Varaṇaveṇḍi grant of Bhīma II Encoding Dániel Balogh intellectual authorship of edition Dániel Balogh DHARMA Berlin DHARMA_INSVengiCalukya00077

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Halantas. Final M (e.g. l3 paripālitānāM) is quite complex, resembling a Latin S (a simplified ma), reduced and raised, plus the sinuous tail often used for halanta characters. Final N (e.g. l7 vatsarāN) is a simplified, but almost full-sized na with a curved (but not sinuous) tail instead of a headmark. Final T (e.g. 9l ābhūT) is an almost full-sized ta with both a diminutive headmark and a slightly sinuous tail.

Original punctuation marks are plain vertical bars. Half-daṇḍas are also occasionally used (e.g. l7).

Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāras are simple but deeply struck and clear dots at headline height after the character they belong to; occasionally, a circle is also used. The headmarks are quite peculiar for the corpus, consisting in most cases of a horizontal line, fairly long (half as long as a regular character body is tall), quite straight, with a deeply struck dot for a serif at both ends. Dependent au is sometimes (l2 kauśikī, l19 °aughaḥ) unusual, comprised of a stroke attached to the top right of the consonant body (in shape similar to the form of the ā marker that rises vertically on the top right), and a second stroke attached at the bottom left (identical to the bottom left stroke sometimes used as an e marker or the secondary stroke of an ai marker). In the glyphs for ya and gha, the left-hand part has an additional notch at the bottom, similar to but often less pronounced to the notch in other round-bottomed characters such as pa and dha. There are two forms of ga, which typically has a headmark and a short stem, but sometimes (perhaps only in a Telugu context) neither of these (e.g. l53 goraga, l55 niḍudapaḍuga).

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Plates

svasti. śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstūyamāna-mānavya-sagotrāṇāṁ hāritī-putrāṇāṁ kauśikī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānāṁ mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāM svāmi-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-varāhāa-lāṁchanekṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalānāṁ Aśvamedhāvabhr̥tha-snāna-pavitrīkr̥ta-vapuṣāṁ cālukyānāṁ kulam alaṁkariṣṇoḥ.

satyāśraya-vallabhasya. bhrātāṣṭādaśa vatsarāN| Abhūt pūrvvaṁ kubja-viṣṇu varddhano veṁgi-vallabhaḥ. jayasiṁha-vallabho bhūt triṁśatan trika-saṁyutāM| tad-bhrātendrākhya-bhaṭṭāro rājā sapta dinān āabhūT. navābdān viṣṇurājeto jajñe maṁgi-yuvarājaḥ| paṁcaviṁśatim ato bhūj jayasiṁhas trayodaśa. dvaimāturānujas tasya ṣaṇ māsān kokkiliḥ prabhuḥ saptatriṁśatam abdān tad-bhrātā viṣṇuvarddhanaḥ. tatāa Āsiīd vijayādityāo rājāṣṭādaśa vatsarāN| tato bhūd viṣṇurājaḥ ṣaṭ triṁśatam iakhileśvaraḥ. tat-putro vijayādityo narendra-mr̥garāḍ iti| catvāriṁśatam aṣṭau ca vatsarāN vatsarājavaT. gaṁga-raṭṭa-balābhyāṁ yo yuddhvā tad-yuddha-saṁkhyayā śivālayān aṣṭaśataṁ kr̥tavān pāpa-nuttaye. kali-viṣṇuvarddhanas tasya sūnur unnata-vikramaḥ| sārddha-saṁvatsaraṁ rā rājīva-sadr̥śānana. tat-putro vijayādityo vijayāditya-sannibha catvāriṁśatam abdānāṁ caturbbhir bbhuvam anvaśāT. tad-anuja-yuvarājād vikramāditya-nāmnaḥ prabhur abhavad arāti-vrāta-tūlānilaughaḥ nirupama-nr̥pa-bhīmaḥ triṁśataṁ vatsarāṇān nija-guṇa-gaṇa-kīrtti-vyāpta-dik-cakravālaḥ. tat-putras tad-anantareṇa vijayādityo vijityāhave svenaikena gajena vāraṇa-ghaṭārūḍhān kaliṁgādhipāN āruhyojjjvala-hemakalpita-tu-koṭi vadānyo jaya -staṁbhaṁ kīrttimayan nidhāya viraje ṣaṇ-māsam āsīn nr̥paḥ tat-sūnur ammarājo pi sapta saṁvatsarān nr̥paḥ yena hema-tulārūḍhā janānām abhinandanī. tat-putro vijayādityaḥ pakṣam ekam abhūt prabhuḥ tatas tāḻapa-rājo pi māsam āśāsya-vikramaḥ vijayāditya-rājasya bhaimi-dvaimāturānujaḥ vikramāditya-bhūpālas saṁvatsaram apālayaT| sāmantāś śabara-camūr gr̥hīta-paṭṭe raṭṭānām adhipatinā praṇīta-daṇḍaḥ| Anye pi prabhava Ivātidhūrtta-lokaā vyālumpan bhuvam avadhūya yuddhamalle. tān utkhāya mahā-bala-parākramaḥ dvaimāturo mma-rājasya vijayāditya-nandanaḥ bhrātā bhīma-mahīpālaḥ paṭṭa badhnāti paitr̥kaṁ. bhujāntare śrīr bhujagendra-sāre bhuje sya tiṣṭhaty uru-vīralakṣmīḥ Itīva yat-kīrtti-vadhūr ddigantān adhyāsya saṁraṁjayati dviṣo pi| yena ca nihatau saṁyati dhaḻadiṁmmunniṟiva-rājamārttaṇḍau yasya bala-bhū-pāarāgaḥ para-nr̥patīnāṁ pālāpalāyanopāyaḥ|

yaś ca śiva Ivaśakti-trayāśrayaḥ nārāyaṇa Iva lakṣmīpatiḥ| brahmeva sāma-yoni sasarvvalokāśraya-śrī-viṣṇuvarddhana-mahārājādhirāja-parameśvara-parama-bhaṭṭārakaḥ parama-brahmaṇyaḥ śakaṭamanthani-viṣaya-vāsino rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhān kuṭiuṁbinas samāhūyettham ājñāpayati.

śrīmati payaḫ-payodhi-pratinibhdhi-haihaya-vaṁśe satya-śoaucābhimāna-saṁpanno nija-bhuja-vikrama-śāliī poleyana-rājābhidhāno jātas. tasya sūnur anupama-guṇaḫ pitaram anukurvvan nannaka-rājas. tasya nr̥pater atiratha-dhavala-priya-duhitur āytakaṁbāyāś ca priya-tanayo yas tasmai hastinapura-vāstavyāya gaṁgā-pāriyātra-māhiṣmatī-pura-parameśvara-haihaya-vaṁśodbhava-nara-śiro-darppaṇa-dhvaja-mālpaṟe-ghoṣaṇa-praśasti-virājamānāya candyana-rājāya mārttaṇḍa-pitāmaha-vikramāditya-yuddhamallādi-rājakaṁ vijitya tatra tan-nirbhr̥tya-bhāva-nimittena sarvva-kara-parihāram udaka-pūrvvakam mānyaṁ kr̥tvā varaṇaveṇḍi nāma grāmo smābhir ddatta Iti viditam astu vaḥ.

Asyāvadhayaḥ. pūrvataḥ penuṁbaṟṟu| dakṣiṇataḥ penuṁballi| paścimataḥ velmaṭūrū| Uttarataḥ dāramapalli|

kṣetra-sīmaā pūrvvataḥ pedda-kalla cinta| Āgneyataḥ pemulapaḍugakaṟiti nallaṁ jinta| dakṣiṇataḥ goraga pannasa| nairr̥tyataḥ muyyal-kuṭṭuna nūjjūṁ jinta| paścimataḥ ṟolivāyu| vāyavyataḥ muyyal-kuṭṭuna pedda cinta| Uttarataḥ dāramapalli-sīmaiva sīmaā| ĪAigśānataḥ niḍudapaḍuga| Asyopari na kenacid bādhā karttavyā. yaḥ karoti sa pañca-mahā-pātaka-saṁyukto narakaṁ gamiṣyati| tathā coktaṁ bhagavatā vyāsena

sva-dattāṁ para-dattāṁ yo hareta vasundharā| ṣaṣṭiṁ varṣa-sahasrāṇāṁ viṭhāyāṁ jāyate krimiḥ.

yaś ca pālayati sa svargga-phalam anubhavati. tathā coktaM|

bahubhir vvasudhā dattā bahubhiś cānupālitā| yasya yasya yadā bhūmis tasya tasya tadā phalam iti| sarvvān etān bhāvinaḥ pārtthivendrān bhūyo bhūyo yācate rāmabhadraḥ| sāmānyo yan dharmma-setur nnr̥pāṇāṁ| kāle kāle pālanīyo bhavadbhiḥ. mad-vaṁśa-jāḥ para-mahīpati-vaṁśa-jā vā pāpād apeta-manaso bhuvi bhāvi-bhūpāḥ ye pālayanti mama dharmmam ima samastan teṣām mayā viracito jalir eṣa mūrddhni.
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Plates -vara- There is some damage or deletion around ra. It is possible that (for varāha) was first engraved here. jayasiṁha This word does not fit the theoretical requirements for the initial part of a ra-vipulā, but emendation to jayasiṁho would make it metrical. Note that vallabha is used as a noun in its own right, not in compound to a name, in the first stanza. tatāa Āsiīd The reading is unmetrical even after my emendation, but this must have been what the composer intended. triṁśatam iakhileśvaraḥ For the cursively written mi, compare bhaimi in line 27. The quarter stanza as received is short one syllable. The stanza, with the same anomaly, has an exact parallel in the Penuṁbulugu grant of Amma I. The emendation I propose is still unmetrical in spite of having the correct number of syllables, unless the composer considered a sa-vipulā to be legitimate, as implied by stanza 3. The alternative emendation triṁśataṁ maṇḍaleśvaraḥ would be metrically correct, but is much more invasive. Conversely, triṁśataṁ tamileśvaraḥ would be hardly invasive at all, but unlikely in meaning. None of these terms ending in °eśvara are attested in Veṅgī Cālukya genealogies. -saṁvatsaraṁ Both anusvāras may have been corrected from visargas. -tūlānilaughaḥ The composer's intent may have been -tūlānalaughaḥ. The received reading is paralleled in the Penuṁbulugu grant of Amma I, while in the Drujjūru grant of Amma I, according to its editor (Kielhorn), an originally inscribed i was struck out in the plate to correct to a. -lokaā I emend tentatively for grammatical agreement with vyālumpan and prabhava, which I construe as prabhavaḥ, the plural nominative of prabhu. The composer may have thought of loka in the sense of "folk" as grammatically plural, or felt that multiple subjects in the singular warranted plurals in apposition. See also my translation. pālāpalāyanopāyaḥ My emendation is tentative, but it salvages both the metre and the meaning, so I think it is likely to be correct. -mahārājādhirāja-parameśvara- SR adds a note, anchored between the words mahārājādhirāja and parameśvara, which says rājaparameśvara. He may have intended an emendation to mahārājādhirāja-rājaparameśvara-, but this is unwarranted. śakaṭamanthani- śakaṭamanthanī- -pramukhān -pramukhaān śrīmati The prosody of this sentence is suggestive of āryā or a related moraic metre, but I see no way to fit it to an actual metre without drastic intervention. payaḫ-payodhi- payar-payeoniddhi- Emdendation to payaḥ-payonidhi is unwarranted. Some of SR's apparent emendations may result from typographic mistakes. -guṇaḫ -guṇārān anukurvan nannaka- I follow the segmentation of the ARIE report, where this name is said to be Nannaka. Theoretically, the text could also be segmented into anukurvann annaka-. SR's commentary ignores this name and says the son of Poleyana was called Anupamaguṇa. āytakaṁbāyāś The ARIE report gives this name as Aytakaṁbā, though this may be a typo. -dhvaja-mālpaṟe-ghoṣaṇa dhvajāmālparepoṣaṇa While I am unable to interpret mālpaṟe, the reading is unambiguous. candyana candyana I find the emendation unwarranted; the name is probably a variant of candeṇa (found in the Ārumbāka grant of Bādapa). mārttaṇḍa mārtaāṇḍa SR's emendation is unnecessary. tan-nirbhr̥tya- tan-nirbhr̥tya- SR's emendation must be some kind of typographic mishap, but I do not know if he intended to suppress tan or had some other purpose with this note. The word nirbhr̥tya is used in the sense of naibhr̥tya. The same spelling, probably in the same sense, is found in line 20 of the Śrīpūṇḍi grant of Tāḻa II. kr̥tvā kr̥tyā Since SR does not emend, I assume this is a typo. varaṇaveṇḍi varaṇaveṇḍī penuṁbaṟṟu penuṁbarru velmaṭūrū| velmadūru| dāramapalli dāmarapalli pemulapaḍugakaṟiti premulapadugakaditi nallaṁ nalla nairr̥tyataḥ nauairr̥tyataḥ muyyal-kuṭṭuna muyyūl-kuṭṭuna nūjjūṁ nūujjuṁ muyyal-kuṭṭuna muyyūl-kuṭṭuna -sīmaiva sīmaā -sīmo vasima niḍudapaḍuga niduvanirudupaduga vasundharāM vasundharā tathā coktaM tabhdhā coktakaā vasudhā vasyadhā pārtthivendrān paārthivendrān yan dharmma- yan vd dharmma- ṁjalir jalir I suppose the anusvāra is above ja, but that is not really a mistake.
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Plates

Greetings. The lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hāritī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed to kingship by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the mere sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions avabhr̥tha of the Aśvamedha sacrifice—of the one who was eager to adorn that lineage,

namely of Satyāśraya Vallabha Pulakeśin II, the brother was Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, who long ago became the Vallabha ruler of Veṅgī for eighteen years.

Then Jayasiṁha Vallabha became king for thirty together with a trio i.e. 33 years. His brother the sovereign bhaṭṭāra named Indra became king for seven days.

For nine years, Viṣṇurāja Viṣṇuvardhana II. From this one was born Maṅgi Yuvarāja, who reigned for twenty five years. From him arose Jayasiṁha II, reigning for thirteen.

His younger brother by a different mother, the lord Kokkili, for six months. For thirty-seven years his brother Viṣṇuvardhana III.

Then Vijayāditya I was king for eighteen years. Then Viṣṇurāja Viṣṇuvardhana III became the lord of allThe text is incorrect here and the intended meaning not quite certain; see the apparatus to line 12. for thirty-six years.

His son Vijayāditya II known as Narendramr̥garāṭ, reigned for forty and eight years like the Vatsa king.The Vatsa king intended here is probably Udayana.

Who, having fought against the armies of the Gaṅgas and the Rāṣṭrakūṭas raṭṭa, had a hundred and eight Śiva temples built, according to the number of those battles, for the expulsion of the accrued sin.We learn from the Uṟuvuṭūru grant of Vijayāditya III and the Pulgoṭlapaṁbuluru grant of Vijayāditya III that this is specifically about the sin ensuing from his battles.

His son of prominent valour, Kali Viṣṇuvardhana, with a face like a lotus, was king for a year and a half.

His son Vijayāditya III, resembling a sun of triumph vijayāditya, ruled the earth for forty years and four.

Born from his younger brother the prince yuvarāja named Vikramāditya, the peerless nirupama King nr̥pa Bhīma—a torrential gale to whom enemy hosts were but fluff—became for thirty years the ruler, the fame of the host of whose innate virtues pervaded the circle of the compass.

After him his son Vijayāditya IV was king for six months, defeating in battle with just one elephant of his own the overlords of Kaliṅga mounted on hosts of elephants, generously ascending the beam of a balance scale furnished with bright gold,That is, donating his own weight in gold. and commissioning a victory pillar representing his reputation in Viraja.

His son Ammarāja I was in turn king for seven years, he who ascended the balance scale of gold that gladdens the populace.The second hemistich is rather awkward and I am not sure that my interpretation matches the intent of the composer. I construe hema-tulā to be the subject (logical object) of the passive participle ārūḍhā and to be qualified by -abhinandanī.

His son Vijayāditya V became the ruler for a fortnight. Then King Tāḻapa of enviable valour reigned in turn for a month.

The son of Bhīma I and the younger brother of King Vijayāditya IV by a different mother, namely King Vikramāditya, protected the land for a year.

When Yuddhamalla seized the royal turban, the provincial lords sāmanta, a host of tribesmen śabara, an army dispatched by the overlord of the Rāṣṭrakūṭas raṭṭa, and other nefarious groups pretending to be lords prabhavaḥ*iva ransacked the land, shaking off royal authority.The stanza is awkwardly composed and difficult to parse. I feel certain that gr̥hīta-paṭṭe yuddhamalle is a locative absolute. The main verb is clearly vyālumpan, whose object must be bhuvam, but avadhūya has no explicit object, so “control,” “authority,” “fetters” or the like must be understood. A further difficulty is presented by prabhava iva, which may involve the singular noun prabhava, but I think the plural of prabhu fits the context better. I then take the phrase with iva adjectivally rather than adverbially, because I do not think “ransacked like lords” was the composer’s intent.

Eradicating them, the greatly powerful and valiant

son of Vijayāditya IV and brother of Ammarāja I by a different mother, namely King Bhīma, now dons the ancestral turban of royalty.

“Between his arms is Royal Fortune śrī, and within his arm, which has the might of a serpent lord, resides the grand Majesty of Heroes vīra-lakṣmī”—so speaking, as it were, the damsel that is his reputation, making herself at home up to the ends of the horizons, beguiles even his enemies.

He who struck down Dhaḻadim-munniṟiva and Rājamārtaṇḍa in battle;The identity of these enemies is uncertain. It seems from the present text that Dhaḻadim-munniṟiva is a single person, which may or may not be the case in the only other testimony of these words in stanza 3 of the Kolaveṇṇu plates of Bhīma II. Rājamārtaṇḍa is mentioned in several grants as one of the pretenders defeated by Bhīma II, and the Kalucuṁbaṟṟu grant of Amma II records in the same context a Dhaḻaga, who may be identical to Dhaḻadi(m), and is listed together with Rājamayya, who is probably Rājamārtaṇḍa. the dust arising from whose troops is a means of rescue for enemy kings.The idea here is that Bhīma’s enemies dare not confront him, but the dust clouds beaten up by his armies give them an expedient screen behind which they can scoot to safety.

He who is moreover the resting place of the three royal powers śakti-traya like Śiva is the abode of three Śaktis,The reference may be to Śiva’s icchā-śakti, jñāna-śakti and kriyā-śakti. who is the lord of Majesty like Nārāyaṇa Viṣṇu is the husband of Lakṣmī, who is a springhead of conciliation sāman like Brahmā is the source of sāman hymns—that shelter of all the world sarva-lokāśraya, the supremely pious Supreme Lord parameśvara of Emperors mahārājādhirāja and Supreme Sovereign parama-bhaṭṭāraka, His Majesty Viṣṇuvardhana Bhīma II convokes the householders kuṭumbin—including foremost the territorial overseers rāṣṭrakūṭa—who reside in Śakaṭamanthanī district viṣaya and commands them as follows:

In the majestic Haihaya lineage, which is comparable to the Milk Ocean, was born one called Poleyana-rāja, endowed with honour, purity and respectability, with abundant valour in his own arm. His son of incomparable virtue, taking after his father, was Nannaka-rāja. The dear son of that king nr̥pati and of Āytakāmbā, the dear daughter of Atiratha Dhavala, is Candyana-rāja. To him, a resident of Hastinapura arising from the Haihaya lineage which is the supreme sovereign of the Gaṅgā region, the Pāriyātra mountains and the city of Māhiṣmatī, who is resplendent with the man’s head, the mirror, the banner, the proclamation or sound of māḻpare and eulogyThis is probably a list of insignia and/or privileges to which Candyana is entitled. The word māḻpare may perhaps denote a musical instrument or be an epithet. we Bhīma II, having defeated the totality of petty kings such as Mārtaṇḍa, Pitāmaha, Vikramāditya and Yuddhamalla, on the occasion of his, Candyana’s staunchness in that campaign, have given the village named Varaṇaveṇḍī, converted into a rent-free holding mānya by a remission of all taxes, the donation being sanctified by a libation of water. Let this be known to you.

Its boundaries are as follows. To the east, Penuṁbaṟṟu. To the south, Penuṁballi. To the west, Velmaṭūrū. To the north, Dāramapalli.

The boundaries of the field are as follows.I can only translate the Telugu boundary description partially and tentatively. To the east, a great dried-up tamarind tree. To the southeast, pṟemulapaḍugakaṟiti nallaṁ jinta. To the south, goraga pannasa. To the southwest, a nūjjūṁ tamarind tree at the triple boundary juncture. To the west, Ṟolivāyu. To the northwest, a great tamarind tree at the triple boundary juncture. To the north, the boundary is none other than the boundary of Dāramapalli. To the northeast, niduva paduga. Let no-one pose an obstacle to his enjoyment of his rights over it. He who does so shall go to hell, conjoined with the five great sins. So too has the reverend Vyāsa said:

He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, shall be born as a worm in faeces for sixty thousand years.

Who, on the other hand, protects it, shall partake of the fruit of heaven. So too it is said:

Many kings have granted land, and many have preserved it as formerly granted. Whosoever at any time owns the land, the fruit reward accrued of granting it belongs to him at that time.

Over and over again, Rāmabhadra begs all these future rulers: “Each in your own time, you shall respect this bulwark of legality that is universally applicable to kings!”

Hereby I offer my respectful obeisance añjali to all future kings on earth, whether born in my lineage or a different royal lineage, who with minds averted from sin observe this provision dharma of mine in its integrity.

The findspot is said to be Korukoṇḍa in the ARIE report, while according to SR’s edition, it was the village Muramanda (also spelt Muramunda).

Subba Rao claims that the grant was issued by Bhīma III, but publishes neither facsimiles nor even an edition of the text that would substantiate this, starting his edition on 3 verso, where all we learn is that the issuer is a Viṣṇuvardhana. For the preceding text, all the information he releases is that The Chalukya Genealogy given in this Copper plate Grant up to the accession of the Donor King Bhima, known as Bhima, the third, tallies from second plate, first side to third plate, first side with that of this same King, Published by me. The publication he refers to is the Single Bhimavaram plate of a late Eastern Cālukya king (), which he believes mentions Bhīma III at the end of its extant text. The mention of Bhīma III there has always seemed unlikely and a result of wishful thinking on Subba Rao’s part, and can now be rejected with fair confidence in light of the Kōḻūru grant of Bhīma II. Now that the parts of the present grant that Subba Rao withheld have been studied, it is beyond a shadow of doubt that the present grant was issued by Bhīma II.

This grant, especially its versified king list and the description of the reigning king, bears many similarities to the Penuṁbulugu grant of Amma I, and may have been issued early in Bhīma II's reign.

Reported in 35A/1961-622 with description at 62. Partially editedThe edition only gives the text from the beginning of 3v onward, even though the preceding text would be essential in establishing Subba Rao's claim that these plates were issued by Bhīma III. See also the commentary. from the original (before the ARIE report) by R. Subba Rao (), with a summary of the contents, without facsimiles. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on photos taken by myself at the Eluru Archaeological Museum in 2023, collated with Subba Rao's edition where available. Inconsequential, presumably typographic mistakes in the latter have been ignored for the apparatus.

35A/1961-622 62