1. Θουκυδίδης κτλ. loc —a formal method of opening, after the manner of the gnomic poets, not due, as Bloomfield imagined, to 'the modesty of our author.' Cf. Herod.init.; Intr. p. xv.

ξυνέγραψε —a characteristic word of Thuc., who is known to the ancient critics as ὁ συγγραφεύς, much as Homer is ὁ ποιητής. It denotes the bringing together in one work of many occurrences— composing in its etymological sense. (How some find a reference to the hunting up of materials is not clear.)

3. ὡς ἐπολέμησαν —namely, how, i.e. showing how they waged war. Of course different from ὃν ἐπολέμησαν, which would be absurdly tautological. The aorist is called complexive.

4. ἀρξάμενος ( τοῦ ξυγγράψαι ) κτλ. —we are to understand that as soon as the war broke out Thuc. began to put down what occurred, and kept a sort of diary of the war.

εὐθὺς καθισταμένου —supply τοῦ πολέμου.

5. ἐλπίσας — expecting. On the relation of the participles here see Intr. p. xli. This first sentence is very characteristic of Thuc., in whose periods form is constantly subordinated to sense. O. Muller well says that Thuc. has two favourite forms of period, (a) the main predication, followed by clauses giving the circumstances and reasons, which may in turn be explained in similar clauses; and (b) the reasons, circumstances in participial and other clauses followed by the resulting fact or opinion, as in c. 2. 2 .

ἀξιολογώτατον τῶν π .—the illogical form of comparison, as in c. 10. 3, cf. ‘fairest of her daughters Eve’: Tac. Ag. 34 ceterorum fugacissimi. It is frequent in Greek.

6 τεκμαιρόμενος —inferring this, adding the grounds of the ἐλπίς These grounds are (1) ὅτι ἀκμάζοντες ..., (2) ὁρῶν ... Thus the clause with ὅτι is co-ordinate with a partic. of cause; cf. Xen. Symp. 8. 11 τεκμαίρομαι τῇ καλοκἀγαθίᾳ καὶ ὅτι σε ὁρῶ .

7. ἀκμάζοντές ... παρασκευῇ —at the height of their military power. That ᾖσαν, not ἦσαν, is the true reading there cannot be a doubt; for ἰέναι ἐς in this pregnant use see L. & S.

8. τὸ ἄλλο Ἑλληνικόν —including the Greeks outside Greece proper. Cf. τὸ ληστικόν , τὸ βαρβαρικόν, τὸ ξενικόν, and many others.

10. καὶ διανοούμενον —sc. ξυνίστασθαι, the ellipse of an infin. with διανοεὶσθαι being common, as in 124. 3. The καί serves to bring διανοούμενον into connexion with ξυνιστάμενον; we should put ‘actually’ with τὸ μὲν εὐθύς. The Sicilian Greeks are a good example.

γάρ loc —as ‘the movement’ meant by κίνησις must be (1) the war itself, and (2) the unrest that preceded it, γάρ cannot introduce the reason of the expectation that the war would be important, but must be epexegetic.

12. μέρει τινί —a considerable part, as, for example, Thrace and Macedon. Supply ἐγένετο, affected.

ὡς δὲ εἰπεῖν —qualifying πλεῖστον. Note that ὡς (ἔπος) εἰπεῖν never apologises for a metaphor, but always limits a sweeping or universal statement. Hence (it extended, ἐγένετο), one might almost say, over the greatest part of mankind; i.e. it affected perhaps a greater part of mankind than had been affected by any previous commotion. Of course the possible exception is the Persian wars.

(Whatever be the exact construction of μεγίστη δὴ ... ἀνθρώπων—and the words are variously interpreted—Thuc. over-estimates the importance of the war. If we supply μεγίστη δὴ ἐγένετο to μέρει τινί and ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, the exaggeration is extreme. ἐπὶ πλεῖστον is taken by Classen and others to mean the greatest part of the (known) world; but this involves a very great exaggeration of a fact ascertainable; and it is unlikely that Thuc. would make such a sweeping statement. It looks also as if πλεῖστον, more than before, were meant to be parallel to μεγίστη, greater than before. The text has no appearance of being corrupt or interpolated.)

13. τὰ πρὸ αὐτῶν —the events that preceded this disturbance ( κίνησις). The neut. αὐτά is frequently used by Thuc. with reference to the details of the subject he is dealing with.

(This phrase cannot refer to events that immediately preceded the war; for (a) διὰ χρόνου πλῆθος would then be absurd, (b) Thuc. himself gives an account of the fifty years preceding the war as a period well known, (c) the Persian wars could not be ineluded in οὐ μεγάλα νομίζω γενέσθαι κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους (cf. c. 18. 2). Thuc. must be thinking of the period of the Trojan war and of that between the Trojan war and the Persian war, i.e. to the end of the Tyrants. But the words are very inexact; cf. Intr. p. xx).

14. τὰ ἔτι παλαίτερα —events preceding the Trojan war.

15. ἀδύνατα —Thuc. frequently uses the neut. plur. of the verbal or of an adj. for the sing. where the subject is an infin. or a sentence. The use is mainly poetical.

τεκμηρίων —these ‘evidences’ are detailed in cc. 2-17: (1) migrations were frequent; (2) there was no common name; (3) weakness by sea; (4) the expeditions by land were on a small scale and were confined to border-fighting; (5) the tyrants hampered Greece proper, and Persia hampered Ionia.

1. ὧν belongs to πιστεῦσαι, and is probably attracted from ἅ. Chambry quotes Soph. OT 646 πίστευσον, Οἰδίπους, τάδε, for the accus. with πιστεύω.

ἐπὶ μακρότατον σκοποῦντι —by carrying my inquiry to the farthest hunt (of the past). ἐπὶ μακρότατον of time also in Hdt. 1.171, in a similar connexion.

5. οἰκουμένη — this and the following participles are imperfect.

6. οὖσαι —sc. φαίνονται.

τὰ πρότερα —the adverbial accus., in plur, is common in Thuc., but is seldom found in other prose anthors.

8. βιαζόμενοι —the pres. and imperf. of this verb in a passive sense are far less common in other prose authors than in Thuc.

ὑπό τινων αἰεὶ πλειόνων —what is noticeable here is that αἰεί ('from time to time') occurs with τινων, and not with τῶν, which—as the older critics note—is the usual form of expression.

9. τῆς γὰρ ἐμπορίας κτλ —see note on p. 1 l. 6. The causes to which the readiness to migrate are ascribed are (1) absence of commerce and intercommunication: τῆς γὰρ ... θαλάσσης: (2) low state of agriculture and absence of capital sunk in the land: νεμόμενοί τε ... φυτεύοντες: (3) absence of demand for anything beyond the necessaries of life, which could be procured anywhere: τῆς τε ... ἐπικρατεῖν.

ἐπιμειγνύντες —the mid. is used in the same sense, e.g. in c. 146. At a period when the tribes of Greece regarded one another as enemies, it was impossible that ἐπιμιξία should exist, ἐπιμιξία being based upon treaties. In later times ἐπιμιξία terminated as soon as a state of war existed.

10. διά —the sea as the medium of intercourse.

11. νεμόμενοι —the word is used of enjoyment of profits derived, which may be combined with occupation. The following participles—ἔχοντες, φυτεύοντες—are circumstances explanatory of the degree of ‘enjoyment’ attained. (νέμεσθαι ὡς τὸ πολὺ τὸ λαμβάνειν πρόσοδον παρὰ Θουκυδίδῃ, Photius.)

τὰ αὑτῶν —what they had acquired by adverse possession.

12. ὅσον —i.e. τοσοῦτον, ὅσον, where ὅσον = ὥστε, and is assimilated to the adverbial accus. τοσοῦτον .

ἀποζῆν —this word occurs nowhere else in Attic, but is used by late writers (Lucian, Aelian, etc.), some at least of whom think it means to live poorly, inferring the sense implied in this passage.

περιουσίαν κτλ .—had they accumulated stores for the purpose of barter, and had they planted trees, it would have been less easy to migrate.

13. ἄδηλον ὄν —accus. abs.

14. ἐπελθὼν καὶ ἀτειχίστων ἅμα ὄ .—(1) alternative explanations, seldom desirable, are here clearly called for; (2) taking ἀτειχίστων ὄντων first: the sense is, ‘as they were without walls.’ The simplest way is to suppose this masc. and dependent on ἀφαιρήσεται. This involves making καὶ ... άμα almost equivalent to ἄλλως τε καί : καί, we are told, does not = ‘and,’ but καὶ ... ἄμα = ‘particularly,’ as in 102. 3 and elsewhere. But (3) this makes it impossible to explain why τις ... ἅλλος, which go together, are separated, because ἐπελθὼν ... ὄντων is not then one expression. (4) This objection is diminished if καὶ ... ὄντων is taken as a parenthetical gen. abs., either (a) masc., with αὐτῶν supplied, or (b) neut., with subj. supplied from context, like πλωιμωτέρων ὄντων c. 7. (5) The objection disappears if καί = ‘and,’ ἐπελθὼν καὶ ἀ. ἅμα ὄντων giving the two circumstances leading to loss—ἀφαιρήσεται. Though one circumstance is modal— ἐπελθών—the other causal, it is like Thuc. to connect them by καί .

15. ἀναγκαίου —of what will just suffice, as in necessarius cibus. ἀναγκαῖος is frequently fem, in Plato. βίαιος and βέβαιος always have two terminations in Thuc.

16. πανταχοῦ — anywhere. The sense any frequently belongs to πᾶς and words front it.

17. δῑ αὐτό — accordingly; Thuc, often uses αὐτὅ‐ά) in reference to a previous statement

μεγέθει —of the number of inhabitants, as in c. 10.

18. παρασκευῇ —naval and military resources, as distinct from κατασκευή, the external adornment of a city.

19. ἡ ἀρίστη —cf. τῆς γῆς οὐ πολλὴν ἔτεμον 6.7. The attraction is most common with πολύς, but is fairly frequent with other adjectives.

20. νῦν ... καλουμένη belongs to both nouns. In early times the districts had no general name.

22. Ἀρκαδίας —the exemption was due to the isolated character of Arcadia, the consequence of its mountams. ἄρκτος , Bear-land; cf. ἄρκειος. The Arcadrans were unaffected by the Dorian migration They prided themselves on being autochthones (cf. Xen. Hell. 7.1. 23), and on their primeval antiquity (cf. L & S. under προσέληνος ).

κράτιστα — best, the regular meaning of κράτιστος when applied to land.

23. ἀρετήν — fertility. When Greece was in the village stage, (1) the inhabitants of some districts grew (comparatively) wealthy, and as a consequence there were disputes between the ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’; (2) these fertile districts excited the cupidity of other clans.

25. μᾶλλον —more than communities whose land was not so fertile.

26. γοῦν —at any rate the immunity of Attica was due to its barrenness; it is therefore likely that the troubles of other districts were due to their fertility.

τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον , ‘the remotest time.’ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, adverbial (‘extending farthest back’), has the art. like τὸ πρίν, etc.

τὸ λεπτόγεων —(1) the constant use of neut. adj. or partic. for a subst. is a feature of Thuc.'s style; (2) the soil of Attica is in general stony and dry. The Attic Plain is watered by the Ilissus and Cephisus, but in summer the former is almost dry and the latter “μειοῦται τελέως”: the land yields a return only to diligent cultivation. Of course in these early times the land was not setentifically dealt with; and it is noteworthy, as bearing on Thuc.'s point, that it looks more barren than it is.

28. παράδειγμα —the meaning of this term in Greek rhetoric is not merely ‘example,’ but ‘an example used to support an argument.’

τόδε —referring to the sentence that follows, ἐκ γάρ κτλ.

τοῦ λόγου —explained by διά, etc.

29. διὰ τὰς μετοικίας κτλ .—that it was owing to the habit of settling elsewhere (to which I have referred) that Greece in other respects (besides population and security) had not advanced so fast (as Attica). μετοικίας is used exactly as in Aesch. Eum. 1019, where the Furies refer to their μετοικία to and in Athens. 1. That ἐκ γάρ κτλ. explains τόδε is proved by the usage of Thuc. 2. διὰ ... αὐξηθῆναι is beset with difficulties. With the MS. reading τὰς μετοικίας ἐς τὰ ἄλλα three explanatious have been proposed: (a) ‘ did not grow in other respects so fast as in population.’ But this does not fall in with the general line of the argument. (b) ‘ through the presence of μέτοικοι advanced much more (μὴ ὀμοίως) in other respects.’ But neither is this the argument, nor is there any proof that μὴ ὁμοίως can in such a connexion as this mean much more. (c) With regard to the rendering given above, it is denied that can be the subject of αὐξηθῆναι. But, if we examine c. 2 as a whole, this does not appear impossible. The chapter deals with the early condition of Greece in general—ἡ νῦν Ἑλλάς καλουυένη—the smallness of the communities (οὔτε μεγέθει πόλεων ἴσχυον) and their weakness. To these conditions the very fertility of the soil contributed. Attica, which was barren, was an exception in both respects. It did not lose inhabitants by στάσις: it did not excite the cupidity of strangers. On the other hand, strangers settled in Attica because it offered security; and thus the population of Attica was still further increased, and it was able to colonise. These last facts lend further support to my general argument (ὁ λόγος), viz. that the weakness of the early Greeks in all respects is largely accounted for by the shifting nature of the population. ἡ Ἑλλάς is in the writer's mind throughout. ἐς τὰ ἄλλα is explained by many ‘with reference to its other parts’; but it more naturally means in other respects than those points to which I have specifically referied. A striking example of this (ex contrario) is the colonising energy of Attica, the consequence of freedom from migration. Some take ὲς τὰ ἄλλα with μετοικίας—migrations to other parts; but τά is then wrong. Ullrich's emendation, according to which τὰ ἄλλα, other parts of Greece, is subject of αὐξηθῆναι—see crit. 11.—is generally accepted; but it is not absolutely necessary.

2. πολέμῳ —referring to ὑπὸ ἀλλοφύλων ἐπεβουλεύοντο .

3. οἱ δυνατώτατοι —limiting apposition to οἱ ἐκπίπτοντες. This kind of apposition is common in Thuc.—The most conspicuous instance is that of the Alcmaeonidae from Pylus.

ὡς βέβαιον ὄν —taken as (1) accus. abs., with ἀναχωρεῖν παρ’ Ἀθηναίους implied; (2) by Classen as governed by παρά, in a loose apposition to Ἀθηναίους. The second, though loose in grammar, gives a better sense.

4. πολῖται γιγνόμενοι —the imperf. partic, points to the many instances in which citizenship was bestowed. Of course this system of conferring civic rights belongs to a time when only the Eupatrids had any political power. They admitted new families freely. In later days, on the contrary, when Athens had attained power and the demos ruled, the Ecclesia was very jealous of the citizenship. Yet this welcome of political exiles remained an houourable tradition, as we see from the plays of Euripides

εὐθὺς ἀπὸ παλαιοῦ with ἐποίησαν, but εὐθύς belongs to ἀπὸ π., being equivalent to ἀρξάμενοι εὐθύς: cf. c. 146 and 142. 7 .

7. ἐξέπεμψαν —sc. οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. The colonising activity of Attica is supposed to have begun in the eleventh cent. B.C.

9. δηλοῖ —second proof of weakness, viz. lack of communication.

τῶν παλαιῶν — neut., like τὰ πρὸ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ ἔτι παλαίτερα in c. 2. Here τὰ παλαιά is explained to mean τὰ πρὸ τῶν τρωικῶν The lit. trans, is insignificance in our early history.

11. πρότερον —this merely repeats the sense of πρό, as in οὐ πρότερον ... πρίν κτλ .

12. δοκεῖ δέ μοι —(1) at first parenthetical, afterwards (2) δοκεῖ ἡ ἐπίκλησις οὐδὲ εἶναι, (3) δοκεῖ ἄλλα (nom.) ... παρέχεσθαι, (4) δοκεῖ Ἔλληνας καλεῖσθαι, (5) ? parenthetical, before ἐδύνατο. When a verb can take more than one construction, Thuc. sometimes combines alternative constructions in the same sentence without repeating the verb.

13. τὰ πρὸ Ἕλληνος —adv. accus., as τὰ πρότερα c. 2, τὰ ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ 54.3. Hellen was son of Deucalion and Pyrrha; and Hellenes from Phthiotis accompanied Achilles to Troy. How the name came to be be extended to all the Greeks is unknown.

14. καὶ πάνυ —emphasised by being separated from εἶναι. Cf. Xen. Anab. 1.5.8 καὶ μάλα κατὰ πρανοῦς γηλόφου, Dem. 5. 15 καὶ πάνυ φησί τις αὐτοὺς ἀναισθήτους εἶναι, and so with οὐ (μἤ πάνυ not unfrequently. We should rather expect οὐ πάνυ μοι δοκεῖ οὐδ’ εἶναι.

εἶναι —this and the infins, that follow are imperfect.

15. κατὰ ἔθνη —distributive. This forms the subject to παρέχεσθαι = ‘various tribes,’ ἄλλα τε καὶ τὸ π., among others the Pelasgian tribe, being in apposition to κ. ἔθνη. Adverbial phrases are frequent in Thuc. as equivalent of a case of a subst.: as in 6.39 ταῦτα καὶ κατὰ μέρη καὶ ξύμπαντα.

16. τὸ Πελασγικόν —a tribe of aborigines, whom Homer speaks of as dwelling in Asia Minor and Crete as well as in Greece. For the facts and theories about them see Abbott. Hist. Greece i. p. 27 fol. “When the Pelasgi became established [in literature] as an ancient tribe, those nations which laid claim to great antiquity, as the Athenians and Arcadians, became Pelasgians” (This is enough to know.)

ἐπὶ πλεῖστον —this belongs to τὸ Πελασγικόν, meaning that the name of the P. was more widely extended than that of any other tribe.

17. παρέχεσθαι —sc. to the country.

τῶν παίδων —Aeolus, Dorus, and Xuthus.

18. ἰσχυσάντων —ingressive aor., ‘having become mighty.’

19. ἐπαγομένων —sc. τινῶν .

ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ —to aid them. ὠφελία often = βοήθεια; cf. 1.73.2 ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ.

20. καθ’ ἑκάστους —subject of καλεῖσθαι: the several tribes more and more (ἤδη μᾶλλον) began to be called Hellenes in consequence of their intercourse (with the Hellenes).

21. πολλοῦ χρόνου —time within which (partitive), less commonly found in positive sentences.

22. ἐδύνατο —sc. τὸ καλεῖσθαι Ἕλληνας. Shil. quotes Eur. Phoen. 12-13 καλοῦσι δ’ Ἰοκάστην με, τοῦτο γὰρ πατὴρ ἔθετο. The ἐδύνατο is probably spurious, because, though the constrn. of δοκεῖ shifts (see on 1. 12), the two clauses καθ’ ἑκάστους μὲν ... οὐ μέντοι should have the same form, just as τὰ μὲν . κατὰ ἔθνη δέ have. Even if the constrn. were again changed here, we should probably have ἐξενίκησε.

25. ὠνόμασεν —sc. Ἕλληνας.

οὐδ’ ἄλλους —i.e. Hellas in Homer is Phthiotis, B 684. It has been pointed out that in α 344, δ 726 , 816, ο 80 Ἑλλάς with Ἄργος denotes Greece in general. The lines are perhaps spurious.

27. τὰ ἔπη —the poems.

28. ἀνακαλεῖ —distinguishes them as. ἀνακαλῶ is call by a distinctive, official name.

οὐ μὴν οὐδέ —nor even; οὐ μὴν ἀλλά = ‘not but what.’

1. βαρβάρους εἴρηκε —mentioned barbarians, because not yet had the Hellenes either been distinguished under one name in opposition (to them). There is a difficulty as to the construction of ἀντίπαλον. (1) Eustathius, followed by Stahl and Steup, made it agree with ὄνομα, despite the order; and the adj. is occasionally separated by a prep. from its subst.; (2) Classen thought it an adverb like τοὐναντίον: the absence of the article is one reason against this; (3) Böhme made it internal accus. to ἀποκεκρίσθαι, to have undergone an opposing separation, and Krüger favours this; (4) Mr. Forbes says it is in apposition to Ἕλληνας, which means the word Greeks. But should we not even so require ἀντιπάλους or Ἕλληνες ?

The edd. note that Thuc. neglects the epithet βαρβαρόφωνοι, of the Carians, in Hom. Il. 2.867. But this simply means speaking an unknown tongue, and the statement of Thuc. is substantially correct. The Greeks could not be conscious that they were a separate people before they were conscious that they were one people.

3. δ’ οὖν —resuming after the digression of which 3.3 consists.

οἱ ... ὡς ἕκαστοι ... κληθέντες —the main subject is οἱ Ἕλληνες κληθέντες, those who came to be called H. This is divided into (a) ὡς ἕκαστοι κατὰ πόλεις τε ὅσοι ἀλλήλων ξυνίεσαν , referring to καθ’ ἑκάστους μὲν ἤδη ... Ἕλληνας 3.2; (b) καὶ ξύμπαντες ὕστερον, referring to οὐ μέντοι ... ἅπασιν ἐκνικῆσαι. In (a) τε = both is misplaced, the irregularity being explained by the fact that κατὰ ... ξυνιέσαν is added to ὡς ἕκαστοι as an afterthought. Possibly, however, τε = and, but it is hard to see any distinction between ὡς ἕκαστοι and κατὰ π. The sentence is overloaded, since ὕστερον, i e. long after the Trojan War (cf. 3.3), is combined with a statement of what happened πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν. Observe also that this apparent recapitulation (οἱ δ’ οὖν κτλ.) does not agree entirely with the statements made in 3.2, where nothing is said about a common language. Thuc., as others have noticed, does not seem to have a clear view of the matter.

8. The MS. ξυνῆλθον will not do: ἐξέρχομαι, ἔξειμι with accus, are not rare in Attic prose in a military sense; but ἔρχομαι , εἶμι are not used so.

9. Μίνως γάρ —from this point to c. 8 Thuc. deals with the gradual growth of maritime enterprise, and the ‘barbarian character of the early Greeks.’ For Minos see Abbott, i. p. 122.

παλαίτατος —was the first to. This does not belong to τῶν Κυκλάδων ... ἐγένετο, and perhaps not to τῆς νῦν ... ἐκράτησε.

10. τῆς ... θαλάσσης —this may depend on ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, or on ἐκράτησε.

12. ἦρξε —became ruler.

13. πρῶτος —later the Athenians colonised the islands, and after that an Athenian would be honoured as οἰκιστής. See c. 12. 4.

15. ἐγκαταστήσας —this partic. is of course not antecedent in time to the main verb ἐγένετο. It is aor. merely because it is the explanation how ἐγένετο οἰκιστής, the partic. being equivalent to καί + aor. ind. (This use of the aor. partic. in Thuc. disposes of the passages discussed by Mr. Forbes, i. p. 142.)

ὡς εἰκός —as was natural (in one who ruled the sea).

16. καθῄρει —used of destroying, putting an end to a power, as in c. 16. 1 .

17. τοῦ ... ἰέναι —purpose, generally with μή. Tac. imitates this in Ann. 2.59 Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis, etc.

21. ἐπ) — to, not against.

23. οὐ τῶν ἀδυνατωτάτων = τῶν δυνατωτάτων.

κέρδους ἕνεκα —a frequent phrase. Notice the place of ἕνεκα, which is usual when it applies to two nouns, as e.g. Antiphon 6, 7 διαβολῆς ἕνεκα καὶ ἀπάτης, Lys. 32. 10 καὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἕνεκα καὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν. But the rule is not absolute.

24. τοῖς ἀσθενέσι τροφῆς —cf. Dem. 1.22 τὰ τῆς τροφῆς τοῖς ξένοις. ἀσθενεῖς = ‘weak.’

25. πόλεσιν ἀτειχίστοις —i.e. village communities. We cannot help thinking of the great aphorism in 7.77. 7 ἄνδρες γὰρ πολις καὶ οὐ τείχη.

27. βίου — livelihood. ἐποιοῦντο = ‘would get,’ a sense more familiar in the corresponding passive forms, ὁ βίος ἐγίγνετο αὐτοῖς.

ἐποιοῦντο —see L. & S. A. II. 2.

ἔχοντος —synonymous with φέροντος . 2.37.3 νόμων ὅσοι αἰσχύνην φέρουσι, 2.41.3 τῷ πολεμίῳ ἀγανάκτησιν ἔχει.

2. δηλοῦσι —i.e. show the truth of the preceding statements: there is even in the present day evidence for what I have said.

τῶν ἠπειρωτῶν τινες —i.e. those dwelling in the coast towns of the mainland.

3. καλῶς — cleverly, as often in καλῶς λέγειν .

τοῦτο δρᾶν —a regular expression for referring to a previous verb.

4. οἱ παλαιοί —sc. δηλοῦσι .

τὰς πύστεις ... ἐρωτῶντες —lit. everywhere agreeing in putting the stock question to strangers who come by sea, ‘are you pirates?’ thus showing that the persons addressed were not accustomed to disown the occupation, and that those who made it their bussiness to know did not censure it. Of ‘the old poets’ Homer is one (Od. 3.71 and 9.252); and there is the Hymn to Apollo l. 452; but of course Thucydides knew other passages. The wording of the sentence has been questioned; but Thuc. seems to have had in mind ἡ πύστις τῶν καταπλεόντων ἐστὶν εἰ λῃσταί εἰσιν. The poets are said to ask the question: for the characters are the mouthpiece of the poet.

6. οὔτε ... τε frequently correspond, as in Lat. neque ... et

πυνθάνονται ... ἐπιμελὲς εἴη —the forms of the recta and obliqua are combined, as frequently in Xen. = ὧν πυνθανόμεθα ... οἷς ἂν ἐπιμελὲς ᾖ. It expresses the thought of the poets. (Others seem to consider πυνθάνονται as hist. pres. and εἴη as pure iterative opt.)

8. καὶ κατ’ ἤπειρον —i.e. they not only carried on piracy at sea, but plundered one another on land as well. κατ’ ἤπειρον = κατὰ γῆν. That Thuc. is thinking here of the towns near the coast is shown by c. 7.5 αἱ δὲ παλαιαἳπόλεις)διὰ τὴν λῃστείαν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ᾠκίσθησαν.

10. τῷ παλαιῷ τρόπῳ —i.e. κατὰ κώμας οἰκούμενα καὶ ἁρπαζόμενα .

περί —in the parts about. The names of the people are used by Thuc. indifferently with the place-names.

12. τε —and so.

13. σιδηροφορεῖσθαι —below we have the act.: the mid. means to provide one's self with, see that one has. Such compounds of φορῶ (cf. κανηφορῶ, χρυσοφορῶ) are not ordinarily used in mid.; but cf. Aristot. Pol. 2.1268b ἐσιδηροφοροῦντό τε γὰρ οἱ Ἕλληνες, καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἐωνοῦντο παρ’ ἀλλήλων.

16. οἰκήσεις — settlements, the πόλεις of c. 5. 1.

17. (διὰ τὰς ) ... ἐφόδους —their hazardous intercourse.

ξυνήθη κτλ = ξυνήθως ἐδιῃτῶντο.

19. ταῦτα ... ἔτι οὕτω νεμόμενα —the fact that in these parts of Greece men still live in this way. This predicative use of the partic. is less common in Gk. than in Lat. (see 829 b). It is most often found with prepositions, and especially in phrases indicating time, with μετά, ἐπί, ἁμά. With certain well-defined exceptions, it does not occur unless the noun and verb yield sense without the partic.; i.e. the partic, was felt to be separate from the noun.

20. ἐς πάντας ὁμοίων —lit. extending in similar form to all, like ἐς ὀλίγους οἰκεῖν in 2.37. 1. The substitution of the noun διαιτημάτων for the verb inf. τοῦ ... διαιτᾶσθαι with snitable constrn. Is characteristic of the old style.

21. ἐν τοῖς πρῶτοι —the undoubted exx of this idiom in Thuc are, besides this place (where Prof. Tucker wrongly says the evidence favours πρώτοις), 3.82. 1 (στάσις)ἐν τοῖς πρώτη ἐγένετο: 7.24. 3 μέγιστον καὶ ἐν τοῖς πρῶτον: ib. 71. 3 ἐν τοῖς χαλεπώτατα : 8.90. 1 ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα. In 7.19. 4 the MSS. give ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις (not πρῶτοι): ib. 27, ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις (not πρῶτον or πρώτη): in viii. 89 ἑν τοῖς πρώτοις (not πρῶτοι). Pre-eminence is not necessarily implied in any example, and Herbst is perhaps right in saying that prominence only is meant. If so, it may be that the nom. is due only to attraction to the subject; the principle being naturally extended to the adverb.

22. ἀνειμένῃ τῇ διαίτῃ —dat, of manner.

24. αὐτοῖς —ethic dat., very common in Thuc, where the gen. might be used.

25. εὐδαιμόνων —in the popular meaning

διὰ τὸ ἁβροδίαιτον —with φοροῦντες. For the long linen (Ionian) χιτων worn by Ionians, Carians, Lydians see Gardner and Jevons, p. 49. Cf. Aesch. Persae 41 ἁβροδιαίτων δ’ ἕπεται Λυδῶν ὄχλος. Aften the Persian wars the short (Dorian) χιτών of wool was substituted for it.

οὐ πολὺς χρόνος ἐπειδή —no long time ago. ἀφ’ οὖ, ἐξ οὗ, ἐπεί, ὡς, ὅτε are all found in such phrases.

27. χρυσῶν τεττίγων seem to be pins with figures of grasshoppers at the end. Several might be used, apparently, for one κρώβυλος, like hairpins. Helbig, however, thinks that metal spiral ornaments through which the ‘tail’ of the hair was passed are meant, and Studniczka supports this view; but it does not seem probable. The κρώβυλος—which doubtless took different forms—is perhaps to be recognised on ancient monuments, since Xen. Anab. 5. 4. 13 speaks of leather helmets adorned with a κρώβυλος and resembling a tiara (the various forms of which are well known). εἴρω, twist, favours ‘coil’; but, if the pins had a bend in them, we can understand ἔνερσις. (The v.l. ἐν ἔρσει is prob. a false division like ἐν τομῇ for ἐντομῆ, c. 93. 5.) Cf. Aristoph. Eq. 1325, 984.

28. ἀφ’ οὗ —from this circumstance It is likely that Thuc. is mistaken in saying that the Athenians carried the fashion to Asia Minor, and that it spread rather from the Ionians (Carrans, Lydians) to the Athenians. Cf. Herod. 5.88 .

1. ἐπὶ πολύ —temporal.

μετρίᾳ —this may mean that the Dorians too for a time had worn the ‘Ionian’ dress; but more probably Thuc. in μετρίᾳ and ἐς τὸν νῦν τρόπον thought rather of the Athenians, and meant merely that the Spartans originated the ‘Dorian’ χιτών.

4. ἰσοδίαιτοι with πρὸς τοὺς πολλούς, τὰ μείζω, which is unusual for τὰ πλείω, is thought to refer to the fact that land was the sole form of wealth in early Sparta.

6. ἐς τὸ φανερὸν ἀποδύντες —ες τὸ φ. is a standing phrase for ‘openly,’ ‘in public,’ with verbs of motion, or suggestive of motion. The simplest form of phrase is such as ἐς τὸ φ. ἐνεγκεῖν (Hyperid. I. v. 3), but Thuc., as so often, strains the use of the prep.

λίπα —with oil, frequent in Homer. It is generally explained as instrumental case, but K. W Kruger calls it internal accus.

μετὰ τοῦ —in company with, i.e. ‘when they ...,’ as 3.59. 3 βίου κίνδυνος ἐλλὺς μετ’ αὐτοῦ (sc. τοῦ τελευτᾶν λόγου).

7. ἠλείψαντο —reflexive mid. like λούομαι, ὁπλίζομαι, and other words of the toilet.

8. διαζώματα — 23, 683 ζῶμα δέ οἱ πρῶτον παρακάββαλεν.

10. πέπαυται —sc. τὸ διαζωματα ἔχοντας ἀγωνιζεσθαι .

The order is ἔτι δὲ καὶ νῦν ἐν τοῖς β ἔστιν οἷς (= ἐνίοις), καὶ μάλιστἁἐν)τοῖς Ἀσιανοῖς. In the nom. plur, always εἰσὶν οἴ, αἵ; in oblique cases always ἔστιυ ὧν etc. in Thuc, unless words intervene, as in vii. 25 ἦσαν τῶν σταυρῶν οὕς.

12. ἆθλα τίθεται καί = ἄθλων τιθεμένων.

13. πολλὰ ... ὁμοιότροπα —internal accus. to διαιτώμενον.

16. ὅσαι μέν κτλ .—“This clause (down to ἕκαστοι ἰσχύος) is really subordinate to αἱ δὲ παλαιαί κτλ . Whereas the most recent cities, etc,” Forbes.

17. πλωιμωτέρων ὄντων —when navigation was easier, impers, gen. abs. corresponding to πλωιμώτερα ἐγένετο 8. 2. It is a question whether περιουσίας ... ἔχουσαι goes closely with πλωιμωτέρων ὄντων, so that καί joins νεώτατα to ἔχουσαι, or belongs to ἐκτίζοντο: c. 8 καταστάντος τοῦ Μίνω ναυτικοῦ πλωιμώτερα ἐγένετο (i.e. as early as Minos) favours the former; but c. 8.3 seems to show that Thuc. uses νεώτατα here vaguely of cities founded since Minos purged the seas.

20. ἀπελάμβανον — occupied, cutting them off from the mainland with walls. The change of subject from the placenames to their inhabitants is common, e.g. 6.48; 74. 1; 75. 2; 88. 8; 94. 1.

21. ἕκαστοι —in this place because it goes closely with πρὸς τοὺς προσοίκους. On the order of ἕνεκα see 5. 1.

22. ἐπὶ πολύ —temporal.

23. On ἀντίσχουσαν (=διὰ τὸ τὴν λ. ἀντίσχειν) see 6. 2 l. 19.

24. καὶ ἐν —the art. not repeated, as often in Thuc. (6. 1), even when the two members are contrasted.

25. ἔφερον —sc. οἱ λῃστεύοντες. They plundered not only one another but those who, though not sea-farers, lived on the coasts (=παραθαλάσσιοι ἦσαν ).

1. οἱ νησιῶται —the island barbarians were pirates οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ οἱ Ἕλληνες.

3. ᾤκησαν —previous to the time of Minos.

Δήλου —in 426 B.C.; 3.104. The ‘proof’ applies only to the Carians, whence it may be inferred that the presence of Phoenicians in the islands was questioned by none.

6. ὑπὲρ ἡμισύ —subject, = πλείους τῶν ἡμίσεων (though of course it might be taken as adverbial).

7. τῇ σκευῇ τῶν ὅπλων —lit. their equipment (consisting) of arms, not ‘the style of their arms.’

9. Here Thuc. resumes from c. 4.

πλωιμώτερα ἐλένετο —the neut. plur. as in 7. 1.

10. ἐκ τῶν νήσων —ἐκ for ἐν by (the regular method of) attraction to the verb.

11. ὅτεπερ —namely, when, referring back to c. 4.

12. οἱ παρὰ θάλασσαν —cf. οἱ παρ’ ἔπαλξιν 2.13. 5, παρά with dat. not being used of inanimates except when persons are clearly implied.

15. τείχη περιεβάλλοντο —referring to cities already in existence, but hitherto without walls: hence not as in c. 7.

ὡς πλουσιώτεροι ἑαυτῶν γ. —the omission of αὐτοί in this idiom is rare: ‘as was natural, since they were now growing wealthier than they had been hitherto.’

16. γάρ refers to βεβαιότερον ᾤκουν. The double τε presents the same process under two different aspects.

18. δουλείαν — dependence. as often: so with δουλεύειν. The weaker states became tributaries of the stronger.

περιουσίας ἔχοντες —usually rendered ‘because they had wealth at their command’ and used it to extend their power; but more probably, ‘having funds in hand’ and being anxious to increase them. The more the funds increased, the more eager would they be to inerease them still further.

20 ἐν τοὐτῳ ... ὄντες —when they had now advanced to this condition, i.e. navigated the seas and were grown richer.

21 ὕστερον χρόνῳ —in course of time

22. Ἀ. τέ μοι δοχεῖ —and so it seems to me that it was because, etc.

23. οὐ τοσοῦτον (ὅσον προύχων) with ἄγων, not so much because he was leader of ..., they being bound by their oaths to Tyndareus Tyndareus, Helen's supposed father, made her suitors swear to protect the rights of that one whom she should choose

26. Thuc. supports his view by reference to the origin of the kingship in Atreus' house.

27. Πελοποννησίων —masc., with οἱ, those of the Pel. who have received the truest account by tradition. For the order of the gen. edd. compare c. 48. 4; 126. 11. It is supposed that Thuc. means the Argives, whose legends the Lesbian historian Hellanicus related. A fragment of H gives the story here referred to.

3. τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ... σχεῖν —lit. secured the naming of the country after himself, though a stranger.

ἔπηλυν —there is no authority for the form ἐπηλύτης in Attic. The passage in Xen. Oec cited in L. & S. is corrupt.

4. μείζω —neut. plur.; ξυνενεχθῆναι , ‘fell to the lot of,’ as often in Herod.; after Thuc. not found in Attic.

5. Εὐρυσθέως μέν κτλ. —the relationship of the persons mentioned is as follows:—ZZZ FAMILY TREE Pelops Perseus m. Chrysippus Atreus Eurystheus Agamemnon

ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ —according to the story, Eurystheus was killed in the Megarid (Euripides represents him as taken prisoner) when at war with Demophon, king of Athens, from whom he had demanded the surrender of the Heraclidae. The Megarid was then part of Attica.

7. καὶ ἐπιτρέψαντος Εὐ . — there is parataxis here for Ἀτρεῖ δὲ μητρὸς ἀδελφῷ ὄντι ἐπιτρέψαντος.

10. Χρυσίππου —Atreus and Thyestes conspired and murdered Ch. their half brother.

12. καὶ ... παραλαβεῖν —co-ordinate with ἔτι μείζω ξυνενεχθῆναι ... Ἀτρεῖ .

13. καὶ ἅμα —the καί joins δοκοῦντα to βουλομένων.

δυνατόν —i.e. in point of wealth.

17. ἅ —the wealth and power of the two families.

18. καὶ ναυτικῷ —the MSS give καὶ ναυτικῷ τε, and two explanations are suggested: (1) τε = too, Shilleto; and (2) τε = and, while καί emphasises ναυτικῷ . thuc. 6.44 καὶ πρός τε τοὺς *(πηγίνους, 8.68. 2 καὶ αὐτός τε , 8.76. 5 καὶ ἑαυτούς τε give rise to a similar question. The use of τε is supported by examples in Herod. and tragedy; but the MS. variants and certain examples of corruption in the case of τε are so numerous that it is very doubtful if the passages can be relied on. On the whole καὶ ... δέ = and moreover is more probable.

19. ἰσχύσας —ingressive.

20. οὐ ... τὸ πλέον ἤ =ἧσσον ἤ.

χάριτι ... φόβῳ — for the contrast cf. Dem. 20.16 μείζων ὁ τοῦ μέλλοντος φόβος τῆς παρούσης χάριτος, but there it is the fear and good-will felt; here it is the feelings inspired.

21. φαίνεται γάρ —the passages referred to are Il. 2.576 τῶν ἑκατὸν νεῶν ἦρχε κρείων Ἀγαμέμνων, and 2.612-613 αὐτὸς γάρ σφιν δῶκεν ἄναξ άνδρῶν Ἀγαμέμνων νῆας, and so on.

23. ὡς ... τοῦτο —Shilleto refers to Plat. Theaet. 193 D ὃ ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν οὕτως ἔλεγον for a similar redundancy.

τῳ —in any one's opinion. To τεκμηριῶσαι supply τοῦτο: it is only with ref. to the details that Thuc. suggests a doubt.

24. ἐν τοῦ σκήπτρου τῇ παραδόσει —in the passage where the sceptre of Agamemnon is said to have been transmitted through his family; Il. 2.101-108. For this method of referring to passages in times before the division into books, etc. was made cf. c. 10. 4; Mark 12.26 ἐπὶ τῆς βάτου ; Ep. Rom. 11.2.

26. οὐκ ἂν ... ἐκράτει —he would not have been ruler (as he was). Classen's version, ‘he would not be (in the ) ruler,’ is less likely.

27. οὐχ ἂν εἶεν — MT 238 .

2. καὶ ταύτῃ τῇ στρατείᾳ —i.e. this expedition itself was not on a very large scale. All the more insignificant must have been those undertakings that preceded it.

4. ὅτι μέν —lit. that M. was a small place, or if any of the towns of those days seems now insignificant—(this) could not be considered a valid argument for refusing to believe that, etc. (1) The clauses introduced by ὅτι and εἰ form the object to χρώμενος. (2) The μέν is not regularly answered, but is resumed in οὐκ οὖν ἀπιστεῖν χρή (10.3) after a long parenthesis. (3) ἦν may mean was before its destruction, which is said by later writers to have occurred in 468 B.C. (there is no sufficient ground for doubting the statement). This is supported by νῦν δοκεῖ which refers to towns still in existence. Or it may be ‘was in heroic times,’ and this is supported by τότε. But, whichever be meant, the argument is not affected. The simple explanation of the insignificance of Mycenae—now of prime importance to the archaeologist—is that the only part that could be called ‘city’ was the acropolis, and that was occupied by the castle of the chief. The rest of the settlement consisted of the villages of the clans; and there is no sign that in historic times the villages ever gave way to a city. Thuc. represents the fact correctly.

9. λόγος κατέχει —fama obtinet ; tradition affirms.

Λακεδαιμονίων γάρ —there were no signs of magnificence about Sparta until after the triumphs of Lysander. Even then, its appearance, remote from the world and unfortified, must have been comparatively insignificant. It does not seem clear that Thuc. wrote this passage before 404 B.C.

11. κατασκευῆς —κ. includes everything that makes a place habitable and usable. Here ‘buildings.’

13. πρός —in comparison with.

14. τῶν πέντε τὰς δύο μ. —two-fifths. (‘Two of the five divisions’ is, as Mr. Forbes remarks, wrong.) Of course Messenia is included in Laconia. Notice the way in which fractions are expressed. The gen. is omitted when the denominator is one higher than the numerator—as τὰ τρία μέρη = 3/4.

15. τῆς ξυμπάσης —roughly speaking. In 2.9 Thuc. expressly notes that Argos was not under the leadership of Sparta. But the omission here is of no importance, because we do not want an exact statement, but a general account of the power of Sparta.

16. τῶν ἔξω ξ. —their allies beyond P., who are many.

17. πόλεως —for τῆς πόλεως, since the city was not compactly built. For the omission of art. Steup compares 4.18.3 and 8.95. 2. (Mr. Forbes's rendering ‘when a city is not built continuously’ is disproved by the fact that ἡ δύναμις Λακεδαιμονίων—and not the power of any city—must be supplied to φαίνοιτ’ ἄν. Herbst's view that πόλεως is predicative—since it has not been brought together into a compact city—is inconsistent with Λακεδαιμονίων ἡ πόλις above.)

18. κατασκευαῖς —the plur. in concrete sense, as in 2.65. 2.

21. διπλασίαν ... ἤ —these compounds are constructed as comparatives. πολλαπλάσιοι τῶν ἐναντίων 4. 94; πολλαπλάσιοι ἢ ἦλθον 127; διπλασια δοῦναι ἢ ἄλλῳ τινί Lysias 19.52.

22. εἰκάζεσθαι depends on οἶμαι.

ἀπὸ τῆς φ. ὄψεως — not ‘from the notable or striking appearance’ (Forbes), but ‘from the mere (external) appearance.’ φανερός is, as usual, what is seen, and ὄψις is the appearance in contrast with the reality, as in 6.31 τῇ ὄψει ἀνεθάρσουν (where my rendering ‘by the sight’ is also wrong).

26. μεγίστην μὲν γενέσθαι — ‘proved, it is true.’

δέ —and yet. For τῶν πρὸ αὐτῆς cf. 1. 1.

λειπομένην with gen. as 6.72 οὐδενὸς λειπόμενος.

1. ἥν —rel. to στρατείαν. According to the regular principle in Greek, the following clause, to which the nom. is supplied from ἥν, is without the rel. In the second clause the rel. is often replaced by the required case of αὐτός or οὗτος —2.4. 5, ὃ ἦν τοῦ τείχους καὶ αἱ θύραι ἀνεωγμέναι ἔτυχον αὐτοῦ. 7.29. 5 ὅπερ μέγιστον ἦν καὶ ἄρτι ἔτυχον οἱ παῖδες ἐσεληλυθότες. It is the repetition of the rel. that is unusual, as in 6.4. 3 τὸ χωρίον οὗ νῦν ἡ πόλις ἐστὶ καὶ ὃ πρῶτον ἐτειχίσθη. If, however, the first clause is neg. and the second pos., the rel. must be repeated, as in 2.43. 2 οὐκ ἐν ᾧ κεῖνται μᾶλλον, ἀλλ’ ἐν ᾧ ἡ δόξα καταλειπεται. The same omission or substitution is frequent in Lat., as Liv. xxiii.8 cum quo steterat nec cum patria majestas sententia deputerat. In Engl. cf. Whom though to know be life, and joy to make mention of His name. Hooker.Eccles. Pol. we treated her with great respect, which she recerved as customary, and was neither elated by it, nor confused. Johnson.Tour in Heb. To whom she seemed to listen, but did not hear them. Macaulay.Warren Hastings

ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον κοσμῆσαι —exaggerate by using his fancy.

3. ἐνδεεστέρα —comparatively insignificant.

πεποίηκε γάρ —out of a fleet of 1200 ships the poet has described those of the B. as carrying 120 men, ἐν δὲ ἑκάστῃ κοῦροι Βοιωτῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι βαῖνον Il 2. 510-511 and those of Ph. as carrying 50, ἐρέται δ’ ἐν ὲκάστῃ πεντήκοντ ἐμβέβασαν, τόξων εὖ εἰδότες ἶφι μάχεσθαι Hom. Il. 2.719-720 specifying the largest and the smallest ἀνδρῶν is gen. of measure, as in τεῖχος ἑπτὰ σταδίων, almost confined to expressions of magnitude. The absence of a second art. with ἐλαχίστας is interesting: Shilleto rightly compares νικᾷ δ’ ὁ πρῶτος καὶ τελευταῖος δραμών Aesch. Ag. 314 , where the reference is to a team, of which every member wins; just as here the two things combined are items of one fleet. As to the numbers, in Thuc.'s time the average complement of a trireme was 200. Therefore a fleet of 1200 would require 240,000 men: but the rationalistic calculation of Thuc gives about 103,000 for the Trojan War. Of course 103,000 is a far larger number than was sent out by any one state in the time of Thuc. The number of men who sailed for Sicily in 415 B C. may be roughly set down as 36,000. But 10.5 shows that Thuc. thinks of the combined forces of all Greek states, and the forces in the field during the Peloponnesian War would exceed his calculation for the Trojan War. (It seems, nevertheless, that Thuc. has not made out a very satisfactory case: τῶν νῦν in 10.3 should have been qualified.)

7. ἄλλων depends on μεγέθους.

8. αὐτερέται — the fighting men served also as rowers. This was quite unusual in Thuc.'s day. See Il. 719 quoted above.

9. ἐν —as ἐν ... παραδόσει c. 9. 4, and ἐν νεῶν καταλόγῳ above.

11. περίνεως —the only passengers would be the kings and those immediately under them.

13. μέλλοντας ... ἔχοντας —though these agree with περίνεως, they apply in sense equally to all the Greeks. We should expect gen. abs.

14. μετὰ σκευῶν —the want of space is what Thuc. alludes to. The room not taken up by the rowers would be filled with materials.

15. κατάφαρκτα —i.e. the boats had no gangways projecting along them. These gangways ( πάροδοι) were used only in ships with a deep draught, and Thuc means that, as there were none in ‘Homeric’ ships, those ships can have had only a small draught, and therefore there was not much room in them. At intervals along the πάροδοι were upright posts, and the open spaces between could be closed with curtains (παραρρύματα) in battle or rough weather, and thus served in a trireme to protect the bodies of the thranitae (top set of rowers). The word is generally explained ‘decked’, but so far as one can judge, the only connexion between κατάστρωμα, the deck from end to end, and κατάφαρκτος is that only ships that were κατάφαρκτοι had καταστρώματα. The Homeric ships, it is true, had no καταστρώματα, but this is not the point here.

16. λῃστικώτερον —more like pirate craft than warships.

17. πρός —as compared with. σκοποῦντι is dat. of the person judging, a frequent use of a partic.; cf. c. 21. 2

19. ὡς —considering that.

21. αἴτιον —this predicate, so often in neut. sing. whatever be gender and number of the subject, is practically a noun.

23. τε —answered by ἐπειδὴ δέ, as e.g. in 6.83. 1; 7. 81; and c. 25. 3.

24. ὅσον —only so large as.

αὐτόθεν with βιοτεύσειν, support itself in the (enemy's) country.

25. ἀφικόμενοι —on their arrival, i.e. immediately after they landed. (This passage, from this word to the end of 11.2, is much disputed.)

26. μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν —the conjecture ἐκρατήθησαν reduces the words τοῖς αἰεὶ ... ὄντες below to absurdity; and κρατοῦντες would have to be changed to κρατήσαντες. The Greeks were able to raise a rampart because they had won a victory.

τὸ γάρ — for otherwise. This rampart is not that referred to in Il. vii. 336 and 433 as built in the tenth year by the counsel of Nestor, but one built immediately after the arrival of the Greeks, though this does not necessitate inserting εὐθύς after ἄν with Dittrich. Similarly the γεωργία τῆς Χερσονήσου below is not heard of in the Thuc. doubtless got these details from a poem that related the earlier events of the war. Cf. the Schol. here: ἔρυμα λέγει νῦν οὐχ ὅπερ ἐν τῇ ή λέγει Ὅμηρος γενέσθαι, ἀλλὰ πρότερον μικρότερον διὰ τὰς τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπιδρομάς. (Strabo quotes the opinion of Aristotle that the τεῖχος of 7, which was so promptly destroyed by Poseidon, was in reality never built. It seems impossible that Thuc. can have had that τεῖχος in mind)

27. φαίνονται δέ — this is δέ in apodosis, and it is here apparently suggested by the contrast set up by the parenthesis: though they fortified a camp, they did not employ their whole force. This δέ generally follows a parenthesis; but not in 2.65. 1 ἐπειδὴ ὁ πόλεμος κατέστη, ὁ δὲ φαίνεται καὶ ἐν τούτῳ προγνοὺς τὴν δύναμιν

28. ἐνταῦθα —before Troy; and consequently the Trojans held out.

2. αὐτῶν —of their own accord.

τὰ δέκα ἔτη —those ten years.

3. βίᾳ —in the field. They were not penned up in the city.

ὑπολειπομένοις —imperf., who at any given time were left behind.

7. ῥᾳδίως ἂν μάχῃ ... Τροίαν εἷλον — does this passage refer to ‘the two natural stages of the expedition’— battle followed by siege, or two alternative means of taking Troy,—either by pitched battle outside the gates, or by siege? Those who adopt the first, either (a) bracket the first εἷλον with Kruger as spurious, and explain the δ’ after πολιορκίᾳ as (a violent) apodotic δέ, or, with Kruger bracket it; or else (b) make the first εἷλον mean, not ‘capture (Troy),’ but, with Herbst, ‘defeat (the Trojans).’ Those who adopt the second with Bauer, make μάχῃ κρατοῦντες = ‘by superiority in the field,’ and not ‘being as they were superior in the field’; and πολιορκίᾳ προσκαθεζόμενοι = ‘by a regular siege,’ instead of ‘by persisting in a siege.’ But the difficulties involved in this are insuperable; for—apart from the extraordinary way in which the supposed alternative methods are expressed, and joined by δέ instead of ἤ—the sense obtained, though at first sight attractive, makes περιουσίαν ἔχοντες τροφῆς and ξυνεχῶς τὸν πόλεμον διέφερον pointless in so far as the first method— superiority in the field + assault—is concerned; it necessitates forcing the meaning by an immediate assault (κατὰ κράτος) into μάχῃ κρατοῦντες, and thus making this wholly distinct from μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν in 11.1; and it strains no less the meaning of πολιορκίᾳ προσκαθεζόμενοι. We therefore prefer the first plan, but slightly modified; if the first εἷλον is genuine, it is probably a mere anticipation of the second. Trans. If they had ... carried on the war persistently, they would easily have continued superior in the field and have taken the city, seeing that ... : if, then, they had persisted in a siege, they would have taken Troy.

προσκαθεζόμενοι governs πολιορκίᾳ .

11. ἀλλά —in contrast with περιουσίαν εἰ ἦλθον ἔχοντες τροφῆς.

τούτων —i.e. τῶν Τρωικῶν.

13. τῶν πρίν —c. 1. 1; 10. 3.

γενόμενα —though it proved.

15. κατεσχηκότος —attributive. When an attributive partic. is itself further defined—διὰ τοὺς ποιητὰς κατεσχηκότος—it is frequently placed outside the art. This idiom is by no means confined to Thuc.

16 μετανίστατο — Greece (i.e. the Greeks) was still occupied with migration and settlement, so that the country did not quiet down (ingressive) and so increase.

Ἑλλάς here is used as in c. 6, for the Greek nation—ἡ Ἑ. ἐσιδηροφόρει—and this explains (a) the use of μετανίστατο, (b) the accus. ἡσυχάσασαν, for which, as it refers to the subject of the main verb, ἡσυχάσασα would be expected. Ἑλλάς takes a slightly different meaning after the ὥστε. A similar change of meaning may be detected in 7.34. 6 ναυμαχήσαντες δὲ ἀντίπαλα καὶ ὡς αὐτοὺς ἑκατέρους ἀξιοῦν νικᾶν, where the ὡς-clause is general in sense, the way in which both sides lay claim to victory.

17. ὥστε μὴ ἡ. αὐξηθῆναι —the μή belongs to both partic. and infin., and ὥστε ... αὐξηθῆναι expresses ἀχρηματία.

20. ἐνεόχμωσε = ενεωτέρισε In sense this is pluperf. The verb occurs in Herod, but only here in Attic. Thuc. thought of the fate of Agamemnon, Teucer, and other heroes.

καὶ στάσεις —two things are not clear, (1) whether the disturbances alluded to are intended to be connected with the return from Troy, or merely to be an explanation of ὥστε μὴ ἡσυχάσασαν αὐ.; (2) how Βοιωτοί τε γάρ is connected with what precedes. The passage is commonly referred to as though γάρ introduced an illustration of the στάσεις, but Steup (who thinks γάρ spurious) rightly points out that we hear nothing of στάσις in the matter of the migrations referred to. If γάρ is retained, we must assume that the migrations are introduced as an illustration of the general unrest that continued; i e. the γάρ refers rather to 12.1 than to the immediately preceding sentence.

21. ὡς ἐπὶ πολύ —for the most part, ‘in most cases.’

ἀφ’ ὧν —as the result of which, referring to στάσεις .

22. τὰς πόλεις —prob. the article is distributive=cities in each instance (Others, ‘the well-known cities’: but this is rightly objected to by several edd as a strange assumption of knowledge and as clashing awkwardly with ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν)

23. οἱ νῦν —meaning not that the Boeotians had changed their name, but the Boeotians ‘as we know them now,’ i.e. as inhabiting all Boeotia, instead of dwelling partly in Thessaly and partly in Boeotia.

ἑξηκοστῷ ἔτει —the instances seem to be chosen in order to show that disturbances continued for a long period after the war.

μετὰ Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν —the art. replaced by a gen., as in διὰ χρόνου πλῆθος c. 1. 2.

26. ἀποδασμός —i.e. a part that had voluntarily separated from the main body, not ἀνάσταντες, like the rest. The word only here in Attic; but cf. Φωκέες ἀποδάσμιοι Hdt. 1.146.1 .

27. ἀφ’ ὧν —the plur. κατὰ σύνεσιν. The ref. is to Il. 2.494, where the Boeotians, however, possess the chief cities of Boeotia.

2. ἔσχον —cf. σχεῖν, c. 9. 2.

3 ἡσυχάσασα βεβαίως —gaining unbroken rest and no longer subject to violent changes. Notice the ingressive aor. and imperf. combined.

5. Ἴωνας —the Ionian cities of Asia Minor. νησιωτῶν —the Cyclades; cf. c. 4. Isocr. Panath. 43.

6. Ἰταλίας —i.e. the modern Calabria, the peninsula reaching to the Lius on W. and to Metapontum on E. The chief Peloponnesian founders of Sicilian and Italian cities were the Corinthians who founded Syracuse, and through Syracuse, Camarina [Acrae and Casmenae], the Megarians who founded the Hyblaean Megara, and through Megara, Selinus: the Achaeans who founded Sybaris and Croton, some Lacedaemonians who founded Tarentum. Forbes . But (1) Megara is not part of the Peloponnese (2.9), see next note; (2) it is not clear that Tarentum is reckoned in Italy.

8. ἔστιν ἃ χωρία —it is supposed that the colonies of Corinth in the W., Corcyra, Leucas, Ambracia, etc. are referred to. If so (1) τὸ πλεῖστον above is an exaggeration; (2) Ἑλλάς is here used for all the country ultimately inhabited by Greeks—as in Thuc.'s time: but Ἑλλάς was not so used above; (3) the vagueness of the reference to these colonies is strange. Steup gets over all these difficulties by taking ἔστιν ἃ χωρία as nom., so that the Megarian (see last note), Locrian and Chalcidian colonies would be included. This is tempting, and for the use of χωρία we might compare τὰ τρέφοντα ἡμᾶς χωρία τῆς Ἰταλίας, ὁρῶντα ἐν ᾧ ἐσμεν 7.14 . But it must be confessed that (1) ἔστιν ἅ looks like an antithesis to τὸ πλεῖστον: (2) πάντα δὲ ταῦτα appears to refer to ἔστιν ἃ χωρία as well as to the colonies mentioned before. Perhaps Thuc. writes somewhat vaguely here.

11. ἔτι ... ἢ πρότερον —referring to c. 8. 3.

12. τὰ πολλά —in most cases.

13. τῶν προσόδων μ. γιγνομένων —this goes closely with καθίσταντο, tyrannies were established where the revenues (of the government) increased. But δυνατωτέρας ... ποιουμένης is a general statement with regard to Greece, and qualifies the whole sentence down to ἀντείχοντο. Thuc. means that a tyranny was generally established in a city enjoying a large revenue, which one man, whether a member of the governing class or not, succeeded in getting into his hands as the result of political agitation.

14. πρότερον δέ —not necessarily immediately before, for in most cases oligarchy preceded tyranny, but in earlier days where one man ruled, his power was limited.

ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς γέρασι —with (under the condition of) fixed prerogatives, viz. as priest, judge and leader (Arist. Pol. 3.14, 12). The purpose of this parenthesis is to point out that the rule of a single man, though it was known before the age of the tyrants, had been of a wholly different character. The age of the tyrants synchronises with an advance in Greece; yet the deeds even of the tyrants were relatively insignificant. As to tyranny, Aristotle agrees with Thuc.: ἐπεὶ δὲ χεἰρους γενόμενοι ἐχρηματίζοντο ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν, ἐντεῦθέν ποθεν εὔλογον γενέσθαι τὰς ὀλιγαρχίας ... ἐκ δὲ τούτων πρῶτον εἰς τυραννίδας μετέβαλον.

17. ἐγγύτατα —superlative of ἐγγύς. Cf. prope and propius.

18. μεταχειρίσαι —Thuc., like Herod., uses the act. of this word, whereas other authors use mid.

19. καὶ ... ναυπηγηθῆναι —καί = and in fact, the building of a trireme marking a climax in naval affairs (τὰ περὶ τὰς ναῦς).

τῆς Ἑλλάδος goes with πρῶτον: cf. 2.18 ἀφίκετο τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἐς Οἰνόην πρῶτον. Hdt. 1.163 πρώτῃ δὲ Φωκαίῃ Ἰωνιης επεχείρησε.—The τετρήρης made its appearance in the second half of the fourth cent., and was the normal type of ship in the hellenistic period. It is not likely that it had four banks of oars.

22. ναῦς —whether these were triremes or not does not appear.

23. τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου —the dates given are circ. 704 and 664 B.C. (or, if the Archidamian War is meant, see Introd. p. xxvi, circ. 721 and 681 B.C.).

24. ὅτε — since.

Σαμίοις ἦλθε —the dat, after (simple) verbs of motion is common in tragedy, but does not occur in Attic prose outside Thuc.; cp. c. 27. 1; 61. 1; 107. 7.

25. γίγνεται —turns out to be.

26. καὶ ταύτῃ —lit. this too reckons 260 years. The καί brings the battle into relation with the event above. (Thuc. seems to be maintaining the priority of Corinth against some other claimant.) The ταύτῃ is possessive dat, as Herod. 2.33 Ἡρακλέἱ ὅσα φασὶ εἷναι ἔτεα ἐς Ἄμασιν.

1. τὴν πόλιν —their city.

2. αἰεὶ δή ποτε —as δή ποτε means in the past (frequent in tragedy), so αἰεὶ δή ποτε = always in the past, i.e. ‘from the earliest times.’

3. τῶν Ἑλλήνων ... ἐπιμισγόντων —two points are made: (1) the early commerce of the Greeks was carried on mainly by land, (2) the Isthmus was on the high-road between οἱ ἐντός and οἱ ἔξω Π. The sentence would be much clearer with a partic. like πορευομένων, as proposed by Steup, after Ἑλλήνων, so that τε would mean and.

7. ἀφνειόν —we have only one instance, Il. 2.570.

9. μᾶλλον ἔπλῳζον —cf. c. 8. 2 .

τὰς ναῦς —the ships referred to in 13.2. These enabled Greece to extinguish piracy, and thus to further her commerce; and the outcome of that, it is implied, was the formation of a considerable fleet.

11. ἀμφότερα with παρέχοντες, in both ways, i.e. as the context shows, by sea and land. ἀμφότερα and κατ’ ἀμφότερα do not of themselves mean on both elements, but show the same accus. as τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον, and κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους. It is the context that gives the special meaning.

ἔσχον —ingressive.

12. Ἴωσιν — those of Asia Minor, among whom the Phocaeans and Samos are specially mentioned.

13. ἐπὶ Κύρου —556-529 B.C.

16. Κύρῳ πολεμοῦντες —they were ultimately reduced by Harpagus. Cf. c. 16.

17. ἐπὶ Καμβύσου —C. reigned 529-521 B.C Polycrates ruled 532-521 B.C. According to Herod. 3.33, Samos was πολίων πασέων πρώτη Ἑλληνίδων καὶ βαρβάρων in the time of Polycrates.

19. *(πηνείαν ἑλών —Herod. 3.33 assigns far more imposing achievements to Polycrates: cf. ib. 122 τῆς δὲ ἀνθρωπίνης (i.e. not ‘heroic,’ like Minos) λεγομένης γενεῆς Πολυκράτης πρῶτος, ἐλπίδας πολλὰς ἔχων Ἰωνίης τε καὶ νήσων ἄρξειν. This gift was made to the Delian Apollo as the Ionian deity.

21. Μασσαλίαν οἰκίζοντες —at the time when they founded Massilia. Hdt. 1.166 gives an account of a victory of the Etruscans and Carthaginians about 546 B.C., the time of which Thuc. is here speaking. But Eusebius and others placed the foundation of Marseilles 600 B.C.: there is plainly a diserepancy in the dates given for its foundation. (Classen in the 3rd ed. took ἐνίκων to mean gained victories, and referred them to 600 B.C.; but Thuc. is plainly referring to circ. 546 B.C. See Steup's appendix.)

22. ταῦτα γάρ —these, in fact, were the strongest navies, i.e. the strongest possessed by Iomans (cf. 14.6 ).

23. φαίνεται with χρώμενα and ἐξηρτυμένα: ‘though these fleets were built ... we find’ etc.

25. πεντηκοντόροις —Gardner and Jevons, p. 652. It is plain from Herod. 1. 163 that penteconters counted as νῆες μακραί, and stand in contrast to νῆες στρογγύλαι, merchant-ships (cf. Thuc. 2.97. 1). Therefore the πλοῖα μακρά are doubtless long ships of larger and smaller size than penteconters. To their resemblance in size to merchant - ships the word πλοῖα seems to point.

26. ἐκεῖνα —those existing in the time of the Trojan War.

27. τοῦ Δαρείου θανάτου —485 B.C. ἐβασίλευσε , ‘reigned,’ rather than ‘became king.’

29. περί τε Σικελίαν —for the vague use of περί cf. Isocr. v. 111 εῖχε μεγίστην δύναμιν τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν. This is the age of the great Sicilian tyrants—Thero, Gelo, Hiero.

30 ἐς πλῆθος ἐγένοντο —reached a considerable number; probably the lit. sense is ‘came to.’

3. εἴ τινες ἄλλοι —sc. ἐκέκτηντο ναυτικά.

4. βραχέα —sc. ναυτικά, small fleets. This sense of βραχύς is fiequent in Thuc.

5. τὰ πολλά —the greater part of these consisted of.

ὀψέ τε ἀφ’ οὗ —sc ἧν, it was late when. For ἀφ οὗ we should expect ὅτε. but instead of saying ‘already when they started to build, it was so late that they could not get a strong fleet before the invasion of Xeixes,’ he says ‘from the time that they started’ etc. The building of the ships took place in 483-82 B C., the archonship of Nicodemus, and the invasion in 480 B.C. Herod. 7.33 does not say that Them, looked forward to a Persian invasion when he advised the building of the ships. It is thought that Herod, wanted to belittle Them

9. ἐναυμάχησαν —at Salamis

διὰ πάσης — throughent, an adverbial expression like ἀπὸ τῆς ἴσης c. 15; ἀπὃτῆς)πρώτης, etc. (This is better than supplying νεώς )

10. καταστρώματα —the Homeric ship was covered only fore and aft, the part in which the men rowed being open. (Cf. on c. 10. 4.)

12. τὰ παλαιά —i.e. the early fleets mentioned in c. 13. τὰ ὕστερον γενόμενα —i.e. those mentioned in c. 14.3.

14. οὐκ ἐλαχίστην —considerable, in spite of smallness of the fleets.

αὐτοῖς —τοῖς ναυτικοῖς.

χρημάτων προσόδῳ —see c. 13.5. The possession of a fleet enabled them still further to increase their trade.

16. τὰς νήσους κ .—began to or ‘endeavoured to reduce the islands.’ The enterprise of Athens and Corinth is alluded to, as in (ἐκεῖνοἰὅσοι μή .

18. ὅθεν τις — ‘as the result of which any considerable force was brought together,’ or ‘from which any considerable power was gained.’ This seems to be the meaning, corresponding to ἰσχὶν δὲ κτλ. above. But παραγίγνομαι in Thuc. of troops regularly means be assembled in the field, and with dat. ‘come to the support of’ To be added to is προσγίγνομαι. Hence many edd. render ‘in consequence of which any considerable force was collected.’ ὅθεν is then strange.

ξυνέστη —frequently used in this connexion from Herod. downwards.

22. οὐ γὰρ ξυνειστήκεσαν —they were not joined to the strongest states as subjects, nor yet did they of their own accord unite on an equal footing for a campaign.

25. κατ’ ἀλλήλους —inter se.

ὡς ἕκαστοι —cf. c. 3.4. Strictly ἐπολέμουν is supplied with ὡς, but the phrase practieally becomes a distributive nnmeral

27. Χαλκιδέων καὶ Ἐρετριῶν — the date of this war, fought for the possession of the Lelantian plain, is unknown. Herod says that Samos helped Chalcis and Miletus helped Eretria, and of course both sides must have attracted many other allies. The ultimate cause of the war was commercial rivalry. (Busolt i. p. 313.)

1. καὶ τὸ ἄλλο Ἑ —the rest of the Greeks also took sides as allies of the one or the other.

2. ἐπεγένετο —often of unfavourable occurrences, especially of anything sudden and unexpected, such as natural phenomena.

3. ἄλλοθι —in different parts.

μή —according to the constr, with verbs of hindrance ( 749, 807), though κωλύω generally has the simple infin.

4. καί —and in particular.— Ἴωσι is governed both by προχωρησάντων and by ὲπεστράτευσε There is an anacoluthon at ἐπεστρύτευσε, for strictly ὲπεγένετο should govern Ἴωσι with an abstract noun parallel to κωλύματα for its subject.

6. βασιλεία —MSS. authority is altogether in favour of this against ἐξουσία, and ἐξουσία does not seem to occur before Aristotle in this sense. Stahl thinks βασιλεία is a gloss on ἐξουσία. But it is possible that ἐξουσία itself is a gloss. The matter is complicated by the fact that both βασιλεία and ἐξουσία have a double sense (ἐξουσία, power to do a thing, a ‘power’; cf. βασιλεία τὸ ἀξίωμα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος βασιλευόμενον, Suidas). Of course here the sense is concrete.

Κροῖσον —the destruction of the Lydian monarchy was 546 B.C., Herod 1.87 etc.

ὅσα —a part. of εἰμί is constantly omitted after ὅσος.

ἐντὸς Ἅλυος ποταμοῦ —ἐντός from the Greek point of view. When ποταμός is added the art. is regularly inserted before the name of a river in Attic. But Herod. does not use the art., and Thuc. omits it in six passages. The only other known exx. are Isocr. 7, 80 (also ἐντὸς Ἅλυος π.) and Xen. Anab. 4.7.18.

9. καὶ τὰς νήσους —according to Herod. 1. 169, when the Ioman cities of the mainland submitted to Harpagus, the islands also gave in; but no doubt the submission of the islands was incomplete. Otherwise the rise of Polycrates would be unaccountable. Thuc. alludes to their reduction after Lade, 494 B.C.

10. τύραννοι —see c. 13.1. The course of the argument was there broken by the reference to the fleets, which were first dealt with.

11. τὸ ἐφ’ ἑαυτῶν —their own interests.

12. τὸ σῶμα —with regard to their personal good and the increase of their own estate. σῶμα includes safety and enjoyment.

14. δῑ ἀσφαλείας ... μάλιστα =ὅσον ἐδύναντο ἀσφαλέστατα. Had the utmost regard for security in the administration of their cities, i.e. ‘pursued a cautious policy’ by avoiding great enterprises. δι ἀσφαλείας is an adverbial phrase, like those with which ἔχειν is usually found, as δῑ ἐπιμελείας, δῑ ἡσυχίας, διὰ φυλακῆς .

15. ἀπ’ αὐτῶν —on their part.

16. εἰ μὴ εἴ τι —εἰ μὴ εἰ, nisi si, only here in Thuc. (see erit. note). εἰ μή becomes an adverb. 476, 4.

17. οἱ γάρ —for the use of γάρ cf. c. 14. 1. ‘The Sicilian tyrants in fact attained to the greatest power,’ i.e. greater power than any other of the tyrants (and they fought against their neighbours). The sense of πλεῖστον here is that of c. 1.2 ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀνθρώπων. There is no need for excision.

18. οὕτω πανταχόθεν —summing up the whole from c. 13.

19. κατείχετο —was held in check, ‘constrained.’ Cf. c. 16; but the second clause, κατὰ πόλεις τε shows that κατείχετο is felt here not as a verb of prevention, but of compulsion.

22. Ἀθηναίων —the overthrow of Hippias, 510 B.C.

23. οἱ ἐκ τῆς —the prep. by attraction to κατελύθησαν .

ἐπὶ πολὺ κτλ .—lit. which over a large area had been under tyrants even before Athens. The earliest instance was at Sicyon, where Orthagoras became tyrant circ. 670 B.C.

24. οἱ πλεῖστοι ... Σικελίᾳ —limiting apposition to οἱ τύραννοι, καὶ ... Σικελίᾳ explaining πλεῖστοι, most of them, the last in fact except those in Sicily. In Syracuse the tyrants lasted till 466 B.C., when Thrasybulus was expelled.

25. ὑπὸ Αακεδαιμονίων —the Spartans were called μισοτύραννοι. Cf. Aristotle, v. 10 Αακ. πλείστας κατέλυσαν τυραννίδας. But their traditional policy of tyrant-breaking was dropped in the fourth cent., when αὐτονομία became their watehword. Thus in 371 B.C. an orator is represented by Xen. as taunting the Spartans with preferring tyranny to free institutions. Alcibiades in his speech at Sparta (6.89—winter of 415-4 B.C.) makes a point out of this tradition.

27. τὴν κτίσιν —strictly speaking the Dorians did not found Sparta: it existed before the invasion; but there is no difficulty in speaking of the second founders thus.

1. ὧν ἴσμεν =ἐκείνων οὓς ἴσμεν. The στάσις lasted longer at Sparta than elsewhere: cf. Herod. i 65, the Spartans before Lycurgus κακονομώτατοι ἦσαν σχεδὸν πάντων Ἑλλήνων κατά τε σφέας αὐτοὺς καὶ ξείνοισι ἀπρόσμικτοι. In spite of this, they were the earliest to obtain good laws—μετέβαλον ἐς εὐνομίην (Herod. l.c.)= ηὐνομήθη.

4. τετρακόσια —this gives a later date than 884 B.C. which other authorities assign to Lycurgus.

7. δυνάμενοι =δυνατοὶ ὄντες, see L. & S.

8. μετὰ δέ —the main sentence is resumed after the parenthesis. Cf. the use of δἕδ’ οὖν) in c. 11. 1 ; οὖν in 7.42. 3 ; δέ is frequent. So autem, sed, igitur.

τὴν κατάλυσιν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος —the art. is not repeated with a verbal substantive. The words necessary to complete its sense generally follow, but sometimes precede it, as in 2.18. 3 κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην πορείαν ἡ σχολαιότης. In the latter case, the prepositional phrase is connected with the verb of the sentence (cf. 2.7. 2 ; 38. 1) as well as with the verbal substantive.

10. καὶ ἡ ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχη —i.e. now begins the modern period, τὰ Μηδικά.

12. τῷ μ. στόλῳ —the great armada.

14. ἐπικρεμασθέντος —impending, as ii. 53. 4; 3.40. 7.

16. τῶν ξυμπολεμησάντων —this and ἡγήσαντο are ingressive; ‘assumed the leadership of those who entered on the war as allies.’ προύχοντες —causal.

19. καὶ ἀνασκευασάμενοι ... ἐσβάντες ... ἐγένοντο =ἁναλαβόντες τὰ σκεύη ἐσέβησαν καὶ ἐγένοντο. Observe the historical importance of ναυτικοὶ ἐγένοντο, which is emphasised hy its connexion with ἡγήσαντο τῶν Ἑλλήνων.

20. ἀπωσάμενοι ... διεκρίθησαν —the subject modified in the course of the sentence from ‘the confederates’ to the confederates exclusive of Athens and Sparta, and those Asiatic cities and islands that revolted from Persia after Salamis.

24. ταῦτα —Athens and Sparta. διεφάνη —it had become clear that, denoting the singling out of these two from among the rest. The aor. in sense of plup. appears in (1) sentences introduced by ‘when,’ ‘since,’ ‘until’ regularly; (2) in rel. and other subord. sentences often, (3) in principal sentences oceasionally.

26. ὁμαιχμία —used hy Herod. and late writers; the adj. ὅμαιχμος in iii. 58. 4.

27. διενεχθέντες —open war in 457 B.C., dispute in 461 B.C. See c. 102. ἐπολέμησαν —till the thirty years' truce 445 B.C. See c. 107.

4. ἤδη ἐχώρουν —now regularly joined these states—i e. entered the alliance of Athens or Sparta. Contrast the earlier state of affairs, c. 15. 2 οὐ γὰρ ξυνειστήκεσαν κτλ,

5. τὰ μὲν σπενδόμενοι —this should mean now making truces; but we certainly expect ‘being now at peace.’ In the previous sentences Thuc. has described the state of affairs (a) from the battle of Salamis to 457 B.C., (b) from 457 onwards. Now during period (a) Athens and Sparta were at peace; but from 466 disputes began between Athens and her allies. During period (b) Athens and Sparta might be said to be ‘making truces’ (450, 445 B C.) or making war. The ὥστε therefore seems to refer to what happened from 466 onwards; but ἀπὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν—the war with Xerxes to the battle of Plataea (or Mycale) does not agree with this. There is a want of precision in the passage.

7. εὖ παρεσκευάσαντο τὰ πολέμια —ef. Arist. 23 of the Athenians, συνέβη τὰ εὶς τὸν πόλεμον ἀσκῆσαι. τὰ πολέμια in the sense of τὰ πολεμικά is found in Herod. and Hippocrates; Xen. Anab. 1.6.1; Arist. c. 3 and 23 .

11. ἡγοῦντο —sc αὐτῶν.

κατ’ ὀλιγαρχίαν κτλ .—i.e. θεραπεύοντες δὲ ὅπως πολιτεύσουσι κατ’‐ὀλιγαρχίαν(κατά of mannei), ἐπιτηδείως σφίσιν αὐτοῖς μόνον (‘in their, the Lacedaemonian, interests alone’). Cf. Arist. Pol. 4.11 τῶν ἑν ἠγεμονίᾳ γενομένων τῆς Ἑλλάδος ... οἱ μὲν δημοκρατίας καθίστασαν, οἱ δ’ ὀλιγαρχίας, οὐ πρὸς τὸ τῶν πόλεων συμφέρον σκοποῦντες ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ σφέτερον αὐτῶν .

13. ναῦς τε τῶν πόλεων —having gradually taken over (assumed possession of) the ships of the various cities. Cf. c. 99. 3.

16. καὶ ἐγένετο αὐτοῖς —two widely different views are taken of this passage according as αὐτοῖς means (a) ‘the Athenians’ only or (b) ‘the Athenians and Lacedaemonians.’ Omitting minor differences, we get (a) ‘and so her own resources for carrying on this war reached a greater strength than (what she had) when she stood at the height of her prosperity side by side with the undamaged forces of her confederates’; i.e. Athens had appropriated the forces of her confederates, as it were, and thus was stronger than when she was at the head of a body of independent allies. (b) The forces of Athens and Sparta separately were stronger than they had been (both together) during the period of the ὁμαιχμία (Classen) or ‘stronger than the strongest power each separately had wielded with its still undamaged συμμαχία’ (Herbst). (a) accords with what Thuc afterwards says of the growth of Athenian power (cf. c. 118) By τὰ κράτιστα he means the time before the reduction of Naxos (466 B.C.). ξυμμαχία ἀκραιφνής is in contrast with the appropriation of ships and imposition of tribute. (b) with Classen's rendering is too strong; with Herbst, we certainly hardly feel the statement, as far as it refers to Sparta, consistent with the reference to her policy made above.

20. τὰ παλαιά —this, as Herbst and Steup point out, refers only to the time before the expulsion of the tyrants—see note on c. 1.2 τὰ γὰρ πρὸ αὐτῶν κτλ. The events of the Persian wars were fully known, and in c. 18. 1 Thuc. comes to them as to modern events. Therefore we must suppose cc. 18 and 19 to form a long parenthesis—see the analysis of the προοίμιον, Intr III. note.

τοιαῦτα —i.e. comparatively insignificant, οὐ μεγάλα.

χαλεπὰ ὄντα —though it is difficult to trust every piece of evidence as put forward in the traditions about them. This is the personal construction for χαλεπὸν ὂν παντὶ ἑξῆς τ. π. The clause is amplified in what follows, and does not refer to what has preceded. πᾶν ἑξῆς =‘every one without exception.’

22. ἀκοάς — accounts.

24. σφίσιν —the indirect reflexive, which, as regularly used in subord. sentences, refers to subject of principal sentence. But later writers generally use ἑαυτούς etc. as both indirect and direct reflex.

ὁμοίως —as events that did not occur in their own place.

25. γοῦν —cf. c. 2.5. Here ‘for example’ (? and there too).

Ἵππαρχον —there is a more detailed account of the matter in 6.54-59. Hdt. 5.55; Hdt. 6.123; Arist. c. 18. There are no discrepancies between this account and the statement of Herod. and Arist. (for the statement in the latter that Thessalus was half-brother of Hipparchus is not necessarily a contradiction of this); but there are several differences between the Aristotelian account and the longer account given in book vi.

1. ὑποτοπήσαντές τι —feeling some suspicion. (Some connect τί with μεμηνῦσθαι .) ὑποτοπῆσαι used by Thuc. only in aor. inf. or partic.

2. ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ π . with μεμηνῦσθαι, on that great day at the very moment, before they were to take action.

3. ἐκ ... μεμηνῦσθαι —the other places in Thuc. in which ε·κ practically=ὑπό are 2.49. 1; iii. 69. 1; v. 104; 6.36. 2. The use is Ionic, not found in Aristoph., and there are only doubtful traces of it in the orators.

5. πρὶν ξυλληφθῆναι ... κινδυνεῦσαι —wishing to do something before they were arrested (and) then to take their chance. πρὶν ξ. goes with δράσαντές τι, and καί=‘on that condition.’

7. περὶ τὸ Αεωκόρειον —ἐν μέσῳ τῷ Κεραμεικῷ (Harpocration), but inside the city. Meanwhile Hippias (according to 6.57) was marshalling the procession outside the gates. The however says that Hippias was awaiting the procession on the acropolis. The route of the procession was from the (outer) Ceramicus to the temple of Athcna Polias. As for the Leocorion, the story was that the three daughters of King Leos were sacrificed to Pallas to avert famine from Athens. The chapel is connected with the worship of Apollo as god of purification.

9. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα —as regards; or (what comes to the same) οἴονται may be rendered ‘conceive.’

10. οὐ χρόνῳ ἀμνηστούμενα —le grec renforce souvent une idée positive en la reprenant sous forme négative (Chambry). Cf. p. 112 1. 16.

11. ὥσπερ κτλ .—Hdt. 6.57, if the kings are not present at a meeting of the Council, (κελεύουσἰτοὺς μάλιστά σφι τῶν γερόντων προσήκοντας ἔχειν τὰ τῶν βασιλέων γέρεα, δύο ψήφους τιθεμένους, τρίτην δὲ τὴν ἑωυτῶν. It may be that Thuc. is referring to that passage, and took it to imply that each king had two votes (though it is doubtful whether Herod. meant that). In ix. 53 Herod. mentions the λόχος Πιτανάτης as present at Plataea. It can hardly be doubted that Thuc. consciously includes Herod. among οἱ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες. See Jebb, , in , p. 273.

12. μιᾷ ψήφῳ —we expect the accus., as in Aesch. Eum. 738 ψῆφον δ’ Ὀρέστῃ τήνδ’ ἐγὼ προσθήσομαι, but the sense is ‘give their opinion (sc. γνώμην) with one vote.’ ( l.c. does not support the opinion of Classen and Steup that the use of the dat. is to be explained by the fact that the kings voted last.) The errors noted illustrate the difficulty of getting information about Spartan proceedings.

17. ἐκ ... τεκμηρίων with νομίξων. The object is (ἐκεῖνἀἃ διῆλθον, the pred. τοιαῦτα μάλιστἁεἶναι). The partic. νομίζων, πιστεύων, ἡγησάμενος are co-ordinate; but they express not condition, but means: lit. However, it is by considering the proofs I have given and in the light of them thinking that ... that one will escape error, and not by preferring to follow the embellishments and exaggerations of poets or the attractive but untrustworthy compositions of prose writers ... but by coming to the conclusion. Edd. generally represent the participles as conditional, but μήτε ... μήτε would then be required. See M.T. 835

20. ἐπὶ τό —so as to please the ear of the public rather than to arrive at the truth. The double compar. as regularly where two qualities in the same person or thing are contrasted: ἰὼ στρατηγοὶ πλέονες ἢ βελτίονες.

23. ὄντα —agreeing with the implied object of ξυνέθεσαν τὰ πολλά is in limiting apposition to this object, and αὐτῶν depends on τὰ πολλά.

24. ἀπίστως —so as to be incredible. This pregnant use of an adverb may often be noticed in the phrases with ἔχειν, διακεῖσθαι, διατιθέναι

ἐπὶ τὸ μυθῶδες ἐκνενικηκότα —generally rendered ‘have won their way into the region of the fabulous’: but Croiset explains ‘in which the fabulous character has ended by prevailing.’

26. ὡς παλαιὰ εἶναι —for the restrictive infin. see M.T. 781; ‘sufficiently considering their antiquity.’ The ‘plainest indications’ are the τεκμήρια of 21.1.

27. καὶ ὁ πόλεμος —Thuc. having ascertained, as clearly as is possible, the small importance of earlier undertakings, now returns to the Pel. War, which, to all who judge it in the light of the facts, will be found to have proved more important than they (τὰ παλαιά).

28. ἐν ᾦ — while

3. δηλώσει —with partic., as in 2.50 ἐδήλωσε ... ἄλλο τι ὄν. Cf. 5.9 δείξω οὐ παραινέσαι οἷός τε ὤν. Cf. Jebb on Soph. Ant. 20.

5. καὶ ὅσα μέν —after his reference to the importance of the war, Thuc. goes on to explain the manner in which he has dealt with it. ὅσα=‘as regards all that.

λόγῳ —Steup is probably right in explaining this, not as merely pleonastic, but as a reference to the set speeches, as distinct from ‘words’ generally: hence=‘in debate.’ Note, however, the implied contrast between τὰ ἔργα τῶν λεχθέντων and τὰ ἔργα τῶν πραχθέντων, deeds of speech and of act.

6. ἐν αὐτῷ —i.e. ἐν τῷ πολεμεῖν.

7. χαλεπόν —for the implied sense ‘impossible’ Steup compares c 20. 1; 7.87. 4

9. ὧν —rel. to τῶν λεχθέντων.

ἄλλοθέν ποθεν —from the various places where they happened to be

10. ὡς δ’ ἂν ἐδόκουν κτλ .—I have represented the various speakers as uttering the sentiments that seemed to me appropriate to the particular occasion, while I have kept as closely as possible to the general sense of what was really said: lit. as I believed that they would have best expressed what it was necessary to say. ἄν and μάλιστα belong to εἰπεῖν ˙ ἐχομένῳ κτλ. to εἴρηται, to which ἐμοί is supplied. The order is thus awkward, but it is made easier by the preceding ἐμοί. (The sense does not allow us to connect ἐχομένῳ with ἐδόκουν)

11. τὰ δέοντα —i.e. the best arguments that could be found to support the ξύμπασα γνώμη of the speaker. (Jebb, p. 275, thinks that Thuc. is tacitly contrasting this method with that of Herod., and, as it can scarcely be doubted that he does so in the passage that follows, this is probably true.)

14. τὰ δ’ ἔργα τῶν πραχθέντων —verbally this is opposed to τὴν ἀκρίβειαν τῶν λεχθέντων rather than to ὅσα λόγῳ εἶπον.

16. ἠξίωσα —thought it my business.

οὐδ’ ὡς ἐμοὶ ἐδόκει —in accordance with my own whims.

17. οἷς τε αὐτὸς παρῆν —i.e. (ἠξίωσα γράφειν ἐκεῖνἀοἷς: I described facts which I myself witnessed and (I described facts) after inquiring about each detail from others, thus ἐπεξελθών is parallel to οἷς αὐτὸς παρῆν, which, as Mr. Forbes says, is equivalent to αὐτὸς παραγενόμενος. (Another way is to make ἐπεξελθών govern οἶς αὐτὸς παρῆν, but this has the great disadvantage of making οἷς αὐτὸς παρῆν and παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων parallel phrases. See crit. note.)

18. ὅσον δυνατὸν ἀκριβείᾳ —for ( τοσοῦτον)ὅσον (accus. δυνατὸν(ἦν)ἀ. Notice that ἀκριβείᾳ here is subjective in sense, meaning the aecuracy of Thuc, not the accuracy of the facts, as in 22.1 .

21. ἑκατέρων —towards either side, objective gen. to εὐνοίας, as in 7.57. 10 Ἀθηναίων εύνοίᾳ. (Croiset connects ἑκατέρων τις , ex utrisque partibus quisque. )

ὡς ... εὐνοίας ἢ μνήμης ἔχοι —for the gen., that of the sphere in which, depending on ὡς, πῶς, ποῦ, ποῖ, and occasionally other advs. of manner, cf c. 36. 2. ἔχοι is iterative.

23 τὸ μὴ μυθῶδες —the fact that he hears no legend in my history. μἥ is here subjective, referring to what the reader will feel (The edd., as frequently in Thuc., give various explanations of this μή.)

αὐτῶν —with τὸ μὴ μ.; cf. c. 1. 2 .

24. ἀτερπέστερον —less attractive.

25. τῶν γενομένων —this means the past so far as Thuc. records it, the period with which he deals; for Thuc. could not suppose that his work would be useful as a record of all past history.

τὸ σαφές —the truth, ‘the exact nature.’

26 τῶν μελλόντων κτλ .—of what is likely to be repeated at some future time with more or less exactness.

1. κρίνειν —subject τούτους. αὐτά —my history, as αὐτῶν above.

2. τε —concluding, ‘and so.’

ἀγώνισμα —the word means performance, ‘feat,’ ‘show piece,’ or ‘prize’; here of a prize composition.

ἐς τὸ παραχρῆμα ἀκούειν —for immediate hearing.

4. τῶν δὲ πρότερον —it is by this time shown that τὰ παλαιά (cc. 2-17) were unimportant as compared with the Pel. War. But there remains the war against Xerxes (τὸ Μηδικόν, see c. 18. 2, the μέγας στόλος); and to that Thuc. now passes.

5. δυοῖν ναυμαχίαιν καὶ πεζομαχίαιν —which battles were these? The Schol says Artemisium and Salamis; Thermopylae and Plataea. But it is difficult to see how Mycale could be left out, and owing to the indecisive character of Artemisium, it is likely that Thuc. did not mean to include it, and reckoned Mycale as a ναυμαχία .

7. τούτου δὲ τοῦ π .—it is not possible to say with certainty whether Thuc. alludes to the Ten Years' War, or the whole of the Pel. War.

μέγα —predicative.

8. ξυνηνέχθη —cf. c. 9. 2. This use also, with an infin., is frequent in Herod.

11. ὑπὸ βαρβάρων —if the Ten Years' War is meant, the only case mentioned by Thuc. is Colophon ( 3.34); but if the Twenty-seven Years' War be meant, Mycalessus (29) may be included, though ἠρημωθησαν is somewhat exaggerated.

ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν —as Plataea (3.68), Mytilene (3.50), Thyrea (4.57).

12. οἰκήτορας μετέβαλον —as Aegina (2.27), Potidaea (2.70), Anactorium (4.49), Scione (5.32), Delos ( 5.1), Melos (5.116 ).

13. φυγαί —sc. ἐγένοντο. Instances of exile as the direct consequence of the war are the Plataeans (2.5), driven out by the Thebans, the Lesbians, who fled before the Athenians (4.52); exile as the result of στάσις occurred at Corcyra ( 3.69), Megara (4.74).

15. τά τε πρότερον κτλ .—moreover what was formerly repeated on hearsay, but seldom confirmed by fact, now became credible, because men saw it all.

17. σεισμῶν τε πέρι ... ἡλίου τε ἐκλείψεις —the construction changes slightly. We might have had σεισμοί or περὶ ἐκλείψεων.

19. οἱ αὐτοί — moreover, emphasising ἰσχυρότατοι. Cf. the use of idem.

20. πυκνότεραι —of course Thuc. does not record all the strange things that befell μετὰ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου: e.g. he records no instances of αὐχμός or λιμός (for λιμοί evidently does not refer to hunger caused by siege). He records two eclipses of the sun, one in 431 B.C. (2.28), the other in 424 B.C. (4.52), but if the Ten Years' War be meant, three eclipses could have been observed in Greece; or it the Twenty-seven Years' War is alluded to, six. Of course it is not certain that all of the eclipses were actually observed; Thuc., as Mr. Forbes says, only gives the popular opinion.

παρὰ τά —as compared with; cf. 4.6 χειμὼν μείζων παρὰ τὴν καθεστηκυῖαν ὥραν .

23. καὶ ἡ ... ἡ νόσος —the art. is similarly repeated to throw emphasis on the second part of the phrase—the disease that ... I mean the pestilence—in c. 126. 4, and in several other instances. With νόσος most edd. supply ἐγένετο: but Steup rightly says οὐκ ἄπιστος κατέστη, for when Thuc. describes the plague in 2.47, he expressly says that ‘it was said that it had broken out in several other places previously’ to 430 B.C.

μέρος τι —object of φθείρασα, sc. τῆς Ἑλλάδος, a great number of the Greeks.

26. ἤρξαντο δέ —the narrative of the war begins at the opening of Bk. ii., the remainder of this book being occupied with the αἰτίαι καὶ διαφοραί. The main emphasis is on λύσαντες κτλ.; the date of the recovery of Euboea is 445 B.C. (c. 115 ).

29. τὰς αἰτίας ... καὶ τὰς διαφοράς —these are again denoted by ἡ ἀληθεστάτη πρόφασις and αἱ ... αἰτίαι in 23.6.

3. τὴν μὲν γὰρ κτλ —apparently τὴν ... λόγῳ is attributive predicate to τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ... ἀναγκάσαι, as Classen explains, lit. As for the truest motive ... I think that the A... . forced etc. The assumption of a ‘confnsion of construction’ (Kiuger) seems unnecessary. Chambry explains τὴν ἀ. πρόφασιν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἡγοῦμαι ... καἳἡγοῦμαι) ... ἀναγκάσαι, so that ἡγοῦμαι has two objects differently expressed, but γιγνομένους and παρέχοντας can scarcely be separated.

4. πρόφασιν —of the actual motive, as in 6.6, and now and then in other authors. When so used it seems to denote the motive as it appears to the mind of the writer as distinct from the motive as put forward by the doer.

5. μεγάλους γιγνομένους —in c. 118 Thuc. says that the Athenians during the period between the foundation of the Delian Confederacy and the war (the ) ἐπὶ μέγα ἐχώρησαν δυνάμεως. We might, therefore, look for μείζους ἀεί in place of μεγάλους, but, as this is the first mention of Atheman power, the pos. is quite natural. This growing greatness of A. is described in cc. 88-118; αι· ... λ. αἰτίαι occupy cc. 24-87.

11. Ἐ. ἐστι πόλις —there is a city named E.

ἐσπλέοντι —dat. of the ‘person judging,’ frequent in Thuc. The direct accus. instead of ἐς after ἐσπλεῖν is poetical, and occurs nowhere else in prose.

12. Ἰόνιον —the Adriatic.

16. Κορίνθιος —when a city that was a colony founded a colony in turn, it was usual to choose a founder from the original mother-city.

τῶν ἀφ’ Ἡ . depends on Φαλίος, of the family of the Heraclidae.

21. δύναμις —see crit. note. The gloss πόλις is, of course, due to πολυάνθρωπος. An obvious change would be δύναμις μ. καὶ <πόλις > πολυάνθρωπος, but δύναμις πολυάνθρωπος is surely a possible phrase, as δύναμις denotes military power: cf. 33. 2 αὕτἡἡ δύναμις)πάρεστιν αὐτεπάγγελτος.

23. ἀπὸ πολέμου ... ἐφθάρησαν —in consequence of a war with ... they became crippled.

24. τῆς δυνάμεως depends on τῆς πολλῆς, i.e. the idiom ἡ πολλὴ τῆς δ. is used.

25. τὰ δὲ τελευταῖα ... πολέμου —in the period immediately preceding this war.

1. ἐπελθόντες —this conjecture seems required, since with ἀπελθόντες (‘the departed exiles’) we miss a circumstantial partic. to ἐλῄζοντο.

7. περιορᾶν φθειρομένους —in c. 35. 4 περιορῶ with infin. With infin. περιορῶ occurs only in Herod. and Thuc., and =ἐῶ: with partic. (pres. or aor. with different shade of meaning)=‘look on’ with indifference.

15. ἐν ἀπόρῳ εἴχοντο —ἔχεσθαι ἐν πολλῇ ἀπορίᾳ occurs in Antiphon v. 16, Lys. xiii. 11 ; εἶναι ἐν ἀπόρῳ Thuc. 3.22. The ordinary phrase is ἐν(πολλᾖἀπορίᾳ εἶναι.

16. θέσθαι τὸ παρόν —how to arrange the matter.

18. εἰ παραδοῖεν —oblique for the delib. subjunct.

19. τιμωρίαν τινὰ ποιεῖσθαι —cf. c. 5. 1, ‘obtain help’; but the words would naturally mean to bring help (the idiom with ποιεῖσθαι). In 6.60, however, ἄδειαν ποιεῖσθαι means to obtain immunity.

20. αὐτοῖς —the Corinthians, depending on παραδοῦναι .

24. σφῶν —here, and frequently in Herod. and Thuc., as direct reflexive, referring to the subject of the same clause.

27. κατά τε τὸ δίκαιον —this does not mean as was right, but that τὸ δίκαιον was the motive put forward by the Corinthians; i.e. τὸ δίκαιον has its rhetorical use, and the plea may be illustrated by the saying συγγνώμη ἀδελφῷ βοηθεῖν.

2. ἅμα δὲ καί —for the δέ following τε cf. c. 11. 1.

4. οὔτε γάρ —the verb is ἔπεμπον (c. 26. 1), but, owing to the length of the sentence, the construction is changed (anacoluthon), and instead of οι· Κερκυραῖοι being the subject of the verb, a new subject, οἱ Κορίνθιοι, is introduced. The outline of the sentence is as follows: 1. (a) οὔτε ... νομιζόμενα, (b) οὔτε ... ἀποικίαι: 2. περιφρονοῦντες δέ, (a) καὶ (‘both’) ... πλουσιωτάτοις, (b) καὶ ... δυνατώτεροι, (c) ναυτικῷ δὲ ... ἐπαιρόμενοι, etc.

4. ἐν πανηγύρεσι ταῖς κοιναῖς —festivals common to Corinth and Corcyra.

5. γέρα —the schol. rather vaguely says τὰς τιμὰς καὶ προεδρίας. The corresponding passage in Diodorus says that the Corcyraeans neglected to send animals for sacrifice.

6. Κορινθίῳ ἀνδρὶ ... ἱερῶν —Hdt. 6.81 (Cleomenes of Sparta at Argos) Xen. Hell. 3.4 (Agesilaus of Sparta at Aulis) allude to the fact that a ξένος could not offer sacrifice in a strange city without permission. Dittenberger shows that προκατάρχεσθαι is equivalent to προθύειν (cf. 323 and 358): certain ceremonies took place before a victim was killed for sacrifice (Gardner and Jevons, p. 250), and these ceremonies had to be performed by a citizen of the place. The Corcyraeans would not perform them for Corinthians, and thus prevented the latter from sacrificing in Corcyra. Thuc. uses προκατάρχεσθαι here for the usual κατάρχεσθαι .

8. καὶ χρημάτων κτλ .—partly because the power that money gave them put them on a level with the richest of the Greeks. By ‘the richest of the Greeks’ the Corinthians themselves are meant. There is some exaggeration, no doubt, for the Athenians were actually among the richest; but the wealth of Corinth had become a tradition (see c. 13). ὁμοία ὄντες is not possible (see crit. note), and δυνατοί cannot be supplied with Herbst from δυνατώτεροι. <ἐν > δυνάμει ... ὁμοίᾳ or δυνάμει ... ὁμοῖοι would give the required sense with a proper construction, but no correction is certain.

12. προύχειν —ἐπαίρομαι is found only here with infin.= ‘boast.’

ἔστιν ὅτε —with καὶ κατὰ κτλ., sometimes even on the ground that the Phaeacians, who were famous for seamanship, had dwelt in Corcyra before them. The Greeks identified Corcyra with the Scheria of the For the naval reputation of the Phaeacians see vii. 34-39, where they are called ναυσικλυτοί.

14. ᾗ καί —this circumstance (that they were proud of the reputation of the Phaeacians) led them to. καί =‘and in fact.’

15. οὐκ ἀδύνατοι , meiosis for δυνατώτατοι .

18. ἔπεμπον — sent, the imperf. being frequently used with πέμπω and other verbs—κελεύω, δέομαι etc.—where we look for aor. Perhaps it is because it takes time to deliver the message.

20. καὶ Ἀμπρακιωτῶν —with φρουρούς.

22. Ἀπολλωνίαν —now the ruins of , S. of Durazzo.

2. καὶ ὕστερον —in eontrast with εὐθύς. The ἕτερος στόλος seems to anticipate ἀλλὰ στρατεύουσιν κτλ. in 26.4; but the edd. explain with Poppo, that this new force consisted of fifteen ships (hence forty below, cf. c. 29. 4). But στρατεύουσιν ἐπ’ αὐτούς should not allude to a hostile move made by the twenty-five ships already on the spot (the rendering ‘assume the offensive’ being madmissible): they should refer only to the new force sent from home.

3. κατ’ ἐπήρειαν —in a threatening manner, with ἐκέλευον .

6. ἀποδεικνύντες —cf. c. 25. 2, ‘calling their attention to graves (of their common ancestors buried at Corcyra) and ties of blood, to which they appealed.’ ἥν applies equally to both nouns, but is attracted to the nearer.

9. αὐτῶν —neut., with οὐδέν, the demands.

10. ἀλλὰ στρατεύουσιν —parataxis, the sense being, ‘but, instead of the E. listening to their demands, the C.’

14. προεῖπον combines public ‘summons’ with ‘notice’; Herod. 2.33; vii. 149. Infins. of different kinds are combined also with λέγω and γιγνώσκω .

18. αὐτοῖς —see on c. 13. 3.

22. ἐπὶ τῇ ... ἰέναι —epexegesis of ἀποικίαν, and governed by ἐκήρυσσον. For the dat. fem. in adverbial phrase cf. c. 15. 2. The new colonies were to have equal rights with the old.

24. ἐθέλει ... βούλεται —if ἐθέλοι is right, the two moods are combined in ; ἐθέλοι represents ἐθέλει of recta, and there is no change of meaning. It should be noticed that the gives ἐθέλει: for the change of indic. after εἰ to optat. is rare, but occurs occasionally, as in Lys. vii. 34 προσῆλθον λέγων ὅτι ... ἕτοιμός εἰμι, εἴ τινα βούλοιτο (=βούλει), παραδοῦναι. In Thuc. 8.89. 3 εἰ μὴ ἤκοιεν represents εἰ μὴ ἥκουσι .

26. Κορινθίας —the Cor. drachma was about two-thirds of the value of the Attic.

μένειν —oblique for μενέτω.

4. Κεφαλλήνων — partitive; there were four πόλεις in Cephallenia, of which Pale was one.

9. κενάς —sc. ἀνδρῶν.

15. παρέλαβον — ‘had taken with them,’ to support the request There is no difficulty in supposing that Sparta and Sicyon were ready to lend their voice to a request that Corinth should withdraw the new settlers. These οἰκήτορες must have appropriated the property of the exiled Corcyraean oligarchs; and the proceeding of Corinth was in this respect high-handed. The sending of the πρέσβεις did not commit Sparta to anything.

18. ἀντιποιοῦνται —sc. Ἐπιδάμνου.

δίκας δοῦναι —submit the case to arbitration. δ. διδόναι καὶ δέχεσθαι is a technical phrase for legal arbitration between states as opposed to war: cf. vii. 18 ὅπλα μὴ ἐπιφέρειν ἢν δίκας ἐθέλωσι διδόναι.

19. αἷς ἂν κτλ = παρ’ αἷς ἂν δίκας δοῦναι ἀ. ξ.

21. κρατεῖν —sc. ἤθελον.

ἤθελον δέ —an alternative suggestion to submit the decision to Apollo.

22. πόλεμον δὲ κτλ. —but they charged them not to cause a war. Notice the difference between πόλεμον ποιῶ and π. ποιοῦμαι.

23. εἰ δὲ μή — M.T. 478. καὶ αὐτοί —they in turn. The elaborate wording of the allusion to Athens is intended to mark the earnestness and reluctance of the Corcyraeans.

24. ἐκείνων βιαζομένων —if the Corinthians forced them.

25. ἑτέρους τῶν νῦν —gen. of comparison; Xen. Mem. 4.4. 25 ἄλλα τῶν δικαίων. So Lat. alius occasionally has abl. τῶν νῦν ὄντων means the Peloponnesians whose confederacy Corcyra threatens to leave. μᾶλλον goes with φίλους ποιεῖσθαι, sooner than agree to the demand of Corinth.

26. ὠφελίας ἕνεκα —in self-defence.

1. πρότερον δ’ κτλ. — equivalent to οὐ καλῶς ἔχειν πρότερον αὐτούς (the Corinthians and Corcyraeans) δικάζεσθαι, πολιορκουμένων τῶν Ἐπιδαμνίων, but the logic of the sentence is sacrificed to a verbal antithesis.

4. ταῦτα —i.e. withdraw the ships and the Illyrians.

ἑτοῖμοι δὲ εἶναι —Krüger supplies δικαζεσθαι, and ὥστε then =‘on the understanding that’; but this is not very satisfactory after ποιήσειν ταῦτα has intervened. Bohme and others make μένειν depend on ἑτοῖμοι εἷναι, with ὥστε pleonastic; and for this ἱκανὸς ὥστε is cited from Plat. 338 c. In either case the sense is the same; they were prepared to agree that besiegers and besieged should stay as they were and make a truce until the arbitration was concluded. ποιήσασθαι is co-ordinate with μένειν . (Mr. Forbes supplies ποιεῖν ταῦτα to ἑτοῖμοι εἶναι: but ποιεῖν ταῦτα cannot= δικάζεσθαι, for in that case the second proposal of the Coreyraeans, ἢν καὶ ἐκεῖνοι κτλ., is a less conciliatory suggestion than their original proposal, 28.2.)

9. προπέμψαντες ... πρότερον —pleonasm, as in c. 23. 5.

11. ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ πέντε —the numbers given in c. 27. 2 amount to 68, but to these are to be added the νῆες κεναί from Elis.

δισχιλίοις —the number is puzzling, as in c. 27. 2 the Cor. are said to be pieparing to send 3000.

12. ἐπί — for, not ‘against.’ ἐναντία , internal accus, as adv.; cf. c. 6. 6 .

19. τὸ ἱερὸν Ἀπόλλωνος —the celebrated temple of Ἀπόλλων Ἄκτιος, best known to us from its connexion with the battle of Actium.

21. προύπεμψαν —before taking hostile action.

23. ζεύξαντες —probably this means that they inserted new cross-beams, called ζυγώματα or ζυγά, connecting one side of the ship with the other. (The ζυγώματα. however, may be ribs, σταμῖνες.) This has nothing to do with undergirding, which, as Mr. Forbes says, would be ζώσαντες.

24. ἐπισκευάσαντες —overhauled to see if repairs were needed.

27. τεσσαράκοντα —see c. 25. 4 .

2. παρὰ πολύ —always with a word implying comparison; cf. παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσηθέντες 2.89. 3 .

6. παραστήσασθαι —sc. τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον.

ὥστε =ἐφ) ᾧτε|. ἐπήλυδας —the οἰκήτορες of c. 26. 1.

10. Λευκίμμῃ —, SE. of Corcyra, near which the battle was doubtless fought.

11. ἄλλους —those taken in the sea-fight.

18. τῆς γῆς —partitive.

20. τοῦ τε χρόνου τὸν πλεῖστον —with μέχρι οὗ, most of the time they were controlling the sea and plundering the allies, ‘until.’ (Classen and Herbst understand by ὸ χρόνος the remainder of the campaigning season, but, without any qualification of χρόνος, this is surely impossible.) Of course the time intended must depend on the meaning of περιόντι τῷ θέρει, for which see next note. Thuc. means that the Corcyraeans did not keep their fleet at sea all the time between the departure of the Corinthian fleet and its reappearance.

24. περιιόντι τῷ θέρει —περιόντι, being the reading of all MSS, may be accepted. If περιεῖναι is intended, the explanation offered (Ullrich and others) is in ‘the remaining part of the summer.’ Herbst supports this rendering with ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει τελευτῶντι etc. (see the passages quoted by Mr. Forbes). But τῷ θέρει τελευτῶντι means in the summer when it was ending; and περιόντι τῷ θέρει=‘in the summer when it was (all) remaining over,’ the predicative partic., as Kruger says, modifying the whole sphere covered by the sense of the noun (cf. Bloomfield's note): this cannot yield the sense ‘in the remaining part of the summer.’ περιόντι must therefore be referred to περιιέναι, Aeolic elision. Examples of this elision of the ι of περί are Aesch 1145 περέβαλον, 634 περεσκήνωσεν, and περιών is frequently given in MSS. for περιιών. In Xen. Hell. 3.2. 25 the best MS. has περιόντι τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ. This means during the summer when it was coming round to autumn, drawing to a close. Steup and others, following the Schol. ἐνισταμένῳ, understand ‘when the summer came round’ to mean, when the next summer came; but this does not square so well with the concluding words of the chapter, which seem to refer to the winter of the year in which the battle was fought. If ‘drawing to a close’ is the meaning, then the dates would be:

Battle of Leucimme (c. 29. 4), ... Spring 435.

Return of Corinthian fleet (c. 30. 3), Autumn 435.

Corinthian preparations (c. 31. 1). Summer 435-33.

If, however, the sense is ‘when the next summer came,’ the first two dates should be altered to summer 435, and spring 434. (Remember that ‘summer’ in Thuc. includes spring and autumn.) In either case the calculations are based on the date of the battle of Sybota, for which see c. 51.

25. σφῶν —see c. 25. 2.

5. τὸ θέρος τοῦτο —i.e. for what was left of the campaigning season of 435. (If περιόντι applies to the next summer, then the whole summer of 434 would be meant.)

9. ὀργῇ φέροντες —excited by the war, ὀργή being ‘passion, excitement, impulse,’ as well as anger. It is the ‘war fever’ that Thuc. means.

11. τὰ κράτιστα —cf. c. 19, end.

12. ἔκ τε αὐτῆς κτλ .—ἐρέτας is object of ἀγείροντες, to which μισθῷ πείθοντες is subordinate. Steup, however, supplies ναῦς to ἀγείροντες, and makes μ. πείθοντες co-ordinate with ἀγείροντες. He joins τῆς ἄλλης Ἐ. ἐρέτας together (‘rowers belonging to other parts of Greece’). With the ordinary construction, supply ἐκ before τῆς.

16. ἔνσπονδοι =ξύμμαχοι . ἐσεγράψαντο —causal mid.

19. γενέσθαι —dependent on πειρᾶσθαι. Under the terms of the treaty the ἄγραφοι πόλεις might seek the alliance of either Athens or Sparta; but of course the request might be refused.

20. ὠφελίαν =βοήθειαν.

22. πρεσβευσόμενοι —to negotiate with them. The mid. seems to express reciprocity, and the word is rather loosely used.

24. προσγενόμενον —trans. ‘the addition of their fleet to ...,’ the chief emphasis being on the partic.

25. θέσθαι —as in c 25. 1.

26. ἐς ἀντιλογίαν ἦλθον —cf. εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν τινι.

28. εὐεργεσίας ... προυφειλομένης — ‘without having a elaim through some great serviee rendered or through a previously existing alliance.’ The meaning is simply ‘we cannot urge that we are seeking to renew an old ξυμμαχία or that we have a claim on you for services rendered.’ ‘We are not εὐεργέται of Athens’: for this see on c. 137. 4 καί μοι εὐεργεσία ὀφείλεται and c. 128. 4.

2. τοὺς πέλας — others.

4. πρῶτον —answered by ἔπειτα δέ.

5. ξύμφορα —internal accus.=ξύμφορον δέησιν.

7. βέβαιον —(cf. c. 2) pred., ‘unfailing.’

εἰ ... καταστήσουσι —if they do not propose to ... .

9. μετά — while or ‘besides,’ a characteristic substitute for μετὰ τοῦ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν αἰτεῖν.

12. τετύχηκε δὲ κτλ —lit. it has turned out that the same conduct not only involves us in inconsistency in our dealing with you, as regards the request we make, but is also disadvantageous (to us) in respect of our own position at the present time; i.e. beeause we have hitherto abstained from entering your alliance it is inconsistent to be seeking it now, and for the same reason we are now in danger. To ἄλογον and ἀξύμφορον supply ὄν, which is often omitted with τυγχάνω, φαίνομαι, διατελῶ, and occasionally with other verbs; cf. c. 34 end.

16. ἑκούσιοι — ‘having deliberately avoided all alliances’ (not ‘having entered into no alliance, if we could help it’). The strained position of ἑκούσιοι, and other words, throws special emphasis on the different parts of the clause. This statement is referred to by the Corinthian at c. 37. 2 ξιμμαχίαν οὐδενός πω δέξασθαι.

18. Κορινθίων —with πόλεμον ; cf. θεῶν πόλεμος, θεῶν ὅρκος, oath by the gods.

δῑ αὐτό —on that account, a favourite use of αὐτό and αὐτά with Thuc.

19. περιέστηκεν ... φαινομένη —what formerly seemed discretion in us ... has now on the eontrary proved clearly to be want of foresight and weakness. The partic. with περιεστάναι as in the eonstruction τυγχάνει οὖσα. But cf. c. 120. 5.

20. τῇ ... γνώμῃ —with ξυγ. , to share the risks of another's policy.

22. τὴν ... ναυμαχίαν —internal accus.

23. κατὰ μόνας —perhaps δυνάμεις is the subst, omitted in this phrase=‘unaided.’

28. μέγας —sc. ἔσται ἡμῖν.

1. μὴ μετὰ κακίας κτλ. —not maliciously, but because we were mistaken in our policy, we boldly act in a manner inconsistent with our former inactivity. There is nothing mean in seeking an alliance now for the first time when we are in danger: we were mistaken in not seeking it before.

4. ἡ ξυντυχία ... τῆς ἡ. χρείας —lit. the coincidence of our request, i.e. ‘our request, coming at such a moment.’

10. ὡς ἂν μάλιστα ... μαρτυρίου —se. καταθεῖσθε, lit. as you would most with a record never forgotten, i.e. ‘in the manner most certain to be remembered for ever by us.’

11. καταθήσεσθε —necessary correction of καταθῆσθε, will confer the favour on us. The met. is from investment of money. Cf. c. 128. 4.

12. ναυτικόν τε still depends on ὅτι.

15. καὶ (πρὸ πολλῆς) χάριτος —i.e. your gratitude would have been great even if you could only have gained this aceession of power for a large sum. Isocr. 13, 11; Dem. pro. 33.

16. δύναμιν —a power (powerful state), to be translated as subject of πάρεστιν.

18. φέρουσα ἐς —producing in the minds of others an impression of generosity, a feeling of gratitude in those whom ... . Notice the use of ἀρετή here.

23. ἀσφάλειαν —referring to ἰσχύν: κόσμον referring to ἀρετὴν καὶ χάριν .

1. ὑμετέρῳ —of you.

2. δυναμένους —Stahl takes this and ὄντας in apposition to Κορινθίους, and removes the second καί so that only προκαταλαμβάνοντας depends on αἰσθάνεται. It is better with Steup to render the first καί both, and to make ὄντας also depend on αἰσθάνεται: ‘and are preparing by trying to subdue us for an attack on you.’

5. κατ· αὐτοὺς ... στῶμεν —confront them.

δυοῖν φθάσαι ἁμάρτωσιν —(1) ‘may not lose two things’ means may secure one or the other: hence ἢ ... ἤ following. (2) But the construction of φθάσαι and δυοῖν is doubtful. Taking δυοῖν dependent on ἁμάρτωσιν, as in Andoc. 1.20 δυοῖν τοῖν μεγίστοιν κακοῖν οὐκ ἦν αὐτῷ ἁμαρτεῖν, most cdd. make φθάσαι epexegetic, to gain them before (we make alliance). The order is against this, and φθάσαι should then=to gain one of them. It has been proposed to remove φθάσαι; but it is best, with Croiset, to take δυοῖν as dat.=‘fail to be beforehand with two things.’ Either they will inflict a disastrous defeat on Corcyra, or frighten her into joining themselves.

8. διδόντων — offering, as frequently.

9. προεπιβουλεύειν ... ἀντεπιβουλεύειν — the jingle called paronomasia, to which Thuc. is partial; e.g. 6.76 οὐκ ἀξυνετωτέρου κακοξυνετωτέρου δέ.

16. ἐκπέμπονται —sc. οἱ ἄποικοι, from πᾶσα ἀποικία .

17. προκληθέντες —see c. 28. 2 .

19. τῷ ἴσῳ —τῷ νόμῳ καὶ τῷ δικαίῳ, παρ’ οἶς ἡ ἰσότης (Schol.).

τὰ ἐγκλήματα μετελθεῖν —like δίκην μέτειμι, enforce their claims.

21. ὥστε —for the construction cf. c. 49. 7; 129. 3.

22. ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος —in a straightforward way, with δεομένοις.

25. λαμβάνων —the same use with subst. referring to the feelings, c. 77. 6; cf. 2.64 τὸ ἐπίφθονον λαμβάνειν.

27. μηδετέρων —on account of the subjective sense given by δεχόμενοι—it is from the Lac. point of view.

28. εἴρηται —there is a clause in the thirty years' truce.

1. ἀρέσκηται —sc. ἐλθεῖν, mid., not as in c. 129 τοῖς λόγοις ἀρέσκομαι. The use of the mid. is Ionic.

5. προκειμένης —open to all.

7. εἶτα —and actually as a climax of arrogance an object if you help us.

9. ἐν αἰτίᾳ ἔχειν—a frequent idiom in Thuc. (Kr., followed by Steup, reads ὠφελίας εἴ τε ἐν ... δεόμεθα, πολὺ δή κτλ.)

11. οὐχ ὅπως —so far from.

14. περιόψεσθε —in sense= ἐάσετε, hence the infin. With the partic. περιορᾶν=to overlook what actually occurs; 1.24.6.

ἥν —sc. δύναμιν προσλαβεῖν αὐτοὺς περιιδεῖν.

ἀλλ) —sc. δίκαιόν ἐστι.

15. κἀκείνων ... καὶ ἡμῖν —i.e. stop them too from getting help, if you will not help us, or help us too if you let them ‘help themselves’ from your empire. κωλύω with a pers. object and without infin., ‘stop the mercenaries they draw,’ is not common; Eur. frag. 1041 Nauck οἰκοφθόρον γὰρ ἄνδρα κωλύει γυνὴ ἐσθλή .

16. πέμπειν ὠφελίαν —means send aid without concluding a formal alliance: βοηθεῖν ἀπὸ τοῦ π. δεξαμένους=‘openly receive us into alliance and so help us.’

19. ὑπείπομεν — ‘suggested.’ The ref. is to c. 33. 1 γενήσεται καλὴ ἠ ξυντυχία κατὰ πολλά.

20. μέγιστον —sc. τὸ ξυμφέρον ἀποδείκνυμεν. have the same powerful enemies as you have; and that is a great advantage to you, because it will bind us to you.

21. ἦσαν —are, as we saw; the didactio imperf.; but the word is prob. spurious, because (1) this use of the imperf. is not made out for the speeches of Thuc.: (2) we cannot supply ἦσαν to what follows—οὖτοι ... βλάψαι—but require εἰσίν, since nothing has been said to suggest that.

23. τοὺς μεταστάντας —those who shall have abandoned your alliance. This seems more probable than the rendering ‘those who have abandoned them (Corinth),’ as the mothercity. Athens may feel that Corcyra would be afraid to abandon the alliance with her.

24. οὐχ ὁμοία ἡ ἀλλοτρίωσις —Classen and others understand ‘the rejection of it is not the same thing (as if it were a continental alliance),’ i.e is more dangerous to you. Stahl, Steup and others: to estrange us is not a matter of indifference to you, which accounts better for the ἀλλά following: ‘but you should make friends with a naval power if you cannot prevent its existence.’

26. ἐᾶν ... ἔχειν —infin. in imperative sense. (Some think δεῖ is lost before εἰ δὲ μή.)

2. φοβεῖται δέ —supply ὅστις as subject, but it is usual to omit the second rel. in Greek in such a case.

3. τὰς σπονδὰς λύσῃ —i.e. if he has not been convinced by what we have said on this point; see c. 35. 1. , the speaker has already explained, there will be no breach of the truce; but the alliance might be considered by Corinth as a breach of its spirit.

4. τὸ δεδιός —a favourite construction of Thuc. 2.59. 3 τὸ ὀργιζόμενον τῆς γνώμης: below c. 84. 6; τὸ μέλλον 90. 2; 142. 8. The neut. partic. with art. as noun is rarely used by other prose authors: Xen. Cyr. IV. v. 39 τὸ ἐλλεῖπον .

ἰσχὺν ἔχον —as the result of alliance with us.

5. μὴ δεξαμένου —if he rejects our request.

7. ἀδεέστερον —less formidable: here in passive sense. Cf. the double meaning of φοβερός, formidolosus.

οὐ ... τὸ πλέον =ἦσσον.

10. ἐς τὸν ... ἐνδοιάζῃ κτλ. —hesitates to secure for her in view of the war ... a place which beeomes friend or enemy with most important consequences to you (in either case).

13. τῆς ... Σικελίας depends on παράπλου, the coasting voyage to I. and S., Corcyra being the half-way house when the ordinary route to Sicily and Lower (Greek) Italy was taken —viz. round the coast of Peloponnese and to Corcyra and thence across. The gen. παράπλου depends on καλῶς in the phrase καλῶς κεῖται constructed on the analogy of καλῶς ἔχει, ὡς ἔχει (e.g. c. 22. 3 )etc.

16. ἐπελθεῖν —generally go to attack, here to help. Sparta hoped for sueh help from the west.

τό τε ἐνθένδε —a fleet going from Athens to Italy or Sicily. This passage was prob. written by Thuc. later in the war, when Athens had sent out such fleets via Coreyra.

18. βραχυτάτῳ κτλ. — ‘this is the briefest summary, including the whole situation and the details, by which ...’ τοῖς τε ξύμπασι καὶ καθ’ ἕκαστον is taken by Classen as adverbial =‘on the whole as well as in detail,’ but there is no parallel for the phrase in dative. It is awkward, but better, to make it apposition to κεφαλαίῳ (Kiuger). It is true that only one general matter is presently referred to (viz. the naval strength of Corcyra), so that τὰ καθ’ ἕκαστον seem wanting (Stahl); but the speaker means if you think out this summary, you will find it includes all detailed arguments too. If we look at the ξυμφέροντα to Athens that are brought forward in this speech, we shall notice (1) that the speaker in each case leads up to the fleet of Corcyra as the crowning argument, (2) that he is well aware that this is the argument that will really impress Athens. It is therefore right to insist on it at the end. κεφάλαιον means summary of the points previously raised. Edd. seem to overlook the fact that this passage is rhetorical, and not necessarily strictly accurate. (The remedy proposed is to make τοῖς ... ἕκαστον masc., either as dat. commodi depending on β. κεφαλαίῳ (Poppo, Steup) or placed after or before ξυμφορώτατόν ἐστι.)

20. τρία μέν —sc. ἐστί: ὄντα belongs to λόγου ἄξια. (There is no anacoluthon here.)

26. πλείοσι κτλ. —‘with our ships in addition (to yours). For this use of πλείων cf. e.g. Aesch. Ag. 755 τὸ δυσσεβὲς γὰρ ἔργον ... πλείονα τίκτει. (To take ταῖς ἡμετέραις as dat. of measure dependent on πλείοσι gives an ugly construction.)

3. ὡς καί for καὶ ὡς, unless καί is due to dittography (ὡς and καί are sometimes confused in MSS.). The parallels quoted, like 2.44 ὅ τι ἄξιον καὶ εἰπεῖν, are not close. (Steup thinks that after καί a clause is lost in which one of the two topics summed up in ἀμφοτέρων was expressed.)

5. ἀμφοτέρων —strictly τὸ ἡμᾶς ἀδικεῖν and τὸ αὐτοὺς πολεμοῦσθαι are but one topic differently expressed, and the two aspects of the matter are not clearly distinguished in what follows.

6. οὕτω —like tum demum.

7. ἀξίωσιν — claim.

8. μὴ ἀλογίστως —together as one word.

10. τὸ δέ —but that. τό being demonstrative in sense.

11. ἀρετῇ —either depending on ἐπί, or perhaps rather causal dat. ἀρετή means τὸ σῶφρον: cf. c. 32. 4 .

ξύμμαχόν τε —we have here the only example of τε followed by οὔτε (before παρακαλοῦντες. οὔτε ... τε is common): ‘wishing to have no ally in their nefarious schemes (persecuting their neighbours) or witness ( οὐδέ does not mean not even here as Mr. Forbes supposes), and to avoid exposing themselves to shame by asking others to aid them (in such schemes).’ The simplest change proposed is to alter οὐδέ to οὔτε (Weil), so that τε would co-ordinate βουλόμενοι to ἐπὶ κακουργίᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἀρετῇ and οὔτε μ. ἔχειν=‘neither to have any ally as a witness in their schemes nor to ...’

15. αὐτάρκη θέσιν — internal accus.: the meaning is presently explained in διὰ τὸ κτλ.

16. παρέχει αὐτοὺς κτλ. —makes them judges of the wrongs they inflict more than (they would be) if they were hampered by treaties. With μᾶλλον ἤ κατά, more than accords with, cf. c. 76. 3: 2.50 χαλεπωτέρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπείαν φύσιν. (γίγνεσθαι does not belong to the phrase, but to δικαστάς only.)

δικαστάς —the meaning is that a citizen of another state who went to law with a Corcyrean must proceed as a ξένος in the Corcyrean courts: Corcyra does not experience a similar difficulty, whether real or assumed, because her citizens do not need to have dealings with other states to anything like the same extent. Corcyra was, of course, the port of call for all vessels passing to and from the west by the ‘coasting’ route; but the grievance based on this fact is surely exaggerated here.

18. ἐκπλέοντας agrees with ‘the Corcyreans’: others when at sea ἀνάγκῃ καταίρουσι to Corcyra.

20. καὶ τοῦτο κτλ. —the speaker now alludes to disputes between Corcyra and another state (meaning Corinth). ἐν τούτῳ, this being their conduct (see crit. note), is not right, because the argument shifts here to a new point.

τὸ εὐπρεπὲς ἄσπονδον —cf. e.g. 6.34 τὸ ξυνηθὲς ἥσυχον.

21. προβέβληνται —as a shield or cloak to cover their ἀδικία.

22. καὶ ὅπως —this explains κατὰ μόνας ἀδικῶσι, and means whether they make unrighteous gains by force or by deceit— these two ways are summed up in ἢν ... προσλάβωσιν—they feel no shame, because there is no witness.

25. καίτοι —the sentence that follows refers to both the grievances just alleged.

26. ἀληπτότεροι ἦσαν —the imperf. by assimilation to the other verbs. έξῆν is, of course, potential according to Goodwin, M.T. 415. ἀληπτότεροι because of their αὐτάρκης θέσις .

1. διδοῦσι καὶ δεχομένοις τὰ δ. —Corcyra had offered δίκας in this case (c. 28. 2); but the Corinthian means that they would not enter into an alliance, a condition of which was regularly the settlement of disputes by arbitration.

4. διὰ παντός —temporal.

8. τὰ εἰκότα θαυμάζεσθαι —to receive the proper marks of honour, for which see c 25. 4.

12. ἀρέσκοντες —Soph. OT 274 ὅσοις τάδ’ ἔστ’ ἀρέσκοντ’.

13. ἐπιστρατεύομεν — ‘nor is it our way to attack a colony exceptionally unless we have suffered ...’ The partic. must be conditional; but the sense is much improved by ἐπεστρατεύομεν, sc. ἄν, nor should we be attacking them (Corcyra) in a manner so exceptional (as we are doing). Thus μὴ ἀ. would=εἰ μὴ ἠδικούμεθα. If ἐπιστρατεύομεν be right, ἐκπρεπῶς may=‘unreasonably,’ being explained by μὴ ... ἀδικούμενοι: but ‘exceptionally’ has much more point here.

14. καλὸν δ’ ἦν —cf. c. 37. 5 .

16. αἰσχρόν —slight anacoluthon, adding to the vigour of the sentence.

17. μετριότητα —sc. εἰ μέτριοι ἦσαν.

ὕβρει δὲ κτλ. —solemnity of ‘gnomic’ style; cf. L. & S. under κόρος .

19. κακουμένην —temporal.

20. προσεποιοῦντο —as in c. 8. 3. For the treatment of Epidamnus by Corcyra see c. 24, and for the intervention of Corinth c. 26.

21. ἔχουσι —now hold it.

23. ἥν γε κτλ. =ἀλλὰ ταύτην γε οὐκ ἐκεῖνον δς προύχων καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς προκαλεῖται, so that προύχοντα , from a position of superiority (gained by the use of force), is coordinate with ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς .

25. λέγειν τι —talk seriously.

26. ἐς ἴσον ... καθιστάντα —this clause is in contrast with προύχοντα καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς, and must mean that in order that a demand for arbitration may be entertained, the party making the demand must first set himself on a level with the other party not merely in free discussion with him, but (what is more important), by giving up any advantage he has gained till a decision is arrived at. Transl. ‘but he who, before having recourse to arms, puts himself in deeds as well as in words on a level.’ πρὶν διαγωνίζεσθαι may mean before any solution, whether by arms or arbitration; but πρὶν πολιορκεῖν favours the more confined sense. The meaning of ἐς ἴσον ... καθιστάντα cannot be, according to the old explan., ‘whose deeds square with his words.’

28. πρὶν πολιορκεῖν —πρίν before; for the infin. after a neg. preceding πρίν cf. c. 68. 2.

5. ξυμμαχεῖν ... ξυναδικεῖν —c. 33. 4.

διαφόρους ὄντας agrees with σφᾶς.

7. προσιέναι —to have applied to you.

8. ἐν ᾦ —under present circumstances, when.

11. ἀπογενόμενοι =οὐ μεταλαβόντες.

13. κοινώσαντες —having given you a share in. The confusion of κοινοῦν and κοινωνεῖν (have a share in) in MSS. is very common. τὰ ἀποβαίνοντα means ὠφελία, the natural result τοῦ παλαι κοινῶσαι τὴν δύναμιν. (έγκληματων in C is an oversight—see the next line. The text of G gives a Scholium on this false reading from πάλαι to ἐγκλημάτων.)