Kāṭlapaṟṟu grant of Vijayāditya III Encoding Dániel Balogh intellectual authorship of edition Dániel Balogh DHARMA Berlin DHARMA_INSVengiCalukya00086

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Unported Licence. To view a copy of the licence, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, 444 Castro Street, Suite 900, Mountain View, California, 94041, USA.

Copyright (c) 2019-2025 by Dániel Balogh.

2019-2025
DHARMAbase

Halantas are reduced/simplified consonant characters with a tail that starts out horizontally to the right, turns upward at a sharp angle (which may have a point downwards), ascends vertically, then turns softly to the right. Final N (l8, 13, 16). Final T (l21). Final M (l8).

Original punctuation marks.

Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāra is normally to the right of the associated character, at or above headline. It is occasionally (l10, aṁbudhi; l60, Elaṁbaṟa) above the next character. Upadhmānīya (l26, perhaps l45, l47, l51, l52, l53, l69) identical in form to ṟ. Initial Ai may occur in line 64.

The project DHARMA has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement no 809994).

Public URIs with the prefix bib to point to a Zotero Group Library named ERC-DHARMA whose data are open to the public.

Internal URIs using the part prefix to point to person elements in the DHARMA_IdListMembers_v01.xml file.

Initial encoding of the file
Seal śrī-tribhuvanāṅkuśa
Plates

on namo nārāyanāya. svasti. śmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstūyamāna-mānavya-sagotrāṇāṁ hārīti-putrāṇā kauśikī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānām mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāṁ svāmi-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-varāha-lāñchanekṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalānām aśvamedhāvabhr̥tha-snāna-pavitrīkta-vapuṣāṁ

cālukyānām abhūd vaśe vijayāditya-vallabhaḥ satyāśraya Iti khyāta -nāmnāpi bhuvi viśrutaḥ| tasyānujaḥ prabhuḥ khyāto viṣṇuvarddhana-saṁjñitaḥ| sa durjjayaṁ samuccāṭya veṅgī-maṇḍalam āptavāN| Aṣṭau daśa ca varṣāṇi kr̥tvāsau rājyam uttamaM yayau nāka-vadhū-bhoga -vāchayā marutāṁ padaM| tat-putro jayasiṁhākhyo bhūri-siṁha-parākramaḥ trayastriṁśat samāḥ prithvīṁmm abhuṁktā-catur-aṁbudhi| viṣṇurājas tad-anujasy endrarājasya nandanaḥ sa dhātrīn nava varṣāṇi pālayām āsa līlayā| tasyāpi tanayo maṁgi -yuvarājākhya-bhūpatiḥ nyāyenāpālayad dhātrīṁ vatsarān paṁcaviṁśatiṁ| tasmāj jātaḥ sutaḥ śrīmāN jayasiṁho mahīpatiḥ sa trayodaśa varṣāṇi rājyaṁ cakre nr̥pottamaḥ| dvaimāturas tad-anujaḥ kokkilir nnāma viśrutaḥ ṣaṇ-māsa-mātram evāsau pālayitvāmucad dharāṁ| tad-agrajas tu vikhyāto viṣṇuvarddhana-nāmavāN saptatriṁśat samāḥ prithvīṁ rarakṣa sakalām imāṁ| sūnus tadīyo vijayā ditya-nāmā mahīpatiḥ so pi pālitavān urvvīm aṣau daśa ca vatsarāN| viṣṇu-bhūpas tato jāto viṣṇuvad bali-marddhdanaḥ ṣaṭtriṁśad vatsarān dhātrīm āpālya prayayau divaṁ| tasya sūnur abhūd dhīmān vijayāditya-saṁitaḥ Aṣṭottara-śata-khyāta -yuddha-labdha-jayonnatiḥ| tāvaṁty eva punaḥ kr̥tvā śabhor āyatanāny api catvāriṁśat samāḥ prithvīṁ pralīnārim apālayaT| viṣṇuvarddhana-nāmābhūt tat-sūnur vvijitāhitaḥ so pi varṣaṁ sa-ṣaṇ-māsaṁ bubhuje dharaṇī-talaṁ| jātā paramakāṁbāyāś cendrarājasya cātmajā śīlakāṁbā bhavānīva menā-himavatos satī| tasyāṁ ca śīlakāṁbāyāṁ jātāas tad-viṣṇu-bhūpateḥ vijaditya-nāmāṁkaḥ sūnur ā-vārddhi-bhūpatiḥ| yenaikenaiva khaḍgena catur-dig-maṇḍalādhipāN vijitya suyaśaḫ prāptaṁ tac-chira-stha-pada-dvayaḥ| yasmin pāti bhuvaṁ purātana-nr̥pācāra-śrutau kautukaṁ loko yaṁ tyajati sphuṭam manu-muner ddharmmopadeśo hy ayaṁ yasyācāra-pathaikadeśa Iva yat-kīrttes samastaṁ jagad veśmatvaṁ gamitaṁ sa cāru vijayādityo vibhāty uttamaḥ| Ā seto rāma-mukta-pravara-kapi-balābaddha-śailendra-br̥ṁdād ā kailāsāc ca pārvvaty-avacita-sumano-ramya-vr̥kṣānta-saānor ā tuṁgāc cāsta-śailād uḍu-kusuma-cayād ā punaś codayādrer yyāvanto madhya-vartti-kṣitipati-nikarāts tair nnuto yo vibhāti| yasya pratāpa-santāpa -khidyamānāri-bhūmipāḥ pāda-cchāyān na muñcanti dvīpāntara-samāgatāḥ| yasyaivājñāmayan tejo jagad-antaḥ-pure bhramad durjjanocchedanāyālaṁ śodhanā-dīpikāyate| yat-prasāda-taror aindram apakva-phalavat padaṁ yasya krodhānalasyāpi vahnir aurvvaḥ kanāyate| yan-mahattvaṁ samuddiśya merus tr̥ṇa-lavāyate yasyaivāgādha-gāṁbhīryyaṁ jānudaghnāyate budhiḥ| Evasthite| Āsīt prāvacana-khyāta -vipra-vaṁśa-kulottamaḥ kāṭūru-vāyulūr-ākhya -grāma-dvaya-patiḥ prabhuḥ| tatrāśeṣa-deśaika -yako guna-lālitaḥ kumārartti-nāmāṁka śrīmān bhūri-yaśo-dhanaḥ jaya-mānoddhr̥taṁ hastaṁ bhūpates toṇḍamāninaḥ noddharāmy adya tan nūnaṁ kāḍuveṭṭi-mahīśa te Ity uktvā saṁparityajya deśaṁ na-dhanānvitaḥ veṁgī-deśaṁ praviśyāsāv uṇḍy-ākhya-grāmam āyayau| tatra sthitvā sa tanayaṁ lebhe dvija-kulottamaṁ viddiśarmmākhyam anaghaṁ khyātaṁ satyābhimāninaṁ| so py ārādhya mahāsenaṁ cirāyājījanat sutaṁ kuraḫ peddanaś ceti ma-dvaya-samanvitaṁ| tasmāt tu cānamāṁbāyāṁ sūnur jjāto mahā-yaśā rājāditya Iti khyāto jīva-sama-locanaḥ| dussādhyān sādhayitvārīN svasyaivaikāsi-dhārayā dravyāṇy āhr̥tya bhūyāṁsi svāmine yaḫ prayacchati| satya-śīlābhimānoru -tyāga-śauryyādibhir gguṇaiḥ yena tulyo na loke sti nāsīn na ca bhaviṣyati| yasya jātas suta khyātaḥ peddakhyo dvidhipaḥ svāmi-bhakti-vrata śrīmāN dig-vikīrṇṇa-mahā-yaśāḥ| dhīraś śūraś śuciḫ prājño devādibhyo nr̥ṇaḥ paṭuḥ kulānny uddhr̥tavāN sarvvāN svāśritābhaya-daḫ prabhuḥ| Evaṁ-bhūtaṁ sutaṁ labdhvā rājādityas sa Uttama prāptaḫ paramam ānaṁdaṁmm aihikāmutrika-kṣamaM|

tatra sa vijayāditya-rājādhirāja-parameśvara-parama-bhaṭṭārakaḥ parama-brahmaṇyas sārvvabhaumo nirvvarttitāśeṣa-jagad-vyāpāro bhūtvā dharmmaika-niṣṭha saN premānurakta-cittatayā Asādhāraṇa-karuṇayā ca tasmai rājāditya-dvijottamāya sūryya-grahaṇa-nimitte kāṭlapaṟṟu nāma grāmaM sarvva-kara-parihāreṇa AgrahāraM prādāT.datvā ca veṁgī-sahasra-grāma-deśa-rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhāN kuṭumbina Ittham ājñāpayati

viditam astu vo smābhir vveṁgī-sahasrākhya-viṣaye rājādityāyāsmai kāṭlapaṟṟu-grāmas sarvva-kara-parihārenāgrahāro datta Iti. Asya grāmasyāvadhayaḥ. pūrvvataḥ velivroluḥ sīmā| Āgneyataḥ Elaṁbaṟa-ceṟuvu| dakṣiṇataḥ virppaṟṟu| nairr̥tyāṁ virppaṟṟu-grāma-kṣetraṁ| paścimataḥ rāvulapaṟṟu| vāyavyataḥ gogulamaṇḍa| Uttarataḥ bamminipaṟu bodyamapūṇḍi| Aiśānyān diśi velivroli-ketraṁ| Etad-aṣṭa-dik-sīma-madhya-vartti grāmaḥ| Asyopari na kenacid bādhā karttavyā| yaḥ karoti sa paca-mahāpātaka-saṁyukto bhavati| bhagavatā vyāsenāpy uktaṁ|

bahubhir vvasudhā dattā bahubhiś cānupālitā| yasya yasya yadā bhūmis tasya tasya ta phalaM| sva-dattāṁ para-dattāṁ vā yo hareta vasundharāM| ṣaṣṭi varṣa-sahasrāṇi viṣṭhāyāṁ jāyate krimiḥ| mad-vaṁśa-jāḫ para-mahīpati-vaṁśa-ś ca pāpād apeta-manaso bhuvi bhāvi-bhūpāḥ| ye pālayanti mama dharmmam imaṁ samastan teṣām mayā viracito jalir eṣa mūrddhni|

Ājñaptir asya pāṇḍarāṁgaḥ. śivam astu| śāntir astu|

Seal
Plates on om varṣāṇi varṣāṇi abhuṁktā-catur- abhuktvā catur- RS's emendation makes no sense in the context. The anusvāra is clear, and the reading is identical to that in verse 5 of the Kākamrāṇu grant of Bhīma I. tad-anujaḥ This may have been corrected from tadānujaḥ. aṣau aṣṭā- The plate is effaced here and RS may be right, but because of the presence of ca and the parallel in the Kākamrāṇu grant of Bhīma I, I prefer aṣṭau. khaḍgena The na is very narrow and may have been corrected from a final N. hy py -nikarāts -nikarāt cchāyān There are some strokes below that resemble the character vi. This may be random or a remnant of something inscribed earlier on the plate; no syllable is missing either here or at this point in the next line. kanāyate kaṇāyate -mahattvaṁ -mahatvaṁ tatrāśeṣa-deśaika- The quarter needs one more syllable, e.g. tatra cāśeṣa-deśaika- or tatratyāśeṣa-deśaika-. -nāmāṁka -nāmāṁka An anusvāra seems to be present here, though it may be random damage. I cannot securely interpret this passage, but emendation to a nominative may be warranted even if the anusvāra is genuine. See also the translation and the commentary. -dhanaḥ -dhanaḥ| If a punctuation mark is present here, it is very faint and very close to the next character. I rather think it is only the upraised edge of the engraving on the left side of the next character. toṇḍamāninaḥ toṁḍamāninaḥ te te| There is definitely no original punctuation mark here. kuraḫ peddanaś ceti RS print all of this stretch as clear. The reading is probably correct, but in the published estampage, only the barest vestiges are visible of the first few characters of line 45. mahā-yaśā Again, RS print the text as clear, but it is illegible in the published estampage, though probably correct. -bhaṭṭārakaḥ -bhaṭṭāraka- -brahmaṇyas sārvvabhaumo -brahmaṇya sārvabhaumo -deśa- Having this word in compound makes for poor syntax; I would expect -deśe or -deśa-nivāsino. rājādityāyāsmai rājāditya āsmai parihārenā° parihāreṇā° gogulamaṇḍa gogūlamaṇḍa bodyamapūṇḍi bedyamapūṇḍi Aiśānyān Īśānyān The first character is far from clear in the printed estampage, but does not look like initial Ī. Although this word often occurs in cognate plates in the form īśānya, in this case the spelling appears to be with Ai; compare initial E further on in this line, or a clearer one in line 62. ṣaṣṭi varṣa- ṣaṣṭir vvarṣa- I cannot exclude that there was a repha on the va, obscured by a blotch of damage at the right spot, but I am quite certain that a subscript va is not present, so the original reading was either ṣaṣṭiṁ or ṣaṣṭi-. viṣṭhāyāṁ viṣṭāyāṁ
Seal
Plates

Om! Obeisance to Nārāyaṇa.

Greetings. In the dynasty of the majestic Cālukyas, who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārīti, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed to kingship by Lord Mahāsena, to whom the realms of adversaries instantaneously submit at the mere sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions avabhr̥tha of the Aśvamedha sacrifice—

In this dynasty of the Cālukyas was born Vijayāditya Vallabha Pulakeśin II, also known on this earth by the epithet Abode of Truth satyāśraya.

His renowned and mighty younger brother was named Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana. He obtained the country maṇḍala of Veṅgī after extirpating Durjaya.See 87-88 for some speculation on who this Durjaya may have been. The name, if a name it is, is said to occur only here and in the Kākamrāṇu grant of Bhīma I, but compare durjjayād balito hr̥tāṁ in line 7 of the Kalucuṁbaṟṟu grant of Amma II. There remains the possibility that durjaya is to be understood metonymically in the vague sense of “a tough enemy,” and it is also quite possible that veṅgī-maṇḍala was not actually conquered by Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, this act being projected backward onto him.

Having ruled most excellently for eight and ten years, he passed on to heaven because he was eager to enjoy the divine ladies.

His son, named Jayasiṁha I and possessing the valour of many lions siṁha, possessed bhuj- for thirty-three years over the land up to the four oceans.

The son of his younger brother King Indra was King Viṣṇu Viṣṇuvardhana II. He effortlessly protected pāl- the earth for nine years.

His son in turn, the king bhūpati called Maṅgi Yuvarāja, protected pāl- the earth justly for twenty-five years.

From him was born a majestic son, King mahīpati Jayasiṁha II. That most excellent king reigned for thirteen years.

His younger brother by a different mother was widely known by the name Kokkili. Having ruled pāl- it for a mere six months, he relinquished the earth.

That one’s famous elder brother, Viṣṇuvardhana III by name, protected rakṣ- this entire earth for thirty-seven years.

His son was the king mahīpati named Vijayāditya I. He in turn protected pāl- the earth for eight and ten years.

From him was born King bhūpa Viṣṇuvardhana IV, a crusher of the mighty just as Viṣṇu is the crusher of Bali,Sankaranarayanan (88), as well as RS (37) are convinced that the name Bali signifies a victory of Viṣṇuvardhana over a king of the Bāṇa lineage, who traced themselves from the demon Bali. While the possibility of such an allusion cannot be ruled out, I find it more likely that Bali is to be understood as a name only in the context of Viṣṇu, and in the prima facie meaning it simply stands for “powerful enemies.” who went on to heaven after protecting pāl- the earth for thirty-six years.

His son was the clever one named Vijayāditya II, prominent because of his victories attained in a hundred and eight famous battles.

Afterward erecting just as many i.e. 108 abodes of Śambhu, he ruled for forty years over an earth devoid of enemies.

His son was named Viṣṇuvardhana V who conquered his enemies. He possessed bhuj- the earth for a year and six months.

A chaste daughter, Śīlakāmbā, was born to Paramakāmbā and Indrarāja as Satī Bhavānī Pārvatī was born to Menā and Himavat. As RS (37-38) observe, the Indrarāja referred to here is probably the Rāṣṭrakūṭa Indra, younger brother of Govinda III.

A son of that King Viṣṇu Viṣṇuvardhana V was born from that Śīlakāmbā. Marked by the name Vijayāditya III, he became king as far as the oceans.

He attained great fame by defeating the rulers of the circuit of four directions with a single sword, placing his pair of feet atop their heads.The syntax is awkward here, as the stanza appears to be a single sentence, but its logical subject Vijayāditya III is in the instrumental (as the agent of a passive construction) in the first three quarters, and in the nominative (as the subject of an active construction) in the fourth. See also the commentary.

When he protects the world, the populace loses its interest in listening to the deeds of the kings of yore, for this Vijayāditya is himself obviously a parable about the dharma of the sage Manu. A mere fraction, as it were, of the ways of his conduct have turned the entire world into the residence of his fame. That dear Vijayāditya shines supreme.Again, the syntax of the stanza is awkward, and the images are not very coherent. The sentence about Vijayāditya being a parable (dharmopadeśa) can be fitted into the whole by assuming that is is the thought of the people, but this is not explicitly indicated by anything. The syntactical role of the compound ending in °aikadeśa is not clear; I have assumed it to be a locative expressing a condition, but the passive causative participle gamitam would expect an instrumental expressing an agent here, as in the translation.

Whatever the number of the hosts of kings that there are within—as far as the Causeway whose flock of mountains was constructed by the army of eminent monkeys unleashed by Rāma in the south; as far as Mount Kailāsa whose slopes are hemmed by trees made beautiful with flowers gathered by Pārvatī in the north; as far as the lofty Sunset Mountain in the west and likewise as far as the Sunrise Mountain with its clusters of stars in the east—he shines, praised by them all.Again, I find the stanza awkward. The first image of course refers to Rāma’s Causeway, but it is not clear to me whether the poet speaks about the monkey army constructing that causeway from rocks (called mountains here), or to some episode I am not aware of in which the monkey constructed mountains. The second image is about Kailāsa as the home of Pārvatī (and, implicitly, Śiva), but the flowers seem to have been picked by Pārvatī elsewhere, then hung (as garlands?) on the trees.

Enemies, even coming from other continents, are ever so enervated by the sunlight of his valour that they do not relinquish the shade of his feet.

The flame consisting of his command, as it roams the palace that is the world, serves as the perfect searchlight for rooting out miscreants.I do not know any attestation of the compound śodhanā-dīpikā, but it seems to be a lantern carried by a night guard as he patrols a palace. My translation “searchlight” may invoke too modern an image, but I use it nonetheless because it is close to a literal translation.

The position of Indra is like only an unripe fruit of the tree of his favour, and Aurva’s fire is dwarfed by the blaze of his wrath.

In perspective to his greatness, Mount Meru becomes a chip of straw, and in perspective to his immeasurable profundity, the ocean appears knee-deep.

In these circumstances,

There was a supreme scion of a Brahmanical lineage reputed for its learnedness in the Prāvacana sūtra: the masterful lord of two villages named Kāṭūru and Vāyulūr.

Cherished on account of his virtues by the sovereign lord of all the land there, he was marked by the name Kumāramūrti, majestic and rich in copious glory.This passage is rather obscure. See the commentary.

Kumāramūrti said,” I will certainly not accept from you now the hand offered with honour and wishes of victory, King Kāḍuveṭṭi, because you are a king of Toṇḍamān.”

Having said so and having left that country with honours and gifts, he entered the country of Veṅgī and came to the village named Uṇḍi.

Staying there, he had a son named Viddiśarman, the best of his Brahmanical family, sinless, famous and proud of his truthfulness.

He in turn, after worshipping Mahāsena, at long last begat a son, who possessed two names, Kumāra and Peddana.

A glorious son was born to him from Cānamāmbā. Known as Rājāditya, his eyes are like dark waterlilies rājīva.

Overcoming indomitable enemies by the blade of his single sword, he seizes great riches and offers them to his lord.

There is not, was not, nor will ever be anyone in the world comparable to him in qualities such as truthfulness, morality, pride, great generosity and valour.

A famous son was born to him: a king among Brahmins named Peddana, who is majestic, immersed in dedication to his lord, with his great glory spreading to all directions.

Steadfast, heroic, pure, wise, intelligent, cleared of debt to the gods and so forth,The reference is to the three debts: that to the gods, to be paid by performing sacrifices; that to one’s ancestors, to be paid by performing rituals in their honour and begetting descendants; and that to the sages, by reciting the Vedas. he is a lord who grants security to those who take refuge with him and has thus elevated all his families.If “two families” had been mentioned here, then the text would clearly mean his paternal and maternal family. Since the text strongly implies more than two, either the family of his lord is to be understood as the third, or this Peddana II traced his descent from more than one matriline (e.g. his grandmother as well as mother may have come from notable families).

Having obtained such a most excellent son capable of serving ends pertaining to both this world and the otherworld, that Rājāditya experienced utter happiness.

Thereupon that Vijayāditya, the supremely pious Supreme Lord parameśvara of Emperors rājādhirāja, the Supreme Sovereign parama-bhaṭṭāraka and Universal Ruler sārvabhauma, having concluded all worldly activity and being dedicated solely to dharma, with a fondly loving mind and with extraordinary sympathy, has on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun given the village named Kāṭlapaṟṟu, as a Brahmanical holding agrahāra with an exemption from all taxes, to that most excellent Brahmin Rājāditya. And having given it, he commands the householders kuṭumbin—including foremost the territorial overseers rāṣṭrakūṭa—of the Veṅgī thousand-village territory deśa as follows:

Let it be known to you that we have given the village Kāṭlapaṟṟu in the district viṣaya called the Veṅgī-thousand to this Rājāditya as a Brahmanical holding agrahāra with an exemption from all taxes. The boundaries of this village are as follows. To the east, the border is Velivrolu. To the southeast, the Elaṁbaṟa reservoir ceṟuvu. To the south, Virppaṟṟu. To the southwest, the fields belonging to the village Virppaṟṟu. To the west, Rāvulapaṟṟu. To the northwest, Gogulamaṇḍa. To the north, Bamminipaṟṟu and Bodyamapūṇḍi. In the northeastern direction, the fields of Velivrolu. The village is situated in the midst of these boundaries in the eight directions. Let no-one pose an obstacle to the enjoyment of rights over it. He who does so shall be conjoined with the five great sins. So too has the reverend Vyāsa said:

Many kings have granted land, and many have preserved it as formerly granted. Whosoever at any time owns the land, the fruit reward accrued of granting it belongs to him at that time.

He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, shall be born as a worm in faeces for sixty millennia.

Hereby I offer my respectful obeisance añjali to all future kings on earth, whether born in my lineage or a different royal lineage, who with minds averted from sin observe this provision dharma of mine in its integrity.

The executor ājñapti of this provision is Pāṇḍarāṅga. Let it be well. Let there be peace.

Obscured caesura in v18a and d (śārdūlavikrīḍita).

According to Ramesh and Sampath 35 the plates are numbered on the edges (across their thickness), beginning from the last plate and ending with the first.

Up to stanza XIV, the text is identical to that of the Kākamrāṇu grant of Bhīma I, down to the level of some spelling idiosyncrasies, except that the opening stanza in praise of Bhīma is not present here. Our stanzas XX and XXII also appear there, describing Bhīma while here they describe Vijayāditya III. These two charters represent the earliest occurrences of a full king list among the Eastern Cālukya charters known to me, and the only instances of a fully versified king list. It cannot be ascertained whether this list was composed in the reign of Vijayāditya III or Bhīma I, since the present grant may well have been issued when Vijayāditya III was no longer active. At any rate, given the awkward (or incorrect) syntax in some of the stanzas not shared with the Kākamrāṇu grant (including much of the donee’s description), I suspect that the verse king list was composed by someone with a better command of Sanskrit, and the writer of the present grant simply adopted it from the official records.

These two stanzas are not quite intelligible to me. The earlier editors Ramesh and Sampath may have interpreted it as I do, but all they say about them is that the donee’s ancestor Kumāramūrti developed differences with his erstwhile lord mentioned as Toṇḍamān and Kāḍuveṭṭi (37-38). The reason for the passage’s opacity is primarily the poor Sanskrit used by the composer; in addition, better knowledge of the context may help reconstruct what is being hinted at here. The plates also have some damage here, but the only real ambiguity as regards the received reading is whether or not an anusvāra is present at the beginning of line 40 (see the apparatus). I agree with RS that a visarga is needed here, and whether the emendation is to replace an anusvāra or to correct an omission is of little import. Assuming that the name Kumāramūrti is in the nominative, stanza XXV should then mean that he was the lord of the entire country and not just of two villages. This seems unlikely, since the ancestor would not be named then, while his grandson would bear the name Kumāra (stanza XXIX). However, our composer has already (in stanza XVII) shown a cavalier attitude to active and passive construction. I therefore propose that the other nominative in the stanza, nāyako, is to be understood as the agent of the passive participle lāḷitaḥ, resulting in a coherent and plausible stanza. What happened next is, however, even more opaque. Stanza XXVI seems to mention two kings, one of Toṇḍamān (though bhūpates toṇḍamāninaḥ is a strange expression and may mean something else) and one called Kāḍuveṭṭi. These two may or may not be a single person and either, none or both may be identical to the local ruler introduced above. The phrase ity uktvā in stanza XXVII makes it clear that the speaker of at least the second half of stanza XXVI (with the finite verb uddharāmi in the first person) was the donee’s ancestor, and what he said resulted in his leaving the country where he had lived. The situation is all the more unfortunate because the verb is much the same as the earlier uddhr̥tam, but probably used in a different meaning among the wide choice of senses derivable from either hr̥ or dhr̥ with the prefix ud. It seems most likely that the whole of stanza XXVI is meant to be a direct quote, but if so, then we learn nothing about the occasion that prompted Kumāramūrti to say this. My understanding is that the two references to a king mean a single person. This ruler, I believe, offered recognition as an underlord (or the command of an army) to Kumāramūrti, who may have been already a military leader rather than a simple country Brahmin. This is implied by bhūri-yaśo-dhanaḥ in stanza XXV and by the fact that his descendant the donee was also a general. Assuming this is the case, the virtue on account of which Kumāramūrti was cherished (stanza XXV) may have been military success rather than a generic platitude. However, precisely because he had already been cherished by his local ruler, it is perhaps most likely that the present offer came from someone else. Kumāramūrti apparently refused the distinction, so noddharāmi in stanza XXVI is to be understood as “I will not take as my own.” The position of bhūpates toṇḍamāninaḥ in the sentence may imply that the grounds for Kumāramūrti’s rejection was the king’s Toṇḍamān lineage or territorial affiliation. (Or possibly, the Sanskrit word mānin is to be understood here, in the sense “[only] a pretender to Toṇḍai kingship”.) To complicate matters further, the phrase māna-dhanānvitaḥ in stanza XXVII suggests that Kumāramūrti departed in honour rather than fleeing from a king’s wrath. The account may simply be putting a good face on what had actually happened. But I could also imagine that this is a further implication of what I propose above: if Kumāramūrti was solicited by a rival of the local ruler or by a king aspiring for suzerainty over the region, and Kumāramūrti refused out of loyalty to his local ruler, then it makes sense that he would have to depart out of fear of the other ruler, yet receive honours from his former ruler.

Reported in 7A/1938-393 with discussion at 725. Edited from estampages by K. V Ramesh and M. D. Sampath (), with facsimiles, without translation. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Ramesh and Sampath's edition with their estampages.