Śrīpūṇḍi grant of Tāḻa II Encoding Dániel Balogh intellectual authorship of edition Dániel Balogh DHARMA Berlin DHARMA_INSVengiCalukya00031

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Unported Licence. To view a copy of the licence, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, 444 Castro Street, Suite 900, Mountain View, California, 94041, USA.

Copyright (c) 2019-2025 by Dániel Balogh.

2019-2025
DHARMAbase

Halantas. Final N is a slightly reduced na with headmark, plus a sinuous upward stroke at the top right: l25 pramukhāN.

Original punctuation marks are plain vertical bars the height of a character body. The opening symbol is wholly unclear in the scanned rubbing; Lakshmana Rao describes it as a floral design.

Other palaeographic observations. Lakshmana Rao ( 138-139 ) gives a very detailed analysis of the palaeography of this grant and its companion the Ārumbāka grant of Bādapa. Its main points are summarised here. The vowel marker of ā is a straight vertical like that in Devanagari, turned at a right angle down from the horizontal stroke on the head and extended up to or even below the baseline. According to Lakshmana Rao, the vowel marker for e, when attached to the top of a consonant, is sometimes notched, resembling ō. He points out instances in l6 Aśvamedha and l20 kleśā° (for this latter, his edition actually ready klaiśā°, probably a typo.). To my eye, these are nothing other than o markers (compare e.g. l8 suto for a very clear one) and I read them as such and emend, as does Lakshmana Rao in l5 lāṁchanokṣaṇa. Lakshmana Rao simply reads e in l32 goguṟovu. Several other e markers are also ambiguous, being rather notched than merely sinuous, but as a rule, they end with an upward slant rather than a downward bend as o does. Rare initial Ī occurs in line 35 and is clearly distinguished from I (l9). Anusvāra is never used before dental and retroflex stops, where the homorganic nasal appears instead. Its normal position is at headline height or above, after the character to which it belongs.

The project DHARMA has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement no 809994).

Public URIs with the prefix bib to point to a Zotero Group Library named ERC-DHARMA whose data are open to the public.

Internal URIs using the part prefix to point to person elements in the DHARMA_IdListMembers_v01.xml file.

Updating toward the encoding template v03 Initial encoding of the file
Seal śrī-tribhuvanasīha
Plates

svasti. śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁsthtūyamāna-mānavya-sagotrāṇāṁ hārīti-putrāṇāṁ kauśikī-vara-prasāda-lapbdha-rājyānāṁ maātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāṁ svāmi-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-varāha-lāṁchanoekṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalaānāṁ Aśvamoedhāvabhr̥ttha-snāna-pavitrīkrita-vapuṣāṁ cāḷukyaānāṁ kuam aaṁkariṣnos satyāśraya-vallabhendrasya bhrātā kubja-viṣṇuvarddhanaḥ| tat-suto jayasiṁha-vallabhaḥ| tat-sūnur vviṣṇurājaḥ| tat-putraḥ Idrindra-bhaṭṭārakaḥ| tat-putro viṣṇuvarddhanaḥ| tat-sutaḥ satyāśrayaḥ| tat-sūnu maṁgi-yuvarājaḥ| tat-putraḥ kokikraliḥ| tad-bhrātā viṣṇurājaḥ| tad-bhrātā vijayādityaḥ| tat-putro viṣṇuvarddhanaḥ| tāat-putro vijayāditya-bhaṭṭārakaḥ| tat-putraḥ viṣṇuvarddhanaḥ| tat-suto narendra-vijayaādityaḥ| tat-putraḥ kali-viṣṇuvarddhanaḥ| tat-putro guṇakkenallāta-vijayādityaḥ| tad-anuja-suto bhiīmarājaḥ| tat-sutaḥ kollabi-vijayādityaḥ| tat-sūnur ammarājaḥ| tad-anu vikramādityaḥ| tad-anu bhīmānujaḥ taāḻa-bhūpālaḥ| tat-putra śrī-yuddhamallaḥ| tat-suto bādabpākhya-mahārājādhirājaḥ parameśvaraḥ| tad-anujo viṣṇuvarddhanas tāḻa-bhūrpālaḥ

sva-rājya-samaye parama-nirbhr̥tyasyanibhr̥tasya krita-kloeśāra-jita-svaāmai-hridayasya pallavānvayasya catur-upadhā-śuddhasya mahā-sāmantāmātya-pada-niyuktasya sakala-guṇa-gaṇālakritasya patīihita-dhavalasya nānā-kiṁkurvvāṇatayā parama-karuṇāpanna-hridayas san viṣṇuvarddhana-mahārājādhirājaḥ velanāṇḍu-viaya-nivāsino rāṣṭrakuūṭa-pramukhāN kuṭuṁbina Āhūya Ittham ājñāpayati sma|

viditam astu vo smābhiḥ Asmai pallavamallānvayāya kalivarmmasya poautrāya Asmat-prastāva-mr̥tasya krita-kleśasya makariya-rājasya putraāya kuppanayya-vara-nāmamne vāgaṟu-madhye śrīpūṇḍi nāma-tgraāmaṭikā mayaā dattaā|

tasyāā avadhayaḥ| pūrvvata maṇḍimuṁka-cindta. Āgnaeyataḥ koḍamaduvu. dakṣinataḥ Aduri-sīmānto goguṟoevu. nairityataḥ kadamukopu. paścaimata kalavelalagula-pedda-cinta| vāyavyataḥ ciṟuśodi-maddalu. Uttarataḥ goragapallamun-uttaramuna kaṭṭuṁbodalu. Īśānataḥ bādiyabolayaṇa-pedariyāku-jcinta|

Etat-saīmāntar-vvartti Āru-nāmā grāmaṭikā sarvva-kara-parihāreṇa mānyam mayā dattā Iti. Asyopari na kenacaid bādhā karttavyā. yaḥ karoti sa pañca-mahā-pātaka-saṁyukto bhavati| tathā cokta vyāsena|

sva-dattāṁ para-dattaāṁ yo hareta vasudharā ṣaṣṭi-varṣa-sahastrāṇi viṣṭhāyāṁ jāyatrae krimiḥ|

ravivarmmācāryyeṇa likhitaM

Seal
Plates guṇakkenallāta- Lakshmana Rao takes Guṇakkenallāta as the name used here, and if this form occurs elsewhere that I am not aware of, then he may be correct. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri and N. Venkataramanayya (in 476) mention the form Guṇake-nallāṭa, said to mean “the lover of excellence or virtue,” without citing a source. The spelling is definitely with t here. It may also be that the text is erroneous, for °lleti, °llākhya- or °llāṁka-. bādabpākhya- The ARIE report reads the name as Bāḍaba. The dental da, as read by LR, is quite certain from the estampage and is confirmed in the Ārumbāka grant of Bādapa. patīihita- patīi-hita- Though ī is usually well distinguished from i in this inscription, the scanned rubbing permits both readings here. Lakshmana Rao, who probably had the original plates, is probably correct in reading ī, but even then I hesitate to emend to pati-hita, since patīhita is also meaningful in the context. -nāmamne As Lakshmana Rao notes, the conjunct mn is formed with what looks like a halanta N added below (and to the right of) m, rather than the usual form of subscript n. I believe it to be a subsequent addition, along with e, which touches the preceding character. Aduri- AĀduūri- Lakshmana Rao's emendation is based on the assumption that this is the same name as that in line 36, which is likely. There, he reads the name as Āru; all I can see in the scanned estampage are some vestiges indicative of Ā. I agree the two are likely to be the same, but I prefer to reserve judgement about the reading. -sīmānto -sīmāntoe I cannot exclude Lakshmana Rao's emendation, because o is quite frequently inscribed instead of e (or an alternative form of e resembling o is used), about which see the palaeographic description. However, a nominative seems more likely to me here, though both my interpretation and Lakshmana Rao's (for both of which see the commentary) can work with either a nominative or a locative. goguṟoevu goguṟevu Lakshmana Rao sees a variant of the Telugu word revu here, which I accept; nonetheless, the vowel marker is that which is normally used for o (see also the palaeographic description). rtti Āru- None of this is clear in the scanned estampage. Discernible traces suggest tt.nī A and nothing goes against Lakshmana Rao's reading, which I accept with this note of caution. nāmā nāma kenacaid kenacāid Probably a typo in Lakshmana Rao's edition.
Seal
Plates

Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra Pulakeśin II was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārītī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed to kingship by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the mere sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions avabhr̥tha of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana. His son Jayasiṁha Vallabha I. His son Viṣṇurāja.The genealogy is incorrect here, probably by mistake, possibly deliberately. This Viṣṇurāja does not appear in the standard genealogy, where Indra Bhaṭṭāraka is a brother, rather than grandson, of Jayasiṁha I. His son Indra Bhaṭṭāraka. His son Viṣṇuvardhana II. His son Satyāśraya. This Satyāśraya is probably fictitious; in the standard genealogy, Maṅgi Yuvarāja is the son of Viṣṇuvardhana II. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja. His son Kokkili. Between Maṅgi Yuvarāja and Kokkili actually written Kokikra in this text, the standard genealogy mentions the reign of Kokkili’s eldest brother Jayasiṁha II. His brother Viṣṇurāja Viṣṇuvardhana III. His brother Vijayāditya.Two generations seem to be duplicated here. The standard genealogy does not know of a Vijayāditya who was a brother of Viṣṇuvardhana III. Vijayāditya I Bhaṭṭāraka was the son of Viṣṇuvardhana III rather than his brother’s grandson. His son Viṣṇuvardhana. His son Vijayāditya I Bhaṭṭāraka. His son Viṣṇuvardhana IV. His son Narendramr̥garāja Vijayāditya II. His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana V. His son Vijayāditya III, named Guṇakkenalla.Or Guṇakkenallāta. See the apparatus to line 15. His younger brother’s son Bhīmarāja Cālukya-Bhīma. His son Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya IV. His son Ammarāja I. After him, Vikramāditya.This may be, as Lakshmana Rao suggests, Vikramāditya II, the son of Cālukya-Bhīma who in fact reigned after Tāḷapa. It may also be intended for Vijayāditya V Beta, Ammarāja’s son who followed him on the throne for a brief period of 15 days. After him, Bhīma’s younger brother King bhūpāla Tāḻa.In the standard genealogy, Tāḷa/Tāḍapa is Bhīma’s cousin, not brother. The present genealogy may be wrong here as in many other details, or anuja, normally “younger brother,” may have been used in a lax sense of “close younger kin of the same generation.” His son His Majesty Yuddhamalla. His son the Emperor mahārājādhirāja and supreme lord parameśvara called Bādapa. His younger brother Viṣṇuvardhana, also called King bhūpāla Tāḻa II.

During the period of his Tāḻa II’s own reign, with a heart moved to supreme compassion by the diverse services of an extremely staunch man of Pallava lineage who has won his master’s heart by the travails he undertook and by his good conduct, who has proved worthy in the four trials of honesty catur-upadhā and has been appointed to the rank of Great Baronial Minister mahā-sāmantāmātya, and who is ornamented with all the multitude of virtues and brilliant in serving the cause of his lord, the Emperor mahārājādhirāja Viṣṇuvardhana Tāḻa II, has convoked all householders kuṭumbin—including foremost the territorial overseers rāṣṭrakūṭa—who reside in Velanāṇḍu district viṣaya and has commanded them as follows:

Let it be known to you that to this one with the excellent name Kuppanayya of the lineage of Pallavamalla, grandson of Kalivarma and son of Makariyarāja who had undertaken travails and died in our service, IThe sentence has two pronouns in the instrumental expressing the donor, the plural asmābhiḥ in line 26, and the singular mayā in line 30. This may be a simple oversight, or the composer may have perceived the formulaic viditam astu vo ’smābhiḥ to mean “be informed by us.” have given the hamlet named ŚrīpūṇḍīI believe the intent here may rather have been “a hamlet in the village named Śrīpūṇḍī.” See the commentary for my understanding of the topography. within the region called Vāgaṟu.According to Lakshmana Rao, this may describe the local topography of the village as being on a spit of land at the confluence of two streams. His reasoning is that vāgu means a stream in Telugu, and aṟu may be equivalent to Tamil āṟu and Telugu ēṟu, meaning a river. Whether or not this interpretation of the name is correct, I believe Lakshmana Rao’s understanding of madhye as in the middle of or between is incorrect: madhye is in my opinion used here in the weak sense of “in, within,” and Vāgaṟu is the name of a territorial division smaller than the viṣaya but much larger than the village.

Its boundaries are as follows. To the east, maṇḍimuṁka-cintaAccording to Lakshmana Rao, maṇḍi means bent, cinta (emended from cinda) means tamarind tree, and muṁka (which he shifts into moṅka in his discussion) means sprout or young tree. He therefore interprets the term to mean the young tamarind tree which is bent. Assuming that his interpretation of the individual words is correct, I would prefer “the tamarind tree with bent branches.”. To the southeast, koḍamaduvu.According to Lakshmana Rao, this may mean a sluice of a tank with a top sill, elaborated as a sluice with masonry construction, as contrasted with an ordinary sluice; or possibly a sluice on the hill-side. To the south, Goguṟevu,According to Lakshmana Rao, gogu means hemp and ṟevu (normally revu) means a river landing or ford. This has the sound of a pre-established toponym, possibly even the name of another village. which is also the southern border of the hamlet Aduri.This is probably the same name as Ādūru in line 36 below. See the commentary for my understanding of the topography. To the southwest, kadamukopu.Lakshmana Rao suggests this may mean the trunk of a kadamba tree which was like a cone. To the west, kalavelalagula-pedda-cinta.According to Lakshmana Rao, who assumes that lala is a mistake for la, this means the big tamarind tree adjoining the stone fencing. To the northwest, ciṟuśodi-maddalu. Lakshmana Rao says maddalu is a variety of tree he calls bricadelia retusa, probably Bridelia retusa. For ciṟuśodi he suggests that it may be the name of a village or a particular kind of maddalu tree. To the north, the kaṭṭuṁbodalu northward of the goragapallamu.According to Lakshmana Rao, goraga means a Śaiva mendicant (from gorakṣa?) and pallamu is a wetland or paddy field. He offers two alternative interpretations for kaṭṭuṁbodalu, of which “artificial embankment” seems most likely in the context. To the northeast, bādiyabolayaṇṭa-pedariyāku-cinta.Lakshmana Rao proposes to translate this phrase as the dwarf-leafed tamarind tree which is near the boundary limits of Bādiya.

The hamlet named Ādūru, situated within these boundaries, has been granted by me as a rent-free holding mānya with a remission of all taxes. Let no-one pose an obstacle to his enjoyment of his rights over it. He who does so shall be conjoined with the five great sins. So too Vyāsa has said:

He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, shall be born as a worm in faeces for sixty thousand years.

Written likhita by Master ācārya Ravivarman.

Seal
Plates

Prospérité ! Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana fut frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui ornait la lignée des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, descendants de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par la faveur de l’excellente Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles des ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe illustre du sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs à l’aśvamedha ; son fils Jayasiṁha ; le fils de celui-ci, Viṣṇurāja ; son fils, Indra Bhaṭṭāraka ; le fils de ce dernier, Viṣṇuvardhana ; son fils, Satyāśraya ; le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi Yuvarāja ; son fils, Kokkili ; son frère, Viṣṇurāja ; son frère, Vijayāditya ; le fils de ce dernier, Viṣṇuvardhana ; son fils, Narendra Vijayāditya ; le fils de celui-ci, Kali Viṣṇuvardhana ; son fils, Guṇakkenallāta Vijayāditya ; le fils de son frère cadet, Bhīmarāja ; son fils, Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya ; son fils, Ammarāja ; après celui-ci, Vikramāditya ; après celui-ci, le frère cadet de Bhīma, le roi Tāḷa ; son fils, l’illustre Yuddhamalla ; le fils de ce dernier, nommé Bādapa, roi suprême des grands rois, seigneur suprême ; le frère cadet de celui-ci, le roi Viṣṇuvarddhana Tāḷa ;

Pendant son règne, parce qu’un homme de la lignée de Pallavamalla, fidèle, avait conquis le cœur de celui-ci en se donnant du mal à son service, dont la pureté était attestée par les quatre épreuves de vertu, élévé au rang éminent de grand feudataire et de ministre, paré de la multitude de toutes les qualités, que son dévouement au bien de son maître faisait resplendir, Viṣṇuvardhana, dont le cœur est empli d’une extrême compassion, roi suprême des grands rois, ayant rassemblé les chefs de familles habitant le viṣaya de Velanāṇḍu, rāṣṭrakūṭa en tête, ordonne ceci :

qu’il soit connu de vous que nous donnonsLe pronom maya est redondant. à celui-ci, de la lignée de Pallavamalla, petit-fils de Kalivarma, fils du roi Makariya, serviteur digne d’élogeou : « serviteur dont il est question ».PEM's translation is based on her text prastāva-bhr̥tasya which, however, seems to be a typo in her etext. The plate and Lakshmana Rao definitely reads prastāva-mr̥tasya. qui s’est donné du mal à notre service, à celui qui porte le noble nom de Kuppanayya, le village nommé Śrīpūṇḍi, au milieu de Vāgaṟu.

Ses limites sont : à l’est Maṇḍimuṁka-cinta, au sud-est Koḍamaduvu, au sud Goguṟevu, à la frontière d’Ādūru, au sud-ouest Kadamukopu, à l’ouest Kalavelalagula-pedda-cinta, au nord-ouest Ciṟuśodi-maddala, au nord Kaṭṭuṁbodalu, au nord de Goragapallamun, au nord-est Bādiyabolayaṇṭa-pedariyāku-cinta.

Je donne le petit hameauCf. D. C. Sircar, 1966, p. 121. nommé Ādūru, situé à la frontière de ce dernier en qualité de mānya, exempté de toute taxe. Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes. Puis Vyāsa a dit :

qu’elle soit donnée par lui ou par un autre, celui qui prend une terre renaît ver de terre dans des excréments pendant soixante mille ans.

Ceci a été gravé par le maître Ravivarmma.

Lakshmana Rao speculates at some length, and not very clearly, about whether the object of the donation was Śrīpūṇḍi or the adjoining Ādūru or both. He suggests, perhaps only to discard the suggestion, that either the words ādūru-grāmāntarvartinī were omitted before the name of Śrīpūṇḍī in line 30, or -sahita-śrīpūṇḍī- was omitted after the name of Ādūru in line 36. Then he objects, saying Ādūru was probably not part of the gift, for one because it is mentioned as a boundary to the donated village, and for another because the boundaries of Ādūru are not enumerated separately. His conclusion seems to be that a new hamlet was hereby carved out of the larger unit of Śrīpūṇdi (and/or Ādūru). He finds confirmation for this in the fact that Bādapa’s grant mentions Śrīpūṇdi as a southern boundary, whereas the present grant does not mention Ārumbāka as a northern boundary and indeed, does not mention any villages as boundaries except Ādūru.Though in fact some of the boundaries may be, or include, village names by Lakshmana Rao's own interpretation. It seems to me most likely that Lakshmana Rao is essentially right, but the new hamlet carved out by this edict is none other than Ādūru. It is even possible that the intent in line 30 was śrīpūṇḍi nāma +grāme+ grāmaṭikā, an eyeskip omission far more likely than those suggested by Lakshmana Rao. Whether or not this was so, the expression etat-sīmāntarvarttinī applied to Ādūru in ll 35-36 leaves no doubt in my opinion that the boundaries listed are those of Ādūru. I agree with Lakshmana Rao that since most of or all of the boundaries are small landmarks rather than village names or large features, they cannot be the boundaries of the larger village Śrīpūṇḍi. I, however, disagree with his conclusion that the boundaries are not those of Ādūru. This toponym would have been in existence prior to the grant (and thus could have been used in the specification of the boundaries), but was in my understanding considered to be the southern part of Śrīpūṇḍi. At the southern extremity, Ādūru would thus have had a previously established boundary, namely Goguṟevu, which was either the southernmost part of (i.e. included within) Ādūru, bordering on uncultivated land, or (perhaps more likely), the next village (i.e. not included in Ādūru). Conversely, on all other sides, Ādūru would have melded into the rest of the larger village Śrīpūṇḍi. It had no pre-established boundaries on those sides, so these had to be stipulated by the present grant. There is, however, yet another alternative. It seems possible that Śrīpūṇdi as a whole was granted as a sort of fief, with obligations to the king not specified here, and only Ādūru, a smaller hamlet incorporated within Śrīpūṇdi, was made into a rent-free holding.

Reported in 10A/1908-19095 with discussion in 104, 108-109.The plates were also copied (rubbings?) and catalogued much earlier (about 1800) for the Mackenzie Collection of Manuscripts, record numbers Bk. No. (15-5-30), pp 179-182; Bk. No. (5-6-21), pp 136-138; Bk. No. 15-5-35, pp 41-43. According to Lakshmana Rao this catalogue is preserved in the Oriental MSS. Library, Madras. Also said to be reported by V. Rangacharya () As Ms. 165 (which I could not trace), and two of the Mackenzie copies reported by him, not aware that they are the same document, as Gt. 589 (820) and as Gt. 607 (822) Edited (probably from the original) by K. V. Lakshmana Rao (148-1542), with translation and facsimile (and photo of the seal). The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Lakshmana Rao's edition with his facsimiles.The scanned facsimiles I work from are quite clear, but nothing is discernible in the photograph of the seal.

148-1542 17A/1920-192116 104, 108-109