Walther () shows that our poet in his catalogue of Argonauts followed as closely as his theme allowed the geography of the catalogue of the ships in 2. 484-760. Beginning with Boeotia, the Homeric catalogue goes on to Orchomenus, Phocis, Locris, Euboea, Attica, Salamis, the islands of the Aegean, and lastly to Thessaly. Thus we have in the Homeric catalogue the oldest περιήγησις Ἑλλάδος. Apollonius begins with Pieria on the northern borders of Greece, and passes on to Thessaly, the Opuntian Locrians, Euboea, Aegina, Boeotia, Attica, the Peloponnesus (here he inserts the heroes from Miletus and Samos), Aetolia, Phocis, and, having mentioned the Thracian heroes, Zetes and Calais, winds up with Acastus, who dwelt in Iolcus in Thessaly, from which the expedition sailed. The details with regard to the several Argonauts mentioned by different writers have been laboriously accumulated by Burmann, Krause, Mueller, and Jessen, but all such investigations serve but to show what Grote calls 'the impracticability of fabulous chronology.'

Cf. Hor. 1. 12. 6: Haemo Unde vocalem temere insecutae Orphea silvae Arte materna rapidos morantem Fluminum lapsus celeresque ventos Blandum et auritas fidibus canoris Ducere quercus.

For the war between the Lapithae and Centaurs v. Diod. 4. 70, Paus. 1. 7. 2, Ov. 12. 210, Hor. 1. 18. 5.

'for poets sing how Caeneus, though still alive, was slain by the Centaurs': cf. 171, ζωόν τ’ ἐν φθιμένοισι μολεῖν ὑπὸ κεύθεα γαίης. For the legend of Caeneus and his invulnerability and how he was buried alive under a mass of trees by the Centaurs v. Ov. 12. 171 sqq. Another legend with regard to him is referred to by Virg., 6. 448.

The Schol. tells us that this is borrowed from Pindar (fr. 167 Bergk), ὁ δὲ χλωραῖς ἐλάταισι τυπεὶς ᾤχεθ’ ὑπὸ χθόνα Καινεὺς σχίσας ὀρθῷ ποδὶ γᾶν: cf. Plut., de absurd. Stoic. opin, c. 1, ὁ Πινδάρου Καινεὺς εὔθυναν ὑπεῖχεν, ἀπιθάνως ἄρρηκτος σιδήρῳ καὶ ἀπαθὴς τὸ σῶμα πλασσόμενδς, εἶτα καταδὺς ἄτρωτος ὑπὸ γῆν, κ.τ.λ.

Homer, 14. 521, says of Ajax (Ὀιλῆος ταχὺς υἱός), οὐ γάρ οἵ τις ὁμοῖος ἐπισπέσθαι ποσὶν ἦεν Ἀνδρῶν τρεσσάντων, ὅτε τε Ζεὺς ἐ=ν φόβον ὄρσῃ. Forgetting this, Burmann suggested that the meaning of our passage is that it was when his own side were giving way that Oileus attacked the enemy on the rear. de M., on the ground that it does not require much skill to attack from behind a flying foe, adopts Burmann's mistaken view, translating, "très habile à s'élancer par derrière sur les ennemis, au moment où ils commencent à faire plier les phalanges." For ὅτε c. subj. cf. 1100, 2. 938, 3. 1267, 4. 1579, 1730; Monro, 289.

For the death of Canthus in Libya v. 4. 1485 sqq. Mopsus perished there from a snake-bite, v. 4. 1502 sqq.

'How true it is that there is no disaster which can be called the most remote for men to meet with.' ἐπαυρεῖν is added epexegetically. There was no disaster apparently more remote for heroes sailing from Thessaly to Colchis and back than to die in Libya, and yet Canthus and Mopsus meet with this doom. For ἐπαυρεῖν 'to meet with' cf. 2. 174. de M., taking κακόν as subject of ἐπαυρεῖν, translates, "en effet, il n'est pas pour les hommes de malheur si lointain qu'il ne puisse les atteindre," and this is approved by Seaton ( vi 395). The Schol. explains οὐδέν ἐστι μέγιστον κακὸν οὗ ἄνθρωπος ἀποτυγχάνει, taking μήκιστον = μέγιστον, for which cf. Eur. 818, τὰ μάκιστ’ ἐμῶν κακῶν.

Both Clytius and Iphitus are omitted by Valerius Flaccus. Distinguish the other Iphitus, son of Naubolus, 207 infr.

Cf. 8. 226, τῷ ῥα καὶ αἶψ’ ἔθανεν μέγας Εὔρυτος, οὐδ’ ἐπὶ γῆρας Ἴκετ’ ἐνὶ μεγάροισι· χολωσάμενος γὰρ Ἀπόλλων Ἔκτανεν, οὕνεκά μιν προκαλίζετο τοξάζεσθαι. τόξον: here, as Eustath. observes on 15. 441, τόξον οὐ τὸ σκεῦος σημαίνει, ἀλλὰ τὴν τοξικὴν τέχνην.

In 609 sqq. Ap. tells of Hypsipyle daughter of Thoas who was son of Dionysus and Ariadne, and Dionysus only wedded Ariadne after she had been deserted by Theseus. Again, in 3. 996 sqq., Jason recites to Medea the story of Theseus and Ariadne as a tale of bygone days. Apollod. mentions Theseus amongst the Argonauts.

Wellauer brackets these lines. He thinks that in the earlier edition the poet had described more fully the building of the Argo, and that these four lines are a survival interpolated in the second edition. In their present position they certainly have little point: they merely repeat lines 18 and 19, and forestall 226.

Lines 125-9 are parenthetical, 'he had just come from Arcadia to Lyrcean Argos, on that journey on which he carried the living boar, etc.' The form νεῖον for νέον recens is only found here. Λυρκήιον: Λυγκήιον of the mss. is explained by the Schol. as referring to Lynceus, son-in-law of Danaus, who reigned in Argos, but this epithet is found nowhere else. The Schol. preserves another reading Λυρκήιον, from Lyrceum, a mountain in Argolis from which the Inachus takes its rise. That this is the true reading is shown by Val. Fl. 4. 355, Lyrceia tellus (= Argiva tellus) , and Ov. 1. 598, Lyrcea reliquerat arva.

Cf. Varro Atacinus, frag. i (Baehrens), Ecce venit Danai multis celebrata propago; Namque satus Clytio, Lerni quem Naubolus ex se, Lernum Naupliades Proteus, sed Nauplion edit Filia Amymone Europae Danaique superbi.

For the fate of Idmon v. 2. 815 sqq. He predicts his own doom, 443 infra; cf. Val. Fl. 1. 360, Hinc quoque missus adest quamvis arcentibus Idmon Alitibus; sed turpe viro timuisse futura. Simonides says of Megistias, the seer who fell at Thermopylae, Μάντιος, ὅς τότε Κῆρας ἐπερχομένας σάφα εἰδὼς Οὐκ ἔτλη Σπάρτης ἡγεμόνα προλιπεῖν (Hdt. 7. 228).

As Aleus was now growing old, Lycurgus remained in the city as γηροτρόφος to care for him: cf. 24. 541, τόν γε Γηράσκοντα κομίζω.

'howbeit, he gave his son (Ancaeus) as companion to his (i.e. Lycurgus') brothers (Amphidamas and Cepheus),'

Cf. 20. 226, αἱ δ’ ὅτε μὲν σκιρτῷεν ἐπὶ ζείδωρον ἄρουραν, Ἄκρον ἐπ’ ἀνθερίκων καρπὸν θέον οὐδὲ κατέκλων· Ἀλλ’ ὅτε δὴ σκιρτῷεν ἐπ’ εὐρέα νῶτα θαλάσσης, Ἄκρον ἔπι ῥηγμῖνος ἁλὸς πολιοῖο θέεσκον. Virg. 7. 809 (of Camilla), Vel mare per medium fluctu suspensa tumenti Ferret iter, celeres nec tingeret aequore plantas . For ὅσον see note to 2.112.

Cf. Paul. ex Fest. p. 122 Müll., Minyae dicti Argonautae quod plerique eorum ex filiis Minyae fuerant orti. Strab. 356, 3, καλεῖ (sc. Ὄμηρος) Μινύειον τὸν Ὀρχομενὸν ἀπὸ ἔθνους τοῦ Μινυῶν· ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἀποικῆσαί τινας τῶν Μινυῶν εἰς Ἰωλκόν φασιν, ὅθεν τοὺς Ἀργοναύτας Μινύας λεχθῆναι. Müller ( 253 sqq.) includes amongst the descendants of Minyas Jason, Idmon, Argus, Mopsus, Acastus, Iphiclus, etc.

"But when all things had been made ready by the thralls, with which ships are fitted and furnished within." ὅσσαπερ acc. c. ἐντύνονται.

Cf. 2. 40, 11. 62, οἷος δ’ ἐκ νεφέων ἀναφαίνεται οὔλιος ἀστὴρ Παμφαίνων (of Hector).

'but long journeying is inevitable; hard is the toil for those that go.' ἄπρηκτος here means 'difficult,' δύσπρακτος. Schol. In Hom. it means 'effecting nothing,' and is used either of things or persons, e.g. 2. 376, ἀπρήκτους ἔριδας, 14. 221, ἄπρηκτος (re infecta) νέεσθαι. Our Schol. mentions a different interpretation, taking δέ as οὐδέ, οὐδὲ ἄπρακτος ὁ ἆθλος· ἀνύσουσι γὰρ ῥᾳδίως, οἷον εὐκατορθώτως.

Cf. the words of Hector to Andromache, 6. 490, ἀλλ’ εἰς οἶκον ἰοῦσα τὰ σαυτῆς ἔργα κόμιζε, κ.τ.λ.

Cf. the opening of the Hom. hymn to Pythian Apollo. Virgil's imitation is well known, 4. 143, Qualis ubi hibernam Lyciam Xanthique fluenta Deserit ac Delum maternam invisit Apollo, Instauratque choros , etc.

'But she was swept aside and left behind, as an old woman by younger folk, while he turned away widely parted from her.'

The parenthesis is harsh, but there is no absolute need to alter it, though Schneider's πάρ’ is ingenious (cf. 4. 223). Wellauer explains, 'reliqua quidem, quae ad navem instruendam necessaria sunt, parata nobis sunt ad profectionem, omnia enim iusto sunt ordine, sed duce opus est, priusquam proficiscamur, quem iam eligatis velim.'

'If, in truth, ye entrust to me the charge of our glorious emprise, let not our journey be any longer delayed as heretofore.' L. and S. wrongly take ἐπιτρωπάω as meaning 'to command' here.

'And quickly they hollowed out a trench in breadth as wide as the space the vessel encompassed, and extending in front of the prow into the sea itself as far as she was likely to run when pulled down by their hands. And the further they went, the deeper they kept digging down below the level of the keel, and in that furrow they laid smooth rollers, and on to the first of these rollers they tilted the vessel that she might glide down smoothly over them.'

The meaning is that they turned round the oars and fastened them so that the handles projected a cubit's length over the vessel's sides. The σκαλμοί were the tholes to which the oars were tied, see note to 523

Cf. 358.

Cf. 3. 445, χέρνιβά τ’ οὐλοχύτας τε κατήρχετο. Those present at the sacrifice were sprinkled with the lustral water (χέρνιψ), and the barley (οὐλαί) was cast on the victim and the altar. Curtius connects οὐλαί and ἀλέω, cf. Lat. mola, molere.

Cf. Pind. 4. 195 (of Jason), ὠκυπόρους | κυμάτων ῥιπὰς ἀνέμων τ’ ἐκάλει, νύκτας τε, καὶ πόντου κελεύθους, | ἄματά τ’ εὔφρονα, καὶ φιλίαν νόστοιο μοῖραν: 3. 528, Di maris et terrae tempestatumque potentes Ferte viam vento facilem et spirate secundo.

'it fell, pitching forward on its two horns,' ἐπὶ πρόσωπον μεθ’ ὁρμῆς κατενεχθείς. Schol.; cf. 22. 84, περιρρηδὴς δὲ τραπέζῃ κάππεσεν. L. and S. render 'impaled on its horns,' which is impossible, περιρρηδής is usually connected with περιρρέω; Düntzer derives it from the root vrad 'reeling.'

The thighs were sliced and wrapped in a double layer of fat, above and below, and placed on the altar to be consumed after wine had been poured on them. Cf. 3. 456.

For the death of Idmon v. 2. 815 sqq.

Imitated from 15. 254, θάρσει νῦν τοῖόν τοι ἀοσσητῆρα Κρονίων Ἐξ Ἴδης προέηκε παρεσταμέναι καὶ ἀμύνειν. Curtius explains ἀοσσητήρ as ἀσοκjητηρ from ἑπ‐, Skr. sak, Lat. socius (ἀ = sa, 'together').

Orpheus, like Iopas ( 1. 742), sings in philosophic measures. The doctrine is that of Empedocles (cf. 4. 676 sqq.), that all things were fused together at first, and the sundering (διάκρισις) of the elements and the creation of the world were due to the opposing influences of νεῖκος and φιλία (repulsion and attraction). Ovid imitates Ap. in 1. 5, Ante, mare et tellus et quod tegit omnia caelum, Unus erat toto naturae voltus in orbe , etc. For similar cosmogonies cf. 417, Virg. 6. 31.

Cf. Hes. 139, γείνατο (sc. Γαῖα) δ’ αὖ Κύκλωπας ὑπέρβιον ἦτορ ἔχοντας Βρόντην τε Στερόπην τε καὶ Ἄργην ὀβριμόθυμον Οἳ Ζηνὶ βροντήν τ’ ἔδοσαν τεῦξάν τε κεραυνόν.

The end of the sacrifice and feast was the burning of the tongues of the victims, over which they poured a libation; cf. 3. 341, γλώσσας δ’ ἐν πυρὶ βάλλον ἀνιστάμενυι δ’ ἐπέλειβον. Probably ἑστηῶτες is the right reading. It, and not the Homeric ἑσταότες, is the form Ap. always uses. The corruption would be caused by the fact that Ap. uses both ἣ θέμις and ἣ θεμις ἐστι.

Cf. 395 sqq.

Cf. 3. 10, Litora tum patriae lacrimans portusque relinquo . "In the more trivial, no less than in the more important, features of his character, Aeneas is drawn after Jason: not only is he the daring adventurer, the intrepid navigator, the faithless seducer, but he leaves home weeping" (Henry, ii 359).

Cartault observes that Orpheus filled the place of the τριηραύλης on the trireme.

'on this side and on that the dark brine seethed in foam'; cf. 5. 455, θάλασσα δὲ κήκιε πολλή.

Cf. Cat. 64. 12, Quae (sc. Argo) simul ac rostro ventosum proscidit aequor, Tortaque remigio spumis incanduit unda, Emersere feri candenti e gurgite vultus Aequoreae monstrum Nereides admirantes.

de M., following Cartault, understands by ἴκρια, 'the yard,' and by περόναι 'rings,' through which the ropes passed. Seaton ( x. 170) inclines to Vars' view that the περόναι (cabillots, belaying-pins) round which the ropes were fastened were attached to something of the nature of an ἴκριον, such as a 'fife-rail' (râtelier).

κάλωες and κάλωας are new formations of Ap.; in Hom. we find only κάλους, 5. 260.

Ap. modifies the simile found in 13. 492, λαοὶ ἕπονθ’ ὡς εἴ τε με|τὰ κτίλον ἕσπετο μῆλα Πιόμεν’ ἐκ βοτάνης.

This line may be a survival from the earlier recension, as Gerhard and Wellauer think. Brunck's ἐκνεύσαντες, 'keeping clear of,' is from 460. Merkel adopts Meineke's ἐκπερόωντες, 'passing by.' δυσήνεμον refers to the storms which arise off that coast, in one of which the fleet of Xerxes was destroyed, v. Hdt. 7. 188, Strab. 380, 48.

"which with its highest peak casts a shadow on Lemnos, which is distant from it as far as a well-trimmed merchantman would cover from day-break to noon, even as far as Myrina." The force of καί (604), which the Schol. regards as superfluous, is that the shadow reaches even the remote S.W. corner of Lemnos, where Myrina was situated; cf. Soph. fr. 348, Ἄθως σκιάζει νῶτα Λημνίας βοός, Plin. 4. 12. 23, Myrina in cuius forum solstitio Athos eiaculatur umbram. Lemnos is about 45 miles from Athos.

The wind died down with the dying day, and so they rowed on to Lemnos, cf. 651, de M. mistranslates, "mais, aux premiers rayons du soleil, le vent s'apaisa"; so too Lehrs, "sed cum solis primis radiis," etc.

The Argonauts on landing find the island inhabited only by women who had slain their husbands for infidelity, and all others of the male sex through fear of vengeance. This slaughter was one of the horrors which gave rise to the proverbial expression Λήμνια ἔργα (Hdt. 6. 138). Hypsipyle, daughter of King Thoas (whom she had secretly spared), is now queen. The Argonauts during their sojourn begat the race of Minyae, who afterwards inhabited the island (Hdt. 4. 145). Pindar ( 4) says that it was on the return voyage the Argonauts visited Lemnos.

The Schol. describes the vengeance of Cypris: αἱ Λήμνιαι γυναῖκες ἐπιπολὺ τῶν τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τιμῶν ὀλιγωρήσασαι καθ’ ἑαυτῶν τὴν θεὸν ἐκίνησαν, πάσαις γὰρ δυσοσμίαν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς μηκέτι αὐτὰς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀρέσκειν.

Cf. 11. 303 (of the Dioscuri), ἄλλοτε μὲν ζώουσ’ ἑτερήμεροι, ἄλλοτε δ’ αὖτε Τεθνᾶσι.

Cf. 3. 125, ἡ δὲ μέγαν ἱστὸν ὕφαινεν Δίπλακα πορφυρέην, πολέας δ’ ἐνέπασσεν ἀέθλους, κ.τ.λ. For δίπλακα see note to 326 de M. says: "Il ne s'agit pas, comme dans ce vers, d'un de ces vêtements très amples qui se mettent doubles, mais d'un manteau de luxe dont Pétoffe est à double tissu, c'est-à-dire brochée: on effet, les dessins variés forment une seconde trame dans la première."

The description of the mantle of Jason is an imitation of the description of the shield of Achilles and the devices thereon. 18. 478-608. Catullus is indebted to our poet in his account of the embroidered coverlet (64. 50 sqq.).

Lines 730 sqq. are imitated by Virg., 8. 424, Ferrum exercebant vasto Cyclopes in antro ... His informatum manibus iam parte polita Fulmen erat, toto Genitor quae plurima caelo Deicit in terras, pars imperfecta manebat. Tris imbris torti radios, tris nubis aquosae Addiderant, rutili tris ignis et alitis Austri. Fulgores nunc terrificos sonitumque metumque Miscebant operi flammisque sequacibus iras.

Oenomaus had promised his daughter Hippodameia to the suitor who should defeat him in the chariot race. Any unsuccessful suitor was to be slain by him. The course was from Pisa, where O. was king, to the altar of Poseidon on the isthmus of Corinth. When a suitor started with Hippodameia in his chariot, O. offered a sacrifice to Zeus at Pisa, and then pursued them fully armed. Pelops bribed Myrtilus, the charioteer of O., to tamper with the wheels of the chariot so that it upset during the race. For another version v. Pind. 1. 109.

The axle broke in the naves, and he fell sideways from the chariot. For a similar disaster v. Soph. 745 sqq.

"For the peril of bitter strife for her love's sake made him afraid" (Way).

'which the maidens cloistered within their new-built bowers see rising o'er the house.' καλύβη is used apparently = παρθενών. The Schol. explains it by παστός, a word which has three meanings, (1) θάλαμος, (2) the bridal bed, (3) a bed-curtain, τὸ παρὰ τῇ εὐνῇ παραπέτασμα (Pollux). Some take the word here as "curtain," and it would seem that νηγάτεος elsewhere is always used of some texture, e.g. 4. 188, 2. 43, 14. 185.

For the reading in the first recension v. Appendix 1.

She falsely says that the men are sojourning in Thrace tilling the soil.

'at that time our people making forays from their land against Thrace, the tribes who dwell opposite to us, ravaged their steadings.' Θρηικίην depends loosely on ἀπορνύμενοι. For similar accusatives after verbs of motion cf. 645, 987, 1316; 2. 906, 1143; 3. 42; 4. 257 (Merkel). Many editors following later MSS. read Θρηικίων or Θρηικίης.

879 sqq. For this beautiful simile cf. 2. 87 sqq.: 6. 707, Ac velut in pratis, ubi apes aestate serena Floribus insidunt variis, et candida circum Lilia funduntur, strepit omnis murmure campus : Milton, i 768 sqq.

Cf. the offer of Dido to Aeneas, 1. 572, Voltis et his mecum pariter considere regnis? Urbem quam statuo vestra est, subducite naves.

'alike, when thou art on thy voyage, and when thou returnest to thy country, remember Hypsipyle.' The imper. μνώεο (from μνάομαι = μιμνήσκομαι) is peculiar to Ap., cf. 3. 1069, 1110.

Ap. is describing Cyzicus: 'Now there is within the Propontis an island high and steep, leaning to the sea, a little distance from the fertile mainland of Phrygia, even so far as the isthmus, sloping downwards towards the coast, is washed by the waves.' It is a disputed point whether Cyzicus was originally an island or a peninsula. Hasluck, in his recent work on Cyzicus, defends the former view against Reinach. Scylax, Mela, and Stephanus speak of a peninsula, while Strabo, Pliny, and Frontinus call it an island joined to the mainland, Pliny ( 5. 32) attributing the junction to Alexander. Ap. is ambiguous, as he calls it a νῆσος and yet speaks of an isthmus (938, 947). By the isthmus, as Hasluck shows, he must mean the long spit of land stretching towards the shore where the causeway was afterwards to be made, for the Argonauts evidently sailed through the channel between the island and the coast of Asia Minor. The city of Cyzicus was at the narrowest part of this channel, but the name was also used of the whole island.

'as yet no offspring had the fates vouchsafed to be their father's pride.'

'rowed the vessel forward to the mooring-place of the harbour called Chytus.' This reading involves less change than Merkel's. προτέρω is strongly supported by προτέρωσε, 964. For the acc. ὅρμον without prep. see on 799. In 1. 432 we find the ὅρμος 'mooring-place' distinguished from the λιμήν, οἱ δ’ ὅτε δὴ λιμένος πολυβενθέος ἐντὸς ἵκοντο … τὴν (sc. νῆα) δ’ εἰς ὕρμον προέρεσσαν ἐρετμοῖς. For Χυτός (literally 'protected by a mole') see note to 954

'the way (by which they ascended Dindymon) is called Jasonian to this day.' The previous sentence is parenthetical.

'and with them their comrades who joined them, returning from the mountain before they had reached the peak from which they wished to survey the sea'; v. 985.

With this simile cf. 4. 1682 sqq., Val. Fl. 3. 163 sqq. The Schol. says: ἡ παραβολὴ πρὸς πάντα ἁρμόδιος καὶ ὑγιής. ξύλοις γὰρ εἰκάζει αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸ εὐτράπελον τῶν σωμάτων καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν αὺτῶν διατριβήν, καὶ ξυλοτόμοις δὲ τοὺς ἥρωας. τὸ δὲ ὔφρα … γόμφους πρός τε τὴν τῶν αἰγιαλῶν ἐγγύτητα καὶ πρὸς ἕτερον ὅτι οἱ τέκτονες τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν, ἵνα πλείονος καμάτου ἀπαλλαγῶσιν ἐργαζόμενοι καὶ τοὺς σφῆνας ἐπιβάλλοντες, δμοίως δὲ καὶ οἱ ἥρωες αὐτοὺς ἀνεῖλον, ὅπως λοιπὸν αὐτοῖς ἀκίνδυνος γένηται ἡ εἰς τὸ ὄρος ἀνάβασις.

Cf. 10. 48, where Odysseus and his comrades are blown back to the isle of Aeolus, τοὺς δ’ αἶψ’ ἁρπάξασα φέρεν πόντονδε θύελλα.

Cf. 4. 447, σύν ῥ/ ἔβαλον ῥινούς, σὺν δ’ἔγχεα καὶ μένε’ ὰνδρῶν.

'nor was the king (Cyzicus) to override the doom of destiny and come again from the battle-strife unto his home.'

These encounters are modelled on 5. 43 sqq.

For the simile cf. 22. 139, ἠύτε κίρκος ὄρεσφιν ἐλαφρότατος πετεηνῶν Ῥηιδίως οἴμησε μετὰ τρήρωνα πέλειαν Ἡ δέ θ’ ὕπαιθα φοβεῖται, κ.τ.λ.

Cf. 10. 567, ἑζόμενοι δὲ κατ’ αὖθι γόων τίλλοντό τε χαίτας.

Cf. 4. 1535; 23. 13, οἱ δὲ τρὶς περὶ νεκρὸν ἐΰτριχας ἤλασαν ἵππους, Μυρόμενοι: Val. Fl. 3. 347, inde ter armatos Minyis referentibus orbes Concussi tremuere rogi : 11. 188, ter circum accensos, cincti fulgentibus armis, Decurrere rogos.

The custom of wives dying with their departed husbands is mentioned by Hdt. as prevailing amongst the Getae (5. 5); cf. the Hindoo Suttee. In Val. Fl., 3. 314, the anguish of Clite is described, but her death is not mentioned.

'they grind out the meal at the public mill.'

Titias and Cyllenus were the principal Dactyls, and the Schol. mentions that Menander says that when the Milesians are about to sacrifice to Rhea, they sacrifice first to Titias and Cyllenus. The Dactyls were fabulous beings to whom the discovery and working of iron were ascribed. Their name was accounted for in various ways: from their mother having grasped the earth with her fingers in her birth-pangs; from their number being five or ten, from their serving Rhea as the fingers serve the hand, etc. (Pollux 2. 4, Diod. 5. 64, Paus. 5. 7. 6). Most writers connect them with Ida in Phrygia; a few, like Ap. here, transfer them to Ida in Crete (cf. Pliny 7. 197). Cicero speaks of them as Idaei Digiti ( 3. 16). For a full account of them v. Lobeck, Pauly-Wissowa, Wilamowitz explains ἰδαῖοι as "dwellers in the forests (ἴδαι)."

"who alone are called the guiders of destiny and the ministers (assessors) of the Idaean Mother--alone of the many Dactyls of Ida in Crete, whom in the far past the nymph Anchiale bore in the Dictaean grotto, grasping with both hands, in her birth-pangs, the Oeaxian soil."

'danced, bounding in full armour with measured step.' The noun βηταρμός is ἅπ. λεγ.; we have βητάρμονες 'dancers' in 8. 250 (παρὰ τὸ ἐν ἁρμονίᾳ βαίνειν. Schol.). A similar dance of the Amazons is described in Call. 240, περὶ πρύλιν ὠρχήσαντο, Πρῶτα μὲν ἐν σακέεσσιν ἐνόπλιον, κ.τ.λ. Athenian youths danced the armed dance at the Panathenaea, v. Ar. 988. For the ἐνόπλιος ῥυθμός v. Xen. 6. 1. 11, Plat. 400 B, Ar. 650.

The Curetes in Crete, according to the legend, clashed their weapons to drown the cries of the infant Zeus, son of Rhea, and save him from Kronos; cf. 2. 1234, Call. 52. Hence the votaries of the Goddess, the Curetes or Corybantes, worshipped her in full armour with drums, cymbals, etc. (cf. Lucr. 2. 629). Our poet traces this custom here to the Argonauts.

In Call. 30 sqq. Rhea causes water to gush forth in like fashion: Εἶπε, καὶ ἀντανύσασα θεὰ μέγαν ὑψόσε πῆχυν, Πλήξεν ὄρος σκήπτρῳ· τὸ δέ οἱ δίχα πουλὺ διέστη Ἐκ δ’ ἔχεεν μέγα χεῦμα, κ.τ.λ. For ἀνέβραχε v. Buttm. s.v. βρόξαι.

Cf. 11. 86, ἦμος δὲ δρυτόμος περ ἀνὴρ ὡπλίσσατο δεῖτνον Οὔρεος ἐν βήσσῃσιν, ἐπεί τ’ ἐκορέσσατο χεῖρας Τάμνων δένδρεα μακρά, ἅδος τέ μιν ἵκετο θυμόν, Σίτου τε γλυκεροῖο περὶ φρένας ἵμερος αἱρεῖ, Τῆμος, κ.τ.λ.: 13. 31.

Cf. 9. 324, τόσσον ἔην μῆκος, τόσσον πάχος εἰσοράασθαι.

The story of Hylas was a fruitful theme to poets ( cui non dictus Hylas puer? Virg. 3. 6 ). Of especial beauty is the description of Theocritus, 13, and some of Propertius' finest lines are to be found in 1. 20. Cf. also 647; Ov. 2. 110; Virg. 6. 44; Val. Fl. 3. 549 sqq.

For the loving upbringing of Hylas by Heracles cf. Theocr. 13. 8, καί νιν πάντ’ ἐδίδαξε, πατὴρ ὡσεὶ φίλον υἱέα, Ὄσσα μαθὼν ἀγαθὸς καὶ ἀοίδιμος αὐτὸς ἔγεντο.

The story was that Heracles after killing Nessus arrived at the borders of Dryopia, near Mt. Oeta, with Deianira, Hyllus, and Lichas. They were in sore straits for food, and seeing Theiodamas ploughing they asked for succour, but were rudely repulsed. Heracles in anger slew one of the oxen. Theiodamas led out the Dryopes against Heracles, but was defeated and slain. Her. carried off the youthful Hylas, and transplanted the Dryopes to Trachis.

'But to tell this tale would be wandering far from the path of my song.'

We find the different classes of hymphs mentioned in 3. 881, 4. 1149. Cf. 6. 123, Νυμφάων, αἳ ἔχουσ’ ὀρέων αἰπεινὰ κάρηνα Καὶ πηγὰς ποταμῶν καὶ πίσεα ποιήεντα: 20. 9.

This line has been variously tampered with by critics, but Ziegler rightly says, "Vulgata scriptura non emendatione sed interpretatione indiget. Quod poeta dicere voluit, hoc est: quae montes et antra incolebant Nymphae, eae quidem (αἵ γε μὲν) silvestres procul veniebant; illa vero Nympha fontana modo e fonte emergebat. Versu 1227 non introducitur novum Nympharum genus; is propterea tantum adjectus est, ut disertius indicetur, silvestres Nymphas procul venisse ad fontem illius Nymphae, quae Hylam rapuit."

Cf. Theocr. 13. 46, ἤτοι ὁ κοῦρος ἐπεῖχε πότῳ πολυχανδέα κρωσσόν, Βάψαι ἐπειγόμενος, ταὶ δ’ ἐν χερὶ πᾶσαι ἔφυσαν.

This simile is applied to Heracles in Theocr. 13. 58 sqq. Virgil borrowed and elaborated it, 9. 59, Ac veluti pleno lupus insidiatus ovili Cum fremit ad caulas, ventos perpessus et imbres, Nocte super media; tuti sub matribus agni Balatum exercent; ille asper et improbus ira Saevit in absentes; conlecta fatigat edendi Ex longo rabies, et siccae sanguine fauces. Cf. also Ov. 5. 164: 11. 547: 6. 130.

Lucretius may have had this passage in mind in his description of the cow seeking her lost calf, 2. 355 sqq.; ἱστάμενος strongly favours adsistens in 359 as against Munro's absistens.

Cf. 2. 801, Iamque iugis summis surgebat Lucifer Idae.

Virgil imitates this passage in 3. 513, where Palinurus rouses his comrades to resume their voyage.

The Schol. says that this is a line of Callimachus (fr. 212). See App. I.

'He spake, and wrapped himself in a swelling wave, diving into the depths, and round about him the dark water boiled in foaming eddies and washed the hollow vessel on through the sea.'

Modelled on the famous lines, 22. 159, ἐπεὶ οὐχ ἰερήιον οὐδὲ βοείην Ἀρνύσθην, ἅ τε ποσσὶν ἀέθλια γίγνεται ἀνδρῶν, Ἀλλὰ περὶ ψυχῆς θέον Ἔκτορος ἱπποδάμοιο.