Bakul rock (C. 23), 751 Śaka EpiDoc encoding Arlo Griffiths Salomé Pichon intellectual authorship of edition Arlo Griffiths DHARMA Lyon DHARMA_INSCIC00023

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A relavitely irregular hand. Bergaigne: L'écriture n'est pas celle des inscriptions de Vikrāntavarman. Elle manque tout à fait, non seulement d'élégance, mais de régularité [...] Cependant, les caractères, pris isolément, sont aussi semblables que possible à ceux du VIIIe siècle śaka, tels qu'on le recontre dans les inscriptions de Satyavarman et d'Indravarman Ier. Can it be identified with the one responsible for C. 14 and C. 25? If so, my comment on non-royal = less professional in commentary needs to be revised.

The space between lines 7 and 8 where the engraver forgot to write the second half of stanza IV is marked by a kākapada within a circle; the same mark, at the start of line 15, indicates the addition written as the bottom of the text.

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Inscription exposed śrī vikrānteśvaralokau yau tayor nr̥pau sa nāyakaḥ samantaḥ prathito nāmnā tasya puṇyam idaṁ matam·. vihārau deva-kule dvaudve jina-śaṅkarayos tayoḥ. pūjanārthaṁ prakurute tāṅ gatiṁ pragataś śubhām· humā-tavov· saṁgaṇitas tu pāt-pluḥ kṣetran tu khāryyāḥ daśa mastāṅke paratra bhūrīcchati bhogam āryyaṁ prādāj jināyaiva manaś-śubhena samanta-putras sthaviraḥ buddhanirvvāṇa-saṁjñakaḥ kāvyasya karaṇañ cakre jñātaye bhūtale nr̥ṇām·.

humā pralauṅ·. humā padaiṅ·. ney· śaka vanuḥ humā dvā nan· 751. yāṅ· maṇḍara di parvvata. vihāra devarakṣa di krauṅ·. yāṅ· praṇaveśvara di mandauḥ. vihāra ney· Avista nan· sā pu pov· puṇya.

Trials unexposed śrīyyi śrīrājaviḥ
Inscription exposed nr̥pau gupau Bergaigne adds to his reading the note: Pour guptau ? Le contexte suggérerait plutôt gatau : mais cette correction serait trop éloignée du texte. dvaudve Bergaigne notes that dvau, qui était une faute, a été remplacé par dve, que le graveur a simplement ajouté à la suite. pūjanārthaṁ svajanārthaṁ humā-tavov· Barth notes on Bergaigne's edition: Je lis humātavor. The second v is more elongated than the previous one, but is still clearly different from the shape of r in this hand. daśa mastāṅke daśa-mastāstakāṅke Unmetrical. Bergaigne's reading as a single compound emended to daśamastakāṅke, where Daśamastaka is interpreted a toponym, does not seem plausible. The fact that the Cham numerical expression pāt-pluḥ, in the preceding pāda, means four ten, i.e. forty, may be relevant in searching for a solution. Presuming that it is, I interpret the text as intended to convey masta in the (alas virtually unattested) meaning measured, and would resolve the metrical irregularity in one of the following ways: emend mastam aṅke, resolve sandi as masta Aṅke (wrong sandhi intended to express the locative absolute that should be maste 'ṅke), or resolve sandhi in the same way but keep a compound (masta-Aṅke). Other possibilities: emend to obtain the word hasta or vyāma. pralauṅ· praloṅ· padaiṅ padeṅ· ṭadaiṅ· parvvata parvata devarakṣa devaraksa krauṅ· kroṅ· mandauḥ mandoḥ

Of the two kings, Vikrāntavarman and Īśvaraloka, the one renowned by the name Samanta, was the commander. This meritorious work is deemed to be his.

He fashions the two monasteries and the two temples of the Jina and of Śaṅkara, in order to worship the two. He has set out to this beautiful destination.

On the one hand tu, the sugarcane field is counted as forty, on the other tu the ricefield as ten, when the number is measured by the khārī. He wishes much noble enjoyment in the afterlife. He gave them only to the Jina with purity of mind.

Samanta's son, the elder called Buddhanirvāṇa, carried out the composition of the poem for men on earth to know it.

The field Pralauṅ, the field Padaiṅ — this is the Śaka year of the donation of those two fields: 751. God Mandara on the mountain. The Devarakṣa monastery on the river. God Praṇaveśvara at Mandauḥ. This monastery. All of it is one meritorious work of the gentleman pu pov.

The composition of this text and the execution of its mise en pierre are unusually sloppy. Due to scribal inadvertence, the second hemistich of stanza IV was initially skipped, and appears only in the final two lines after the Cham-language prose part that should have stood at the bottom of the text. Metrical irregularities are observed in stanzas II esp. pāda a and III pāda b. The resolution of the latter possibly requires assuming an error of sandhi, while it is certain that the visarga in khāryyāḥ daśa in that same pāda cannot be accepted, and the same stanza also involves inconsistencies in the use of tenses which I have smoothed over in my translation. Such errors, and unusual word order as in manaś-śubhena stanza III, where expected śubha-manasā is avoided for metrical reasons, suggest rather strong influence on the Sanskrit composition from the author's mother tongue, presumably Cham, as does his willingness to insert Cham words into the Sanskrit text again, in stanza III. The fact that the text is not a royal inscription may mean the work was carried out by a relatively less qualified clerk and artisan.

On the interpretation of this stanza, where Īśvaraloka is the posthumous name of king Satyavarman, see 295.

Previous scholars have not recognized that tavov here must be the Old Cham word for sugarcane (179tabău, etc.). The words humā and pāt pluḥ mean, respectively, field and forty in Old Cham. Regarding the second half of the stanza, it is likely that ārya is practically equivalent in meaning to Buddhist, while the word bhoga may express the technical meaning economic resource. An alternative translation could therefore be as follows: He wishes much enjoyment in the afterlife, so beautiful in mind he gave the Buddhist resource only to the Jina.

The final sentence Avista nan· sā pu pov· puṇya is hard to parse. I tentatively assume that we must read pu-pov-puṇya as though it were a Sanskrit possessive compound, even though only the element puṇya is from Sanskrit and the sentence as a whole is formulated in Old Cham.

The Old Cam part was edited by É. Aymonier (25-27396), with French word-for-word gloss; the Sanskrit part was edited by A. Bergaigne (237-241XXV (396)), with translation into French; textual notes were offered by L. Finot (633-634V, n. 2). Bergaigne's edition of the Sanskrit text was published again by R. C. Majumdar (), with translation into English. The two parts were first put together by K.-H. Golzio (55-56), with translation into English. The text is re-edited and freshly translated here by Arlo Griffiths, based on the available estampages and autopsy of the stone.

25-27396 237-241XXV (396) III 65-6728 27, 71, 78 18-19V 79 11, 47 55-56 294-295 446, 481-484, 486