paid the just It was marvellous how he acquired a family likeness and kinship with the villainy of the tyrant at Rome, nay rather, carried off the first prize for wickedness and the reward of victory over him. For it was the principal charlatans and magicians who were deemed 1 when Constantine entered Rome after the battle of the Milvian Bridge (ix. 9. 2-7). worthy by him of the highest honour; he became exceedingly frightened at every noise and superstitious, and attached great importance to error with regard to idols and demons. For instance, without divinations and oracles he could not dare to move even a nail's breadth, if I may say so. Accordingly, he applied himself to the persecution against us with more energy and persistence than those before him, ordering temples to be erected in every city and the sacred groves that had been destroyed through long lapse of time to be restored with all diligence; and he appointed idol priests in every locality and city, and over them as high priest of each province one οf those engaged in statecraft, who was the most manifestly distinguished in every branch of the public service, with an escort and bodyguard soldiers; and he recklessly bestowed governments and the greatest privileges on all charlatans, as if they were pious and dear to the gods. Henceforward he vexed and oppressed, not a single city nor even district, but the provinces under him completely and as a whole, by exactions of gold and silver and unspeakably large amounts of goods, and by the heaviest assessments and varied fines. Taking away from the wealthy the possessions they had gotten from their ancestors, he bestowed upon his train of flatterers riches and heaps of goods in a gift. In truth he carried his drunken excesses to such a point that he became mad and deranged in his cups, and when drunk would give such orders as he would repent of next day when he was sober. In debauchery and riotious living he suffered none to surpass hm, but appointed himself instructor in villainy to those around him, rulers and ruled alike. Ηe induced the army to become enervated as a result of every kind of wanton excess; encouraging governors and commanders to proceed against their subjects with rapacity and extortion, almost as if they were his fellow-tyrants. Why need one recall the man's disgraceful deeds of passion or reckon up the multitude οf those whom he debauched ? In fact, he could not pass by a city without continually ravishing women and abducting virgins. Αnd in this he was successful with all, save only with Christians. Despising death they set at naught this his fierce tyranny. For the men endured fire and sword and nailings; wild beasts and enguffing in the sea: cutting off and burning of limbs, stabbing and digging out of eyes, and mutilation of the whole body; and, in addition to these, hunger and mines and bonds: thus showing on all occasions that they preferred to endure for the sake of piety rather than transfer to idols the honour due to God. Αnd the women, on the other hand, showed themselves no less manly than the men, inspired by the teaching of the divine Word: some, undergoing the same contests as the men, won equal rewards for their valour; and others, when they were being dragged away to dishonour, yielded up their souls to death rather than their bodies to seduction. Α certain Christian lady, 1 for example, most famous and distinguished among those at Αlexandria, alone of those whom the tyrant ravished conquered the lustful and licentious sould of Maximin by her brave spirit. Renowned though she was for wealth, birth and education, she had put everything second to modest behaviour. Μany a time he importuned 1 Rufinus informs us that her name was Dorothea. portuned her, yet was unable to put her to death though willing to die, for his lust overmastered his anger; but punishing her with exile he possessed himself of all her property. Α great number of others, unable even to listen to a threat fornication, underwent every form of the torure and racking and mortal punishment at the hands of the provincial governors.

These indeed were wonderful, yet most surpassingly wonderful was that woman at Rome, 1 truly the most noble and chaste of all those towards whom the tyrant there, Maxentius, in conduct like Maximin, attempted to act offensively. For when she learnt that at her house were those who ministered to the tyrant in such deeds (and she also was a Christian), and that her husband, and he too a prefect of the Romans, through fear had permitted them to take and lead her off, she begged to be excused for a brief space, as if forsooth to adorm her person, entered her chamber, and when alone transfixed herself with a sword. Αnd straightway dying she left her corpse to her procurers; but by deeds that themselves were more eloquent than any words she made it known to all men, both those present and those to come herearter, that a Christian's virtue is the only possession that cannot be conquered or destroyed. To such an extent, in truth, did the two tyrants, who had divided among them Εast and West, carry the wickedness that they wrought at one and the same time. But who is there, in search for the reason of such evils, who would be at a loss to find it in the persecution against us ? Especially as there was no cessation of this 1 Sophronia, according to Runfinus. great state of confusion until Christians recovered their rights of freedom.

XV. in fact, during the whole period of ten of persecution there was no respite in their plotting and warfare against each other. The seas were unnavigable, and none, no matter whence they sailed, could escape being subjected to all kinds of torments: stretched on the rack and having their sides torn, and being examined under all sorts οf tortures in case they should possibly be coming from the enemy of the contrary part, and in the end subjected to crucifixion οr punishment by fire. Moreover, every place was busy with the preparation of shields and armour, the getting ready of darts and spears and other warlike accoutrements, and of triremes and naval gear; and no one expected anything but an enemy attack all day long. Αnd subsequently the famine and pestilence broke out among them, about which we shall recount what is necessary at the proper time.

XVI. Such was the state of affairs that continued throughout the whole persecution; which came completely to an end, by the grace of God, in the tenth year, 1 though indeed it began to abate after the eighth year. For when the divine and heavenly grace showed that it watched over us with kindly and propitious regard, then indeed our rulers also, those very persons who had long time committed acts οf war against us, changed their mind in the most marvellous manner, and gave utterance to a recantation, quenching the fire of persecution that had blazed so furiously, by means of merciful edicts and the most humane ordinances. But this was not due to any human agency nor to the pity, as one 1 A.D. 313. might say, or humanity οf the rulers. Far from it. For from the beginning up to that time they were daily plotting further and severer measures against us; from time to time they were inventing fresh assaults upon us by means of still more varied devices. But it was due to the manifestation of the DIvine Providence itself, which, while it became reconciled to the people, attacked the perpetrator of thses evils, and was wroth with him as the chief author of the wickedness of the persecution as a whole. For verily, though it was destined that these things should come to pass as a divine judgement, yet the Scripture says, “Woe, through whomsoever the offence’’ 2 Α divinely-sent punishment, I say, executed vengeance upon him, beginning at his very flesh and proceeding to the soul. For all at once an abscess appeared in the midst of his privy parts, then a deeply-seated fistular ulcer; which could not be cured and ate their way into the very midst οf his entrails. Hence there sprang an innumerable multitude οf worms, and a deadly stench was given off, since the entire bulk οf his members had, through gluttony, even before the disease, been changed into an excessive quantity of soft fat, which then became putrid and presented an intolerable and most fearful sight to those that came near it. Αs for the physicians, some of them were wholly unable to endure the exceeding and unearthly stench, and were butchered; others, who could not be of any assistance since the whole mass had swollen and reached a point where there was no hope of recovery, were put to death without mercy.

XVII. Αnd wrestling with such terrible misfortunes he was conscience-stricken for the cruel deeds he had perpetrated agninst the godly. collecting, therefore, his thoughts, he first openly confessed to the God οf the universe; then he called those around him, and commanded them without delay to cause the persecution against Christians to cease, and by an imperial law and decree to urge them to build their churches and to perform their accustomed rites, offering prayers on the Εmperor’s behalf. Action immediately followed his word, and imperial ordinances were promulgated in each city, containing the recantation οf the [persecution edicts] of οur time, after this manner: “The Emperor Caesar Galerius Valerius Maximianus Invictus Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Germanicus Maximus, Aegyptiacus Maximus, Thebaicus Maximus, Sarmaticus Maximus five times, PErsicus Maximus twice, Carpicus Maximus six times, Armeniacus Maximus, Medicus Maximus, Adiabenicus Maximus, holding the Tribunician Power for the twentieth time, Emperor for the nineteenth time, 1 Consul for the eighth, Father of his country, Proconsul: 2 . . . Αnd the Emperor Caesar Flavius Valerius Constantinus Pius Felix Invictus Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, holding the Tribunician Power, Εmperοr for the fifth time, Consul, Father οf his country, Proconsul: [And the Εmperor Caesar Valerius Licinianus Licinius Pius Felix Invictus Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, holding the Tribunician names and titles, here omitted, must have appeared in the original where the lacuna is indicated. Similarly, some mss. omit the reference to Licinius, which is here placed in brackets. Both Maximin and Licinius persecuted the Christians subsequently, and this fact may have Ied to the omission of their names. Ρower for the fourth time, Emperor for the third time, Consul, Father of his country, Proconsul: to the people of their provinces, greeting.]

“Among the other measures that we frame for the use and profit of the state, it had been our own wish formerly that all things should be set to rights in accordance with the ancient laws and public order of the Romans; and to make provision for this, namely, that the Christians also, such as had abandoned. the persuasion of their own ancestors, should return to a sound mind ; seeing that through some reasoning they had been possessed of such self-will and seized with such folly 2 that, instead of following the institutions of the ancients, which perchance their own forefathers had formerly established, they made for themselves, and were observing, laws merely in accordance with their own disposition and as each one wished, and were assembing various multitudes in divers places: Therefore when a command of ours soon followed to the intent that they should betake themselves to the institutions of the ancients, very many indeed were subjected to peril, while very many were harassed and endured all kinds of death; Αnd since the majority held to the same folly, and we perceived that they were neither paying the worship due to the gods of heaven nor honouring the god of the Christians; having regard to our elemene y and the invariable custom by which we are wont to accord pardon to all men, we thought it right in this 1 ἐπιστήμη is the usual translation of disciplina (the word in the original in this place) documents of this kind. The same word and translation occur again in § 9. 2 The words, “and . . . folly" are omitted in some important MSS of Eusebius, but are in the original Latin, given by Lactantius. case also to extend most willingly our indulgence: at Christians may exist again and build the houses in which they used to assemble, always provided that they do nothing contrary to order. In another letter we shall indicate to the judges how they should proceed. Wherefore, in accordanee with this our indulgence, they will be bound to beseech their οwn god for our welfare, and that of the state, and their own ; that in every way both the well being of the state may be secured, and they may be enabled to live free from care in their own homes."

such is the character of this edict in the Latin tongue, transhted into Greek as well as may be. Now it is time to consider carefully what happened subsequently.

BOOK IX

Ι. THE recantation of the imperial will set forth above 1 was promulgated broadcast throughout Αsia and in the neighbouring provinces. Αfter this had thus been done, Maximin, the tyrant of the Εast, a monster οf imriety if ever there was one, who had been the bitterest enemy οf piety toward the God of the universe, Was by no means pleased with what was written, and instead οf making known the letter set forth above gave verbal commands to the rulers under him to relax the war against us. For since he might not otherwise gainsay the judgement of his superiors, he put in a corner the law set forth above ; and, taking measures how it might never see the light of day in the districts under him, by an οral direction he commanded the rulers under him to relax the persecution against us. Αnd they intimated to each other in writing the terms of the οrder. Sabinus, for instance, whom they had honoured with the rank of most excellent prefect, made known the Εmperοr’s decision to the provincial governors in a latin epistle. The translation of the same runs as follows :

“With a most eamest and devoted Ζeal the DirivInity οf our most divine masters, the Εmperors, has for a long time determined to lead all men’s 1 viii. 17. thoughts into the holy and right path of life, so that those also who seemed to follow customs foreign to the Romans should perform the acts of worship due to the immortal gods. But the οbstinacy and most unyielding determination of some was carried to such a length, that neither could they be tumed back from their οwn purpose by just reasoning embodied in the order, nor did they fear the punishment that threatened. Since therefore it has come about that many by such conduct endanger themselves, in accordance with the noble piety that is theirs, the Divinity of our masters, the most mighty Εmperors, deeming it foreign to their divine purpose that for such a reason they should so greatly endanger these men, gave commandment through my Devotedness to write to thy Intelligence, that if any of the Christians be found following the religion of his nation, thou shouldest set him free from molestation directed ngainst him and from danger, nor shouldest thou anyone punishable οn this charge, since so long a pnssage of time has proved that they can in no wise be persuaded to to such obstinate conduct. Let it be thy Solicitude's duty, therefore, write to the curators and the duumrirs and the magistrates of the district of every city, that they may know that it is not beseeming for them to take any further notice οf that letter.”1

whereupon the rulers οf the provinces, having concluded that the purport οf what had been written 1 If the Greek here is a correct translation οf the Latin original, the words “that letter” must refer to some previous document ordering the persecution of Chffitians. to them was a genuine expression, made known by means of letters the imperial resolve to curators, dumnvirs and rural magistrates. Αnd not only did they further these measures by writing, but also much more so by action. With a view to carrying out the imperial will, as many as they kept shut up prisons for for their confession οf the Deity they brought into the light of day and set free, releasing such of these same persons as were consigned to the mines for punishment. For this, in truth, they mistakenly conceived to be the Emperor's Αnd when these things had thus been carried into effect, as though some light shined forth all at once out of a gloomy night, one might see churches thronged in every city, and crowded assemblies, and the rites perfonned thereat in the customary manner. Αnd every single one οf the unbelieving heathen was in no small degree amazed at these happenings, marvelling at the miracle of of great a change, and extolling the Christians᾿ God as God as great and of οur οwn people, those who had faithfully and bravely contended throughout the conffict οf persecutions οnee more resumed their conhdent bearing in the sight of all ; but those whoSe faith had been ffiseased and souls stonn-tost eageriy srtove for their own heahng, beseeching and begging the strong for the right hand of safety, and supplicating God to be mereiful to them. Αnd then also the noble champions οf godliness, freed from their evil plight in the mines, returned to their own homes. Ρroudly and joyously they went through every city, full οf unspeakable speakable mirth and a boldness that cannot even be expressed in words. Tea, thronging crowds of men went οn their journey, praising God in the midst of thoroughfares and market-places with songs and psalms; and you might see those who shortly before had been prisoners undergoing the harshest punishment and driven from their native lands, now regaining with gay and joyful countenanees their own hearths so that even those who fonherly were thirsting for our blood, seeing the wondrous thing contrary to all expectation, rejoiced with us at what had happened.

II. This the tyrant could no longer endure, hater as he was of that which is good, and plotter against every virtuous man (he was the ruler, as we said, of the eastern parts) ; nor did he suffer matters thus to be carried on for six entire months. Sumerous, therefore, were his derivlees to overturn the peaee : at first he attempted on some pretext to shut us out from assembling in the cemeteries, 2 then through the medium of certain evil men he sent embassies to himself against us, having urged the citizens of Antioch to ask that they might obtain from him, as a very great boon, that he should in no wise permit any οf the Christians to inhabit their land, and to contrive that others should make the same suggestion. The originator of all this sprang up at Antioch itself in the person of Theotecnus, a clever cheat and an evil man, and quite unlike his name. 3 Ηe was accounted to hold the post of curator 4 in the city.

III. This man, then, many times took the field against us ; and, having been at pains by every method to hunt our people out of hiding-plaeeS as if they were unholy thieves, having employed every 1 1. 1. 2 Cf. vii. 11. 10, note. 3 Theotecnus means Child οf God. 4 The chief finance officer οf a municipality. device to slander and accuSe uS, having been the cause even of death to countless numbers, he ended by erecting a statue of Zeus the Befriender with certain juggleries and soreeries, and having devised unhallowed rites for it and ill-omened initiations abominable purifications, 1 he exhibited his wonderworking by what oraeles he pleased, even in the Emperor's presence. Αnd moreover this fellow, in order to flatter and please him who was ruling, stirred up the demon against the Christians, and said that the god, forsooth, had given orders that the Christians should be driven away beyond the borderS of the city and country round about, since they were his enemies.

IV. This man was the first to act thus of set purpose, and all the other offieials who lived in the cities under the same rule hastened to make a like decision, the provincial governors having seen at a glance that it was pleasing to the Emperor, and having suggested to their subjects to do the very same thing. Αnd when the tyrant had given a most willing assent to their petitions 2 by a reseript, onee more the persecution against us was rekindled.

Marimin himself appointed as priests of the images in each city and, moreover, as high priests, those who were especially distinguished in the public services and had made their mark in the entire course thereof. These persons brought great zeal to bear on the worship of the gods whom they served. Certainly, the outlandish superstition of the ruler was inducing, in a word, all under him, both governors and governed, 1 Eusebius here borrows some phrases from Dion. Αlex. (vii. 10. 4 above). 2 We have thus translated ψηφίσματα (“decisions”) and wherever it occurs in this book, inasmuch as these “decisions ” were “ petitions” to do everything against us in order to secure his favour ; in return for the benents which they thought to secure from him, they bestowed upon him this greatest of boons, namely, to thirst for our blood and to display some more novel tokens of malice toward us.

V. Having forged, to be sure, Memoirs of Pilate and our Saviour, full of every kind of blasphemy against Christ, with the approval of their chief they sent them round to every part οf his dominions, with edicts that they should be exhibited openly for everyone to see in every plaee, both town country, and that the primary teachers should give them to the children, instead οf lessons, for study and committal to memory.

While this was thus being carried οut, another person, a commander, whom the Romans style dux, 1 caused certain infamous women to be abducted from the market-place at Damascus in Phoenicia, and, by continually threatening them with the infliction of tortures, compelled them to state in writing that they were once actually Christians, and privy to their unhallowed deeds, and that the Christians practised in the very churches lewdness and everything else that he wished these women to say in defamation of our faith. Ηe also made a memorandum of their words and communicated it to the Emperor, and moreover at his command published this docmnent also in every place and city.

VI. But not long afterwards he, that is to say, the commander, died by his own hand, and thus paid the penalty for his wickedness.

But as for us, banishments and severe persecutions were again renewed, and the rulers in every province once more rose up cruelly against us, with the result that some of those eminent in the divine Word were taken, and received the sentence of death without mercy.

Of these, three in Emesa, a city of Phoenicia, were consigned to wild beasts as food, having declared themselves Christians. Among them was a bishop, Silvanus, exceedingly advanced in age, who had exercised his ministry for forty entire years.

Αt the same time Ρeter also, who presided with the greatest distinction over the communities at Alexandria—a truly divine example of a bishop on account of his virtuous life and his earnest study of the holy Scriptures—was seized for no reason at all quite unexpectedly ; and then immediately and unaccountably beheaded, as if by the command of Maximin. Αnd along with him many others οf the Egyptian bishops endured the same penalty.

Lucian, a most excellent man in every respect, οf temperate life and well versed in sacred learning, a presbyter of the community at Antioch, was brought to the city or Nicomedia, where the Emperor was then staying ; and, having made his defence before the ruler on behalf οf the doctrine which he professed, he was committed to prison and put to death.

so mightily, indeed, did that hater of the good, Maximin, contrive against us in a short space, that this persecution which he had stirred up seemed to us much more severe than the former one.

VII. In fact, in the midst of the cities—a thing that never happened before—petitions presented us by cities, and rescripts containing imperial ordinances in reply, were set up, engraved on brazen tablets ; while the children in the schools had every day on their lips the names of Jesus and Pilate and the Memoirs forged to insult us.

Αt this point I think it necessary to insert this same doeument of Maximin that was set up on tablets, so as to make manifest at once the boastful, overweening arrogance of this hater of God, and the divine Justice that followed close upon his heels with its sleepless hatred of the evil in wicked men. Ιt was this which smote him ; and not long afterwards he reversed his policy with regard to us, and made a decree by laws in writing.

Copy of a Translation of the Rescript of Maximin in answer to Petitions against us, taken from the Tablet at Tyre.

“ Νow at length, the feeble boldness of the human mind has shaken off and dispersed all blinding mists of error, that error which hitherto was attacking the senses of men not so much wicked as wretched, and was wrapping them in the baneful darkness of ignorance; and it has been enabled to recognize that it is governed and established by the benevolent providence of the immortal gods. Ιt passes belief to say how grateful, how exceeding pleasant and agreeable, it has proved to us that you have given a very great proof of your godly disposition ; since even before this none could be ignorant what regard and piety you were displaying towards the immortal gods, in whom is manifested a faith, not of bare and empty words, but constant and admirable in its noble deeds. Wherefore your city might worthily be called a temple and —place οf the immortal gods. Certainly, by many signs it appears that it flourishes bccause there the immortal gods sojourn. Behold therefore, your city put away all thought for its own private advantage and neglected former requests for its own affairs, when once again it perceived that the followers οf that accursed folly were beginning to spread, as a neglected and smouldering pyre which, when its fires are rekindled into flame, forms οnce more a mighty conflagration. Then immediately and without any delay it had recourse to our piety, as to a metropolis of all religious feeling, requesting some healing and help. It is evident that the gods have placed in your heart this saving thought οn account οf your frialth and godly fear. Accordingly it was he, the most exalted and mighty, even Zeus, he who presides οver your far-famed city, he who protects your ancestral gods and women and children and hearth and home from all destruction, who inspired your hearts with this saving purpose ; it was he who plainly showed how excellent and splendid and saving a thing it is to draw night to the worship and sacred rites οf the immortal gods with due reverence. For who can be found so senseless or bereft of all intelligence as not to perceive that it is by the benevolent care of the gods that the earth does not refuse the seeds committed to it, and thus disappoint the hus- 3 This word is evidently corrupt. Schwartz suggests ἄφθορον. bandmen οf their hope with vain expectation? Or, again, that the spectre of unholy war does not plant itself without opposition upon the earth, so that squalid bodies are dragged off to death, while the wholesome air of heaven is polluted? Οr, indeed, that the sea does not toss and swell under the blasts of immoderate winds? Or that hurricanes do not burst without warning and stir up a death-dealing tempest? Or, still further, that the earth, the nurse and mother of all, does not sink from its deepest hollows with fearful tremor, and the mountains that lie upon it crash into the resulting chasms? For all these evils, and evils even more terrible, have happened many a time before this, as everyone knows. Αnd all these things happened at once because of the baneful error and vain folly those unhahoVed men, when that error took possession of their souls, and, οne might almost say, oppressed the whole world everywhere with its deeds of shame."

After other remarks he adds: “Let them behold in the broad plains the crops already ripe with waving ears of corn, the meadows, thanks to opportune rains, brilliant with plants and flowers, and the weather that has been granted us temperate and very mild; further, let all rejoice since through our piety, through the sacrifices and veneration we have rendered, the most powerful and intractable air has been propitiated, and Ιet them take pleasure in that they therefore enjoy the most serene peace securely and in quiet. Αnd let as many as have been wholly rescued from that blind folly and error and returned to a right and goodly frame of mind rejoice indeed the 1 The text οf this clause is hopelessly corrupt. more, as if they were delievered from an unexpected hurricane or severe illness and were reaping life's sweet enjoyment for the future. But if they persist in their accursed folly, let them be separated and driven far away from your city and neighbourhood, even as you requested; that so, in accordance with your praiseworthy zeal in this respect, your city may be separated from all pollution and impiety, and, following its natural desire, may respond with due reverenee to the worship of the immortal gods.

“Αnd that you may know how pleasing this your request has been to us, and how fully disposed to benevolence our soul is, of its own accord apart from petitioins and entreaties: we permit your Devotedness to ask whatsoever bounty you wish, return for this your godly intent. Αnd now let it be your resolve so to do and receive. For you will obtain your bounty without delay, the granting of which to your city will furnish a testimony for evermore of our godly piety towards the immortal gods, and a proof to your sons and descendants that you have met with the due meed οf reward from our benevolence on account of these your principles of conduct."

This was emblazoned against us in every province, excluding every ray οf hope from our condition, at least as far as human help is concerned; so that, in accordance with the divine oracle itself, if possible even the elect themselves should be caused to stumble at these things. In truth, expectation was already almost failing in very many souls, when all at οnce, while those serving the writ set forth against us were οn their way and had not yet finished their journey in some districts, the Champion οf Ηis own Church, even God, stopping, 1 as it were, the proud boasting οf the tyrant against us, displayed Ηis heavenly aid on our behalf.

VIII. The customary rains, indeed, and showers οf the then prevailing winter season were withholding their usual downpour upon the earth, and we were visited with an unexpected famine, and on top of this a plague and an outbreak οf another kind of disease. This later was an ulcer, which on account of its fiery character was called an anthrax. 2 Spreading as it did οver the entire body it used to endanger greatly its victims ; but it was the eyes that it marked οut for special attack, and so it was the means of blinding numbers οf men as well as women and children.

In addition to this, the tyrant had the further trouble οf the war against the Armenians, men who from ancient times had been friends and allies of the Romans; but as they were Christians and exceedingly eamest in their piety towards the Deity, this hater of God, by attempting to compel them to sacrifice to idols and demons, made of them foes instead οf friends, and enemies instead οf allies.

The fact that all these things came together all at οnce, at οne and the same time, served to refute utterly the tyrant's insolent boasting against the Deity ; for he used to affirm insolently that, on precious stone of a dark red colour, and hence is also used οf a malignant ulcer of similar appearance. account of his zeal for the idols and his attack upon us, neither famine nor pestilence nor even war took place in his time. These things, then, coming upon him together and at the same time had constituted the prelude of his overthrow. He himself, therefore, was worn out along with his commanders in the Armenian war: while the rest of the inhabitants of the cities under his rule were so terribly wasted by both the famine and the pestilence, that two thousand five hundred Attic drachmas were given for a single measure of wheat. Countless was the number of those who were dying in the cities, and still larger οf those in the country parts and villages, with the result that the registers, which formerly contained the names of a numerous rural population, were now all but entirely wiped out; for one might almost say that the entire population perished all at once through lack of food and through plague. Some, indeed, did not hesitate to barter their dearest possessions for the scantiest supply of food with those better provided; others sold off their goods little by little and were driven to the last extremity of want; and others again injured their bodily health, and died from chewing small wisps of hay and recklessly eating certain pernicious herbs. Αnd as for the women, some well-born ladies in cities were driven by their want to shameless necessity, and went forth to beg in the market-plaees, displaying a proof of their noble upbringing in their shamefacedness and the decency of their apparel. Αnd some, wasted away like ghosts οf the departed, and at the last gasp, stumbled and tottered here and there from inability to stand, and fell down; then, stretched out prone the midst of the streets they would beg for a small οrsel of bread to be handed them, and with the t breath in their body cry out that they were ungry, finding strength for this most anguished of cries alone. Others, such as were regarded as belonging to the wealthier classes, amazed at the ultitude of beggars, after giving countless doles, enceforth adopted a hard and pitiless frame of mind, since they expected that before very long they would be suffering the same misery as the beggars; so that in the midst of market-places and ad and naked bodies lay scattered here and there buried for many days, presenting a most piteous ectacle to those who saw them. Some actually came food even for dogs; and chiefly for this reason οse who were alive turned to killing dogs, for fear t they might become mad and turn to devouring en. But worst οf all, the pestilence also battened on every house, especially those whom the famine uld not completely destroy because they were well provided with food. Men, for example, in affluent cumstances, rulers and governors and numbers of cials, who had been left, as it were of set purpose y the famine for the benefit of the plague, endured a sharp and very speedy death. So every place was 11 of lamentations; in every alley and marketce and street there was nothing to be seen but eral dirges, together with the flutes and noises 1 at accompany them. Thus waging war with the oresaid two weapons, pestilence and famine, death voured whole familes in a short time, so that one ight actually see the bodies οf two or three dead 1 Or “beating (of breasts).” persons carried out for burial in a single funeral train.

Such were the wages received for the proud boasting of Maximin and for the petitions presented by the cities against us; while the proofs of Christians' zeal and piety in every respect were manifest to all the heathen. For example, they alone in such an evil state of affairs gave practical evidence of their sympathy and humanity: all day long some of them would diligently persevere in performing the last offices for the dying and burying them (for there were countless numbers, and no one to look after them); while others would gather together in a single assemblage the multitude of those who all throughout the city were wasted with the famine, and distribute bread to them all, so that their action was on all men's lips, and they glorified the God of the Christians, and, convinced by the deeds themselves, acknowledged that they ere truly pious and God-fearing.

Αfter these things were thus accomplished, God, he great and heavenly Champion of the Christians, hen Ηe had displayed Ηis threatening and wrath gainst all men by the aforesaid means, in return for heir exceeding great attacks against us, once again estored to us the bright and kindly radianee of His rovidential care for us. Most marvellously, as in thick darkness, Ηe caused the light of peace to hine upon us from Himself, and made it manifest o all that God Himself had been watching over our ffairs continually, at times scourging and in due eason correcting Ηis people by means of misfortunes, nd again on the other hand after sufficient chastisement showing mercy and goodwill to those who fix their hopes on Ηim.

ΙX. Thus in truth Constantine, who, as aforesaid,1 was Emperor and sprung from an Emperor, pious and sprung from a most pious and in every respect most prudent father, and Licinius, who ranked next to him—both honoured for their and piety—were stirred up by the King of God of the universe and Saviour, two men beloved of God, against the two most impious tyrants; and when war was formally engaged, God proved their ally 2 in the most wonderful manner, and Maxentius fell at Rome at the hands of Constantine; while he 3 of the Εast did not long survive him, for he too perished by a most disgraceful death at the hands of Licinius, 4 who had not yet become mad. 4

But to resume. Constantine, the superior of the Emperors in rank and dignity, vas the first to take pity on those subjected to tyranny at Rome; and, calling in prayer upon God who is in heaven, and His Word, even Jesus Christ the Saviour of all, as his ally, he advanced in full force, seeking to secure for the Romans their ancestral liberty. Maxentius, to be sure, put his trust rather in devices of magic than in the goodwill of his subjects, and in truth did not dare to advance even beyond the ’s gates, but with an innumerable multitude of heavy-armed soldiers and countless bodies of legionaries secured every place and district and city that had been reduced to slavery by him in the environs of Rome and in all shorter text of Eusebius Σ) runs as follows : “Thus in truth Constatine . . . most prudent father, was stirred up by the . . . Saviour, aganist those most impious tyrants . . . God proved his ally. ...” 3 Maximin. 4 This clause is a Ιater addition. Italy. The Εmperor, closely relying on the help that comes from God, attacked the first, second and third οf the tyrant's armies, and capturing them with ease advanced over a large part of Italy, actually coming very near to Rome itself. Then, that he might not be compelled because of the tyrant to fight against Romans, God Ηimself as if with chains dragged the tyrant far away from the gates; and those things which were inscribed long ago in the sacred books against wicked men—to which as myth very many gave no faith, yet were they worthy of faith to the faithful—now by their very found faith, in a word, with all, faithful and faithless, who had the miracle before their eyes. As, for example, in the days of Moses himself and the ancient and godly race of the Hebrews, “ Ρharaoh’s chariots and his host hath he cast into the sea, his chosen horsemen, even captains, they were sunk in the Red Sea, the deep covered them’’; in the same way also Maxentius and the armed soldiers and guards around him “went down into the depths like a stone,” he turned his back before the God-sent power that was with Constantine, and was crossing the river that lay in his path, which he himself had bridged right well by joining of boats, and so formed into an engine οf destruction against himself. Wherefore one might say: “Ηe hath made a pit, and digged it, and shall fall into the ditch which he made. Ηis work shall return upon his own head, and his wickedness shall come down upon his οwn pate.”

Thus verily, through the breaking of the bridge οver the river, the passage across collapsed, and down went the boats all at once, men and all, into the deep; and first of all he himself, that most wicked of men, and then also the shield-bearers around him, as the divine oracles foretell, sank as lead in the mighty waters. So that suitably, if not in words, at least in deeds, like the followers of the great servant Moses, those who had won the victory by the help of God might in some sort hymn the very same words Which were uttered against the wicked tyrant οf old, and say: “Let us sing unto the Lord, for gloriously hath he been glorified: the horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea. The Lord is my strength and protector, he is become my salvation’’; and “Who is like unto thee, O Lord, among the gods? who is like thee, glorified in saints, marvellous in praises, doing wonders?’’ These things, and such as are akin and similar to them, Constantine by his very deeds sang to God the Ruler of all and Αuthor οf the victory; then he entered Rome with hymns of triumph, and all the senators and other persons οf great note, together with women and quite young children and all the Roman people, received him in a body with beaming countenances to their very heart as a ransomer, saviour and benefactor, with praises and insatiable joy. But he, as one possessed οf natural piety towards God, was by no means stirred by their shouts nor uplifted by their praises, for well he knew that his help was from God; and straightway he gave orders that a memorial of the Saviour's should be set up in the hand of his own Statue; and indeed when they set him in the most public place in Rome holding the Saviour's sign in his right hand, bade them engrave this very inscription in these words in the Latin tongue: “By this salutary sign, the true proof of bravery, I saved and delivered your city from the yoke of the tyrant; and moreover I freed and restored to their ancient fame and splendour both the senate and the people of the Romans.”

Αnd after this Constantine himself, and with him the emperor Licinius, 1 whose mind was not yet deranged by the madness into Which he afterwards fell, 1 having propitiated God as the Αuthor of all their good fortune, both with one will and purpose drew up a most perfect law2 in the fullest terms on behalf οf the Christans 3; and to Maximin, who was still ruler of the provinces of the East and playing at being their friend, they sent on an account of the marvellous things that God had done for them, as well as of their victory over the tyrant, and the law itself. Αnd he, tyrant that he was, was greatly troubled at the intelligence; but, not wishing to seem to yield to others, nor yet to suppress the command through fear of those who had enjoined it, as if of his own motion he penned perforce this first letter on behalf of the Christians to the governors under him; in which he belies himself, and feigns that he had done things he never had.

Copy of a Translation of the Epistle of the Tyrant

“Jovius Μaximinus Augustus to Sabinus. I am persuaded that it is manifest both to thy Firmness and to all men that our masters Diocletian and Maximian, our fathers, when they perceived that 1 This clause is a later addition. 2 The so-called Edict of Milan: see X. 5. 1-14. 3 January 313. almost all men had abandoned the worship of the gods and associated themselves with the nation of the Christians, rightly gave orders that all men who deserted the worship of their gods, gods, the the immortal gods, should be recalled to the worship of the gods by open correction and punishment. But when under happy auspices I came for the first time to the East, and learnt that in certain places very many persons who were able to serve the public good were being banished by the judges for the aforesaid reason, I gave orders to each of the judges that of them in future was to deal harshly with the pronincials, but rather by persuasive words and exhortations to recall them to the worship of the gods. It came to pass at that therefore, when when with my injunction the judges observed what was commanded, that no one in the eastem provinces was either banished or suffered insult, but rather was recalled to the worship the gods, because no severe measures were employed against them. But afterwards, when last year under happy auspices I had gone to Nicomedia and was staying there, there came to me citizens of the same city with images of the gods, earnestly requesting that on no account should such a nation be permitted to dwell in their city. But when I learnt that very many οf the same religion dwelt in those very parts, I thus made them reply : That I was gratified, and thanked them for their request, but I perceived that this request did not come from all. If, then, there were some that persevered in the same superstition, let each οne keep thus his resolve according as he personally wished ; and if they so desired it, let them acknowledge the worship of the gods. Nevertheless to these same Nicomedians and the rest of the cities, who themselves have so very earnestly addressed me a similar request, namely, that no Christian should inhabit their cities, I was compelled to reply in a friendly manner, because the Emperors of old time had earefully obesrved this very thing, and it was plearing to the gods themselves, by whom 1 all men and the government itself of the state subsist, that2 I should confirm sueh a request as they were on behalf of the worship of their Deity.

“ Therefore, although special letters have been written to thy Devotedness before this time, and likewise it has been laid down by ordinances that no harsh measures should be adopted against provincials who have a mind to persevere in such a custom, but that men should deal with them in a long-suffering and adaptable spirti : nevertheless that they may not suffer insults or extortions at the hands of the beneficiarii 3 or any others whatsoever, Ι think it right by this letter also to put thy Firmness in mind that thou shouldest cause our provincials to recognize the attention they owe to the gods rather by persuasive words and exhortations. Wherefore if any should make it his resolve that the worship of the gods should be recognized, it is fitting to welcome sueh persons; but if some desire to follow their own worship, thou shouldest leave it in their own power. 1 δι’ οὕς : probably representing per quos in the original. 2 Omitting οὖν, as suggested by Schwartz. 3 This title was given to mibtary officers οf a high rank In this passage it seems to mean officers in the entourage of a provincial governor. For this reason it behoves thy Devotedness to observe carefully that which is commanded thee, and that authority be given to none to affiict our provincials with insults and extortions, since, as we wrote above, it is fitting to recall our provincials to the worship of the gods rather by exhortations and persuasive words. Αnd that this our injunction may come to the knonledge of all our provincials, it behoves thee to make known that which has been enjoined in an ordinance put forth by thyself.”

Since he issued these commands under the compulsion of necessity and not of his own free will, no one any longer regarded him as truthful or even trustworthy, because after a similar concession he had already on a former occasion showed himself to be changeable and false of disposition. Νone of our people therefore dared to convene an assembly or to present himself in public, beeause the letter did not allow him even this. This alone it laid down, that we should be kept from harsh treatment, but it gave no orders about holding meetings or erecting chureh-buildings or practising any of our customary acts. Αnd yet the adnocates of peace and piety, [Constantine had Licinius], had written to him to allow this, and had conceded it to all their subjects by means of edicts and laws. In truth, this monster of iniquity had resolved not to give in as regards this matter ; until he was smitten by the divine Justice, and at the last against his will forced to do so.

X. The following were the circumstance that hemmed him in. Ηe was unable to carry on the vast government with which he had been undeservedly entrusted ; but, lacking a prudent and imperial mind, he managed his affairs tactlessly ; and, above all, his soul was uplifted in an absurd manner by an overweening arrogance, actually against his colleagues in the Empire, men who were in every way his superiors in birth and upbringing and education, in worth and intelligence, and — what is mort important of all — in sobriety and piety towards the true God. so he began to venture to act with insolence, and publicly to style himself first in rank. Then he pushed his madness to the length of insanity, and, breaking the treaty he had made with Licinius, raised an internecine war. Νext, in a short time he threw everything into confusion, greatly disturbed every city, and, gathering together all the anny, an innumerable multitude of men, went forth to fight him in battle-array, his soul uplifted by the hopes he placed in demons, whom, forsooth, he regarded as gods, and in his myriads of armed soldiers.

But when he joined battle, he found himself bereft of divine Providence, for, by the direction of Ηim who is the one and only God of all, the victory was given to Licinius who was then ruling. First of all, the armed soldiers in whom he had trusted were destroyed ; and when his bodyguard had left him defenceless and wholly deserted, and had gone over to him who was ruling,1 the wretched man himself with all speed of the imperial insignia that ill became him, and in a cowardly, base and unmanly way quietly slipt into the crowd. Then he ran about here and there, hiding himself in the helds and villages ; and for all his courting of safety he escaped with difficulty the hands of his enemies, his deeds themselves proclaiming how very trustworthy and true are the divine oracles, in which it has been said : “ There is no king saved by much power, and a giant will not be saved by his great strength. Α horse is a vain thing for safety, and will not be saved by his great power. Behold, the eyes of the Lord are upon them that fear him, upon them that hope in his mercy ; to deliver their souls from death.” then, did the tyrant, filled with shame, come to his own territory. Αnd first in his mad fury he put to death many priests and prophets of those gods who had formerly been his admiration, and whose oracles had incited him to begin the war, on the ground that they were charlatans and deceivers and, above all, betrayers of his safety. Νext, he gave glory to the Christians’ God, and drew up a law on behalf of their liberty in the most complete and fullest manner. Then straightway, no respite being granted him, he ended his life by a miserable death.

Νow the law issued by him was as follows :

Copy of a Translation of the Ordinance of the Tyrant οn behalf of the Christians, made from the Latin tongue into the Greek.

“ The Emperor Caesar Gaius Valerius Maximinus Germanicus, Sarmaticus, Ρius Felix Invictus Augustus. We beheve that no one is ignorant, nay that every man who has recourse to the facts knows and is conscious that it is manifest, that in every way we take unceasing thought for the good of our provincials, and desire to grant them such things as are best calculated to secure the advantage of all, and whatsoever things are advantageous and useful to their common weal, and such as are suitable to the public advantage and agreeable to every mind Since, therefore, before this it has been evident to our knowledge that, on the plea that the most divine Diocletian and Μaximian, our fathers, had orders for the abolishment of the Christian assemblies, many extortions and robberies have been practised by the officials, and that this increased as time went on to the detriment of our provincials (for whose good it is our especial derire that there should be due thought), and that their own personal possessions were being destroyed : We addressed a letter to the governors in eaeh province last year, laying it down that if any should wish to follow such a custom or the same religious observances, such a one should adhere to his purpose without hindrance, and be hindered or prevented by no one ; and that they should have a free hand, without fear and suspicion, to do whatsoever each one pleases. But it cannot escape our notice even now that some of the judges misinterpreted our injunctions, and caused our people to have doubts with regard to our commands, and made them somewhat backward in joining in those religious observances that were pleasing to them.

“ That, therefore, for the future all suspicion or doubt arising from fear may be removed, we have decreed that this ordinance be published, so that it may be plain to all that those who desire to follow this sect and religious observance are permitted, in accordance with this our bounty, as each one wishes οr finds it pleasing, to join in that religious observance which from choice he was wont to praetise. Αnd permission has also been granted them to build the Lord's houses. Nevertheless, that our bounty may be even greater, we have decided to decree this also : that if any houses or lands, which used formerly to belong by right to the Christians, have by the injunction of our parents into the right of the public treasury or have been sriIed by any city— whether a sale of these has taken place, or they have been handed over to anyone as a gift — we have given οrders that all these be restored to the Christians as their original right, so that in this also all may perceive οur piety and solicitude.”

These are the words of the tyrant that came less than a whole year after the ordinances against the Christians, set up by him on tablets ; and he who a short while previously looked upon us as impious and godless and the pests of society, so that we were not pennirted to dwen in, I will not say, a city, but even a spot in the counrty or a desert — this same person drew up ordinances and legislation on behalf οf the Christians ; and those who shortly before were being destroyed by fire and sword and given to wild beasts and birds for food before his eyes, and were enduring every kind of chastisement and punishment and loss of life in the most pitiable manner, as if they were godless and wicked, these he now allows both to observe their fonn worship and to build churches ; and the tyrant himself confesses that they possess certain rights !

XI. when Maximin was thus removed — he who as the only οne left οf the enemies of godliness, d showed himself the worst of al — by the grace of Almightly God the renewal of the churches from the foundation was set on foot, and the word of Christ received a due increase upon its fonner freedom, and was clearly heard to the glory of the God of the universe; ; while the impiety οf the enemies of godlness was covered with the most abject shame and dishonour. For Maximin himself was the first to be proclaimed by the rulers as a common enemy οf all, and posted in public edicts on tablets as a most impious, most hateful and God-hating tyrant. As to the portraits which were set up in every city to his honour and that of his children, some were hurled from a height to the ground and smashed to pieces, others had their faces blackened over with darkcoloured paint and so rendered useless ; the statues likewise, as many as had been set up in his honour, were cast down and broken in the same manner, and lay as an object of merriment and sport to those who wished to insult or abuse them.

Next, all the honours of the other enemies of godliness also were taken away, and all who were οf the arty of Maximin were slain, especially those in high government positions who had been honoured by him, and who indulged in violent abuse against our doctrine in order to fawn upon him. such was Peucetius, a man whom he honoured and respected above all, the truest of his friends, consul a second and a third time, and appointed by him general finance minister; such likewise was Culeianus, who had gone through every grade of offiee in the government, the same person who gloried in the murder countless Christians in Egypt; and in addition to these not a few others, who were the chief means of confirming and increasing Maximin's tyranny.

So it was that Theotecnus also was summoned by Justice, who in no wise consigned to oblivion what he did against the Christians. For after he had set up the idol 1 at Antioch, he seemed to be prospering, and had actually been deemed worthy of a governorship by Maximin; but when Licinius came to the city οf the Antiochenes, he made a search for charlatans, and plied with tortures the the prophets and priests of the new-made idol, to find out by what contrivance they were practising this deceit. Αnd when the infliction of the tortures made concealment impossible for them, and they revealed that the whole mystery was a deceit manufactured by the art of Theotecnus, he inflicted a just punishment upon them all, putting to death, arter a long series οf tortures, first neotecnus himself, and then also the partners in his charlatanry.

To all these were added the sons οf Maximin, whom he had already caused to share the imperial dignity and to be set up in paintings and pictures.2 Αnd those who formerly boasted kinship with the tyrant and were moved by pride to lord it οver all men underwent the same sufferings, accompanied by the most abject disgrace, as those mentioned above; for they received not correction, nor did they know or understand the exhortatlon in the sacred books which says : “ Ρut not your trust ln princes, in the sons of men, in whom there is no help His breath shall go forth and he shall return to his 1 See c. 3. 2 Cf. § 2 above. earth. In that day all his thoughts shall perish.” 1 Thus verily when the impious ones had been purged away, the kingdom that belonged to them was preserved stedfast and undisputed for Constantine and Licinius alone; who, when they had made it their very first action to purge the world of enmity against God, conscious of the good things that Ηe had bestowed upon them, displayed their love of virtue and of God, their piety and gratitude towards the Deity, by their enactment on behalf of the Christians.

BOOK X

I. Thanks be to God, the Almighty and King of the universe, for all things; and abundant thanks be also the Saviour and Redeemer of our souls, Jesus Christ, through whom we pray continually that peace from troubles without and troubles in the heart may be preserved for us stedfast and unidsturbed.

Αnd having now added, while we pray, the tenth tome also of the Ecclesiastical History to those which preceded it, we shall dedicate this tome to thee, my οst holy Paulinus, 1 invoking thee as the seal of the whole work; and fitly in a perfect number we shall here place the perfect and panegyrical discourse on the restoration of the churches, in obediencce to the divine Spirit who thus exhorts us: “O sing unto the Lord a new song; for he hath done marvellous things: His right hand, and His holy arm, hath wrought salvation for him. The Lord hath made wn his salvation: His righteousness hath Ηe revealed in the sight of the heathen.

Αnd verily, in accordance with the oracle, which thus bids us, let us now cry aloud the new song, since, after those terrible and gloomy spectacle and narratives, we were accounted worthy now to behold 1 Bishop οf Tyre, and subsequently οf his nativc city, Antioch. Eusebius had a great admiration for him, and dedicated to him not only this book but also his Onomasticon. and to celebrate in panegyric such things as οf a many righteous men and martyrs of God Before desired to see upon earth and saw them not, and hear, and heard them not. But they indeed ting with all speed, obtained far better things in the heavens themselves and were caught up into a aradise of divine pleasure; while we, acknowledge that even these present things are beyond our , have been utterly astounded at the munificence οf the bounty of which Ηe is the Αuthor, and h our whole soul's might fittingly render Ηim awe and worship, attesting the truth of the written preedictions, wherein it is said: “came and behold the works οf the Lord, what wonders Ηe hath the earth, making wars to cease unto the ends of the earth. Ηe break break the bow and shatter the ur, and the shields he will bum with fire.” Rejoicing that these things have been clearly fuld to us-ward, led us proceed to take up οur narrative.

The whole race of God's enemies had verily been moved even as we have stated, 1 and in a moment lotted out of men's sight; so that once more a divine ying hath fulfilment, that which says: “I have seen e wicked in great power, and lifted up like the cedars f Leganon. Αnd I passed by, and, lo, he was not: d I sought his place, and it was not ” nd how henceforth a day bright and radiant with ys of heavenly light, overshadowed by never a ud, shone down upon the churches of Christ ughout the whole world ; nor were even those utisde οur society 2 grudged, if not the equal enjoyment sense it is used here. But its application to the Christian iety is remarkable. of our divinely-sent blessings, at any rate a in their effluence and a participation thereof.

II. So the whole human race was freed from the oppression οf the tyrants. Αnd, delivered from his former ills, each one after his own fashion acknowledged as the only true God Him who was the Champion of the pious. But we especially, who had fixed οur hopes upon the Christ of God, had gladness kable, and a divine joy blossomed in the hearts of us as we beheld every place, which a short time re had been laid in ruins by the tyrants' deeds, now reviving as if after a long and deadly destruction, and temples rising once more from their foundations to a boundless height, and receiving in far greater measure the magnificence of those that formerly had been destroyed.

Yea, and Emperors, the most exalted, by successive enacbnents on bahalf of the Christians, confirmed still further and more widely God's bounty towards us; and bishops constantly received even personal letters from the Emperor, and honours and gifts οf money. It may not be unfitting at the proper place in this work, as on a sacred monument, to insert in this book the text of these documents, translated from Latin into Greek, so that they may also be preserved in remembrance by all those who come after us.

III. After this there was brought about that spectacle for which we all prayed and longed: festivals of dedication in the cities and consecrations οf the newly-built houses of prayer, assemblages of bishops, comings together of those from far off foreign lands, kindly acts on the part of laity towards laity, union between the members οf Crist's body as they met together in complete harmony. Certainly in accordance with a prophetic prediction that mystically signified beforehand what was for to come, there came together bone to bone and joint to joint, and all that the oracular utterance in dark speech truly foretold. One was the power of the divine Spirt that spread through all the members; all were of one soul, and displayed the same zeal for the faith; one hymn of praise to God came from the lips of all Yea verily our leaders conducted perfect ceremonies, and the consecrated priests pertonned the sacred rites and stately ordinances of the Church, here with psalmody and recitation of such other words as have been giveu us from God, there with the ministering of divine and mystic services; and the ineffable symbols of the Saviour's Ρassion were present. Αnd all together, of every age, male and female, with the whole power of their mind gave honour to God the Αuthor of their good fortune, in prayer and thanksgiving with joyful heart and soul.

Moreover every one of the Church's rulers that were present, accorffing to his ability, delivered panegyrical orations, inspiring the assembly.

IV. Αnd a certain one of moderate parts 1 advanced into the midst, having composed a discourse; and, in the presence of very many pastors who gave it a quiet and orderly hearing as in a chureh assembly, he delivered the following oration, addressed personally to a single bishop who was in every respect most excellent and beloved of God, by whose zeal and enthusiasm the temple in Tyre, surpassing in splendour all οthers in Phoenicia, had been erected:

V. But come, let us now quote also the translations made from the Latin of the imperial ordinances of nstantine and Licinus.

Copy of Imperial Ordinances translated from the Latin tongue.1

In our watchfulness in days gone by that freedom f worship should not be denied, but that each οne rding to his mind and purpose should have uthority given him to care for divine things in the the people οf his pronince. It is probable that at Milan, in 313 (ix. 11.9), Constantine and Licinius drew up a norm οf ctions to governors which might be copied, with perhaps e variations in detail, and sent to the various proninces. ne redaction οf that norm was translated by Eusebius, other was transcribed by Lactantius (De Mortibus Perm 48). way that pleased him best, we had given orders that th to the Christians [and to all others liberty should allowed]1 to keep to the faith of their οwn sect d worship. But inasmuch as many and various conitions2 seemed clearly to have been added in that reipt, in which such rights were conceded to the same rsons, it may be that perchanee some of them were ortly afterwards repelled from such observance.

“ When I Constantine Αugustus and I Lincinius gustus had come under happy auspices to Milan, d discussed all matters that concemed the public vantage and good, among the other things that eemed to be of benefit to the many 3—or rather, first and foremost — we resolved to make sueh decrees should secure respect and reverenee for the Deity Deity ; namely, to grant both to the Christians and to all free choice of following whatever form οf worship ey pleased, to the intent that all the dirine and eavenly powers that be might be favourable to us d all those living under our authority. Therefore with sound and most upright reasoning we resolved this 4 counsel : that authority be refused to no οne homsoever to follow and choose the observanee or rm of worship that Christians use, and that authority e granted to each one to give his mind to that form f worship which he deems sritable to himself, to e intent that the Dininity 5 . . . may in all things ord us his wonted care and generosity. It was omitting to send a rescript that this is οur pleasure, in er that when those conditions had altogether been 3 Lat. pluribus hominibus ; the Gk. has ἐν πολλοῖς ἅπασιν luribus omnibus). 4 Omitting ἡμετέραν, with the Latin. 5 The Latin adds “ cuius religioni liberis mentibus obsequiur.” moved, which were contained in our former letters nt to thy Devotedness, concerning the Christians, οse things also which seemed to be wholly unfortute and foreign to our clemency might be removed, d that now each one of those who were possessed the same purpose—namely, to observe istians’ form οf worship—should ry thing, freely and simply, without any hindrance. ich things we have resolved, to signify in the est manner to thy Carefulness, to the intent that u mayest know that we have granted to these e Christians free and unrestricted authority to erve their own form of worship. Αnd when thou rceivest that this has been granted unrestrictedly them by us, thy Devotedness will understand at authority has been given to others also, who h to follow their own observance and form of rship—a thing clearly suited to the our times—so that each one may have choose and observe whatever form he pleases. is has been done by us, to the intent that we would not seem to have detraeted in any way from y rith 2 or form of worship.

“Αnd this, moreover, with special regard to the istians, we resolve: That their places, at which was their former wont to assemble, coneerning ich also in the former letter dispatched to thy evotedness a definite ordinance 3 had been formerly d down, if any should appear to have bought them ther from our treasury οr from any οther source — at these they should restore to these same ristians without payment οr any demand for compensation. 3 Lat. certa forma. Eusebius has τύπος ἕτερος, as if he had cetera in the Latin. Setting aside all negligence and doubtfulness; and if any chanee to have received them by girt, that they should restore them them all speed to these same Christians: prorided that if either those who have purchased these same place or those who have received them by gift request aught of our generosity, let them approach the prefect of the district,1 to the intent that through our Kindness thought may be taken for them also. Αll which things must be handed over to the corporation of the Christians by thy zealous care immediately and without delay.

“Αnd inasmuch as these same Christians had not only those places at whieh it was their wont to assemble, but also are known to have had Other, belonging not to indiniduals among them, but to the lawful property of their corporation, that is, of the Christians, all these, under the provisions of the law set forth above, thou wilt give orders to be restored without any question whatsoever to these same Christians, that is, to their corporation and assembly; provided always, of course, a aforesaid, that those persons who restoie the same without compensation, as we have mentioned above, may look for indemnification, as far as they are concerned, from our generosity.

“In all these things thou Shouldest use all the diligence in thy power for the above-mentioned corporation of the Christians, that this our command may be fulfilled with all speed, so that in this also, through our kindness, thought may be taken for the common and publie peace. For by this method, as we have also said before, the divine 1 Omitting the gloss δικάζοντι. care for us, which we have already experienced in many matters, will remain stedfast1 . . . continually. Αnd that the form which this our enactment and generosity takes may be brought to the knowledge οf all, it is fitting that this which we have written be set forth by thy order and published everywhere, and brought to the knowledge of all, to the intent that the enactment which embodies this our gnerosity may escape the notice οf no οne.’’

Copy of another Imperial Ordinance which he also made, indicating that the bounty had been granted to the Catholic Church alone.

‘‘Greeting, Anulinus, our most honoured Sir. It is the custom of οur benevolence, that we will that whatsoever appertains by right to another should not only not suffer harm, but even be restored, most honoured Anulinus. Wherefore we will that, when thou receivest this lerter, if aught of those things that belonged to the catholic Church 2 of the Christians in any city, or even in other plaees, be now in the possession either of citizens or οf any οthers: these thou shouldest cause to be restored forthwith to these same churches, inasmueh as it has been our determination that those things which these same churches possessed formerly should be restored to them as their right. Since, therefore, thy Devotedness perceives that the order of this our command is most explicit, do thy diligence that 2 Eusebius (see heading) took this to mean the Catholic Church as opposed to the Donatist schismatics; but this is very imrobable. The phrase refcrs to the Church in Africa as it was before the persecution and before the schism. all things, whether gardens or buildings or whatsover belonged to these same churches by right, restored to them with all speed; so that we may learn that thou hast yielded the most careful obedience to this our order. Fare thee well, Anulinus, οur most honoured and esteemed Sir.”

Copy of an Imperial Letter, in which he commands holding of a Synod of bishops at Rome οn behalf of the union and concord of the churches.

“Constantine Augustus to Miltiades bishop of the , and to Mark. Inasmuch as documents of such a nature have been sent to me in numbers by Anulinus, the right honourable proconsul of Africa, m which it appears that Caecilian,1 the bishop of the ity οf the Carthaginians, is called to aecount οn many charges by some of his colleagues in Africa; d inasmuch as it seems to me to be a very serious tter that in those prorinces, which Dinine Pronience has chosen to entrust to my Denotedness, and where there is a great number of people, the ultitude should be found pursring the worse course f action, splitting up, as it were, and the bishops at ariance mnong themselves: it seemed good to me t Caecilian himself, with ten bishops, who seem call him to account, and such ten others as he ay deem necessary to his suit, should set sail for me, that there a hearing may be granted him in the presence of yourselves, and moreover οf Reticius d Maternus and Marinus also, your colleagues aditor, i.e. had surrendered up the Scriptures to the pagan thorities. Hence they held that Caecilian's consecration as invalid; and by appointing a bishop of their own in his began what is known as the Donatist schism. (whom I have ordered to hasten to Rome for this purpose), in such a manner as ye may perceive to be in accordance vith the most saered law. Nevertheless, that ye may have the fullest knowledge of all these same matters, I have subjoined to my letter copies οf the documents that were sent to me by Anulinus, and have dispatehed them to your afore said colleagues. Which when your Firmness reads, he will gauge by what method the most eareful investigation can be made of the above-mentioned suit, and a just deeision arrived at; since it does not escape the notice of your Carefulness that the respect which I pay to the lawful Catholic Church is so great, that it is my wish that ye should leave no schism whatsoever or division in any plaee. Μay the divinity of the great God preserve 1 you Safely for many years, most honoured Sirs.2’’

Copy of an Imperial Letter, in which he gives orders for the holding of a second Synod for the purpose of removing all dinision among the bishops.

“Constantine Αugustus to Chrestus bishop of the Syracusans. Already on a former occasion, when some in a base and perverse manner began to create divisions with regard to the worship of the holy and heavenly Ρower and the Catholic religion, in my desire to cut short such dissensions among them, I had given orders to the effect that certain bishops should be sent from Gaul, nay further, that the opposing parties, who were contending stubbornly 2 Gk. “Sir’’; but the Lat. correctly gives the plural. The Letter, hovever. seems to have been addressed principally to Miltiades : nothing is known of Mark, who is associated with him in the opening sentence. and persistently together, should be sunnnoned from Africa; that so, in the presence also of the bishop of Rome, this question which appeared to have been raised might through their comming receive a right solution by means οf a careful examination in every particular. But since, as it happens, some, forgetful both of their own salvation and the reverence they owe to their most holy religion, even now do not cease to perpetuate their private enmities, being unwilling to conform to the judgement already passed, affirming that after all it was a few persons who gave their opinions and decisions, or that they were in a hurry psss judgement very speedily and sharply without having first accurately examined all those matters that ought to have been investigated; and since, as a result of all this, it has come to pass that even those very persons, who ought to be οf οne mind in brotherly concord, are separate from each other in a disgraceful, nay rather in an abominable, fashion, and give to those men whose souls are strangers to this most holy religion to scoff—wherefore it became incumbent upon me to provide that that which ought to have ceased by voluntary agreement, after the judgement akeady passed, may even now, if possible, be ended by the presence οf many persons. Inasmuch, therefore, as we have commanded that very many bishops from various and numberless places should assemble at the city of Arles by the Kalends of Αugust, we have thought it d to write to thee aho, that thou shouldest procure m the right honourable Latronianus, the “corrector1” οf Sicily, a public vehicle, and joining to thy 1 In the fourth century this was the title of governors of certain provinces. company two οthers οf those of the second rank,1 whomsoever thou thyself mayest decide to choose, and, moreover, taking with you three servants who shall be able to artend upon you οn the way, do thou be present at the above-mentioned place by that same day; so that both by thy Firmness and by the unanimous wisdom of the others assembled, this quarrel also (which hitherto, by reason of certain disgraceful contentions, has maintained a miserable existence), when all has been heard that will be said those who are now at variance among themselves, whom likewise we have commanded to be present, may, if οnIy tardily, give place to a due state οf religion and faith and brotherly coneord. May the ighty God preserve thec in good health for many years.”

VI. Copy of an Imperial Letter in which grants of money are made to the churches.

“ Constantine Augustus to Caecilian bishop of Carthage. Forasmuch as it has been our pleasure in all provinces, namely the African, the Numidian and the Mauretanian, that somewhat be contributed for expenses to certrin specified ministers of the lawful and most holy Catholic religion, I have dispatched a letter to Ursus, the most distinguished finance minister οf Africa, and have notified to him that he be careful to pay οver to thy Firmness three thousand folles.2 Do thou therefore, when thou shalt secure delivery of the aforesaid sum of money, give orders that this money be distributed among all the above-mentioned persons in accordance with the schedule 2 The follis was originally a bag of samll coins, but after-wards came to denote a coin itseIf, the double denarius. sent to thee by Hosius. But if, after all, thou shalt find that there is aught lacking for the fulfilment of this my purpose in respect of them all, thou shouldest ask without doubting whatsoever thou findest to be necessary from Heraclides our procurator fiscal. For indeed when he was here I gave him orders that if thy Firmness should ask any money from him, he should be careful to pay it over without any scruple. Αnd since I have learnt that certain persons of unstable mind are desirous of turning aside the laity of the most holy and Catholic Church by some vile method of seduction, know that I have given such commands to Anulinus, the proconsul, and moreover to Patricius, the Vicar of the Prefects,1 when they were here, that they should give due attention in all other matters and especially in this, and not suffer such an occurrence to be overlooked; therefore if thou observest any such men continuing in this madness, do not thou hesitate to go to the above-mentioned judges and bring this matter before them, so that (as I commanded them when they were here) they may turn these people from their error. May the divinity οf the great God preserve thee for many years.”

VII. Copy of an Imperial Letter, in which he gives orders that presidents of the chursches be released from all public offices.

‘‘Greeting, Anulinus, our most honoured Sir. Since from many facts it appears that the setting at had under his control a still larger administrative area. Patricius as Vicar οf Africa was in the jurisdiction οf the Prefect οf Italy. His title vicarius praefectorum (pl.) is a relic of more ancient days, when the Prefects were regarded as associated together in office. naught of divine worship, by which the highest reverence for the most holy and heavenly [Power] is preserved, has brought great dangers upon public affairs, and that its lawful restoration and preservation have bestowed the greatest good fortune on the Roman name and singular prosperity on all the affairs of mankind (for it is the Divine Providence which bestows these blessings): it has seemed good that those men who, with due holiness and constant observance of this law, bestow their services on the performance of divine worship, should receive the rewards of their own labours, most honoured Anulinus. Wherefore it is my wish that those persons who within the province committed to thee, in the Catholic Church over which Caecilian presides, bestow their service on this holy worship—those whom they accustomed to call clerics—should onee for aIl be kept absolutely free from all the public offices, that they be not drawn away by any error or sacrilegious fault from the worship which they owe to the Divinity, but rather without any hindrance serve to the utmost their own law. For when they render supreme service to the Deity, it seems that they confer incalculable benefit on the affairs of the State. Fare thee well, Anulinus, our most honoured and esteemed Sir.’

VIII. Such then were the gifts that the divine and heavenly grace of our Saviour bestowed upon us by Ηis appearing, and such was the abundance of good things that the peace which came to us procured for all mankind. Αnd thus Our happy state was celebrated with rejoicings and festive assemblies. Nevertheless theless the envy that hates the good, even the demon who loves the evil, could not endure the sight οf hat he beheld; as indeed that which had happened the above-mentioned tyrants 1 was not ven for Licinius, to bring him to sound reason. e who had been deemed worthy οf the princite in a state οf prosperity, of second rank after e great Emperor Constantine, of a connexion by marriage and the most exalted kinship with him, ed from the following of good men and zealaffected the evil manners and wickedness the impious tyrants; and he preferred to follow e judgement of those whose end he had seen with his very eyes, rather than continue on terms friendship and love with his superior. Filled, fact, with envy of the common benefactor, he aged an impious and most terrible war against him, either giving respect to the laws of nature nor bewing a thought on sworn treaties or ties of blood or eements. For Constantine, all-gracious Emperor t he was furnished him with the tokens of genuine will, did not grudge him kinship with himself, and did not refuse him the enjoyment of an illustrious union in the person of his sister. Nay further, he eemed him worthy to partake of his ancertral obility and his imperial blood and origin, and bestowed on him, as a brother-in-law and the right to a share in the supreme government 2: for οf his bounty he gave him the ruling and administration οf no inferior part of the peoples under the Ṛoṃan ay. But Licinius pursued an exactly opposite line of conduct: he was daily contriving all kinds of devices against his superior, and inventing all manner of plans to reward his benefactor with evil. Αt first, indeed, he attempted to conceal the intrigue, and feigned friendliness, hoping that frequent recourse to guile and deceit would most easily secure his expectationS. But God proved to be Constantine's Friend and Protector and Guardian, who brought to light the plots that were devised secretly and in darkness, and confounded them. such power is there in the great weapon of godliness to ward off the enemy and to preserve its own in safety. Fenced verily with this, our Emperor, most dear to God, escaped the plots of this ill-famed master of intrigue. Αnd he, when he saw that his covert design as by no means going according to his wish (for God disclosed every guile and wickeness to the Emperor whom Ηe loved), since he was no longer able to conceal himself, raised an οpen warfare. Αnd, to be sure, in his decision to make war at close quarteb upon Constantine, he was already hastening to battle also against the God of the universe, whom, as he knew, Constantine worshipped; and so he designed an attack, quietly and silently at first upon his godly subjects, who had never at any time done any harm at all to his rule. Αnd this he did, because his innate wickeness had perforee brought upon him terrible blindness. Thus he neither kept before his eyes the memory of those who had persecuted Christians before him, nor of those whom he himself destroyed and punished for the evil deeds they had pursued. But he turned aside from the path of sound reason, and becoming altogether mad, decided to make war on God Himself, as the Protector of Constantine, instead of on him who was being protected.