3mpulan·, pakaluṁkuṁ, kaR̥ṁR̥ṅan·, tpuṁ kavuṁ, suṁsuṁ paṅuraṁ, pasuk alas·, sipat· vilut·, juṁkuṁ, pāṅin-aṅin· pamāvasya, hopan·, saṇḍuṁ lamur·, panrāṅan·, skar tahun·, pabayai, paṁrāma, Avur·, panigaṁ blaḥ, pakarapa, tampə: sirir·, pinta palaku, tuluṁ hutaṁ, pobhaya, kipa-kipaḥ, pavalanda, pakan tahun·, paniriṁ, pataruṁ, patarub·, pakikis·, paprāyaścitta, Avuran·, pavuvuḥ, tuṇḍān·, kḍi, valyan·, sambal·, sumbul·, hulun· haji, jəṅgi, pavuluṁ-vuluṁ, vidu maṅiduṁ, siṅgaḥ, pamr̥si, vatək i jro Ityevamādi kabaiḥ, An tan· tamā ta ya Iri⌈keṁ vanva riṅ añjatān· sabhuktyan· saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, samaṁkana Ikanaṁ sukha-duḥkha magə:ṁ maḍmit·, kady aṅgāniṁ mayaṁ tan· pavvaḥ, valu rumambat iṁ natar·, vipati, vankay· kābunan·, rāḥ kasavur iṁ havan·, māti tibā, māti kaL̥bū, māti sinambər iṁ glap·, hidu kasirat·, dūlihatən·, săhasa, vākcapala, mamijilakən· vuriniṁ kikir·, mamūk·, mapmuṁpaṁ, lūdān·, tūtān·, Aṅśa pratyaṅśa , ḍaṇḍa kuḍəṇḍa, maṇḍihalādi prakāra, An saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi Iṅ amr̥tamaṅgala pramāṇa Irikā, samaṁkana Ikanaṁ masambyavahāra satamolaḥ I saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, An kapva ya hīnīṅan· de śrī mahārāja, kramāṇya, matitiḥ sakulit·, Alavay· sapatiga, Abasana satuhan·, Aṅavari satuhan·, pakajaṅan· satuhan·, pahiḍanan· satuhan·, Amanantən· sapahavvan·, yāpvan· pinikul· dvalnya, kady aṅgāniṁ pda, vuyaḥ, Acan·, kamiri, bavaṁ, laja, pipakan·, L̥ṅa, luruṅan·, kasumbha, vsi-vsi, vaja, pr̥mata, hadas·, Atak·, bras·, kalapa, vvaḥ, səR̥ḥ, pisaṁ, gula, Ityevamādi kabeḥ, An katiga pabantalan· juga ya, tan· L̥viha saṁkerikā, yapvan· paṅulaṁ kbo prāṇa 40 kbovanya, yan sapi prāṇa 40 sapyanya, yan· paṅulaṁ celeṁ 50 ⌈celaiṅanya, yan· vḍus· prāṇa 40 vḍusanya, Itik· savantayan·, Agritan· rvaṁ pahavvan·, Aparahu sasiki, Ikā ta kabaiḥ tan· knānāta ya soddhāra haji, Asiṁ sadeśa-parānanya, yapvan· paṇḍay· vsi, gaṅsa, tamra, mās·, sapaR̥An· sovaṁ ṅunivaiḥ Ikanaṁ maṁdyūn·, mañarub·, mañambul·, mañavriṁ, maṁlākha, mamahaṁ, mamuṁkuḍu, manūla-vuṁkuḍu, tka riṁ maṅanam-anam·, magavay payuṁ, ruṅki, taṅgī, vakul·, kalasā, magavay· kisī, manaṅkəb· manuk·, mamisaṇḍuṁ manuk·, makala-kalā, mamulaṁ, manavaṁ, Aṇ ḍaṁ saṅgha Iṅ amr̥tamaṅgalātaḥ pramāṇa I sadr̥bya-hajinya kabaiḥ, kramānya, tribhāgān·, sadūmān· mapaknā I bhaṭāra, sadūmān· mapaknā I ḍaṁ saṅgha, pahayva samananāni sapariskārani kapahayvan· saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, sadūmān· maparṇnaha I saṁ karmmanya, maṁkana tiṅkaḥ sodhāra haji huvus kapāṭa ri saṁ hyaṁ rājapraśāsti, pagə-pageḥ I kasusukan· saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, mari ta parṇnaḥnikaṁ vanva riṅ añjatan thāni bala girim baṅi, maṁkana Ikanaṁ lmaḥ savaḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· tka ri kəbvanya blaḥ 1 sahuvus· kapāṭa, mantən ataḥ parṇnahnikā lmaḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· An· maṅkai, kevalā saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgalātaḥ pramāṇa Irikā kabaiḥ, tka ri salbak·-vukirnya kabeḥ makādi savaḥ prakāra, kunaṁ pva kadeyaknanikaṁ vanva riṅ añjatan· tka riṁ kalpi sama marāśraya, An kapvātaḥ kumatuturaknaṁ sapūrbva-sthiti, pratidina mabuñcaṁ-hajya riṁ samananāni kapahayvan· saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi Iṅ amr̥tamaṅgala Aṅkən· manis·, kumeṇḍəṁ tikā tka ri kadeyaknanikanaṁ piṅhai makurug anak thāni vatək· girim baṅi, tka ri sapiṅgir· siriṁnikaṁ vanva riṅ añjatan·, karuhun· saṅ inanugrahan· śrī mahārāja mapaknā Irikanaṁ girim baṅi, tka ri saṅ anāgata vineḥ girim baṅi, Apan· thāni vatək· girim baṅi tatvabhūtanya ṅūni, samaṅkana samgat· Aṅin-aṅin· maṅkai lāvan saṅ anāgatāṅin-aṅin·, An sama təkyənāta sira Umimbuha sakaparipūrṇnāknani daməl· śrī mahārāja saṁ hyaṁ kuṭi Iṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, makavuṁkalana I tan· hananira deyan umulah-ulaha Ikanaṁ vanva Iṅ añjatan· tka ri savaḥnya, mvaṁ Ikanaṁ lmaḥ savaḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· ṅuniveḥ kəbvanya blaḥ 1 yathānya tan pamuhara pramāda magə:ṁ I sira, Āpan· sampun· pagəḥni rasa saṁ hyaṁ rājapraśāsti pagə-pagəḥ I kasusukanikanaṁ vanva Iṅ añjatan· masavaḥ tampaḥ 1 blaḥ 1 lāvan ikanaṁ savaḥ lmaḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· tka ri kəbvanya blaḥ 1 ṅuniveḥ lbak·-vukirnya kabeḥ, maṁkana rasa saṁ hyaṅ ājñā haji praśāsti pagə-pagəḥ ri kasusukanikaṁ vanva riṅ añjatan· tka riṁ savaḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· de śrī mahārāja,

meṅət pva mpuṁku I tinakər· ryy ātiśayani kavaṅunan· saṁ hyaṁ buddhaśāśana de śrī mahārāja, ri huvus· mpuṁku I tinakər· pinadamlakan· śrī mahārāja kuṭi riṅ amr̥tamaṅgala, Andəlanani buddha-prativimba-namaskāra mpuṁku I tinakər·, makabhuktyan· Ikanaṁ vanva riṅ añjatan·, lāvan ikanaṁ savaḥ lmaḥ kāṅin-aṅinan· mataṁnyan· paṁhaturakən· mpuṁku I tinakər· māsu 5 mā

riṅ añjatān· That this toponym should be read añjatān· and not ṅañjatān· is demonstrated by the reference to a rakyrān· Añjatan in the Dalinan charter (4r3). kalpi sama marāśraya Alternative readings, all equally possible as long as better photographs are unavailable, include kalpika mamarāśraya, kalpita mamarāśraya, kalpikāra mamarāśraya or kalpikāra sama marāśraya, kalpiya sama marāśraya.

It should not be entered as before by the patihs, the vahutas, the headmen, and all types of collectors of royal revenues: dampulan, pakaluṅkuṅ, karəṅrəṅan,This term seems only to be found in two charters of the Airlangga period: Baru (Ab.23) and Gandhakuti (3r4). tpuṅ kavuṅ, suṅsuṅ paṅuraṅ, forest dwellers (pasuk alas), sipat bilut, juṅkuṅ, pāṅin-aṅin, pamāvasya, hopan, saṇḍuṅ lamur, panrāṅan, skar tahun, pabayai, paṅrāma, avur, panigaṅ blah, pakarapa, tampə̄ sirir, pinta palaku, tuluṅ hutaṅ, pobhaya, kipa-kipah, pavalanda, pakan tahun, paniriṅ, pataruṅ, patarub, pakikis, paprāyaścitta, avuran, pavuvuh, tuṇḍān, eunuchs (kḍi), healers (valyan), sambal, sumbul, singing actors (vidu maṅiduṅ), siṅgah, pamr̥ṣi, the courtiers vatak i jro, etc., as they shall not enter into the village of Añjatan, which is entirely at the disposal of the holy cloister kuṭi of Amr̥tamaṅgala.

Likewise the payments for harms and compensations sukha-duḥkha, great or small, such as:I adopt the interpretation of the term sukha-duḥkha itself, and of the meanings of the items in the following list, from work in progress by Timothy Lubin. mayaṅ tan pavvahareca without betelnut valu rumambat iṅ natargourd vines that grow in the courtyard vipatiaccidental dealth vaṅkay kābunancorpse covered with dew rāh kasavur iṅ havanblood scattered on the road mati tibādeath by fallingThe expressions mati tibā and mati katibā both occur in various periods. mati kaləbūdeath by drowningAlthough the spelling typically seems to be kaləbū in this context, the required meaning is that recorded in ləbu. mati sinambər iṅ glapdeath by lightning strike hidu kasiratspittle that is sprayed dūhilatanslander sāhasaviolence vākcapalarash speech mamijilakan vuriniṅ kikirproducing the trace of a file mamūkattacking in fury mamumpaṅrape lūdānrepeated attack tūtānfollowing aṅśa pratyaṅśaapportioning of shares ḍaṇḍa kuḍaṇḍabattery bhaṇḍihālapoisons and so forth since the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala has authority over them.

Likewise those who engage in trade while residing in the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala: they are all restricted by the Great King. The arrangement shall be: keeper of pack-horses matitihone skin spinner of yarnalavaione terrace sapatigaThe word patiga is not attested epigraphically, and not evidently suitable in this context; the reading is a bit uncertain, but we see no better option. weaver of cloth one craftsman preparer of awar-awarone craftsman awning maker ? pakajaṅanone craftsmanThe term pakajaṅan is unattested but must be derived from kajaṅ. pahiḍananone craftsmanThe word pahiḍanan is of uncertain derivation and the meaning is unknown; it might be possible to read pahiḍaran, and it it conceivable to emend pahiḍaṅan. preparer of banantən one powder container sapahavvanSee 189-191. If their wares — such as dried fish pada,This seems to be the same word as the one that is read pja in Bimalasrama (9r1–2) tāmbra, gaṅśa, timaḥ, vuyaḥ, pja, gula, lave, pucaṁ, səR̥ḥ, kasumbha saprakāran⟨iṁ⟩ dval. We do not seem to be dealing with instances of pada 4. Rather, we must be dealing here with the Old Javanese ancestor of Modern Javanese peda. salt, shrimp/fish paste acan,The translation offered in is terasi. Sambal acan is a Banjarmasin specialty whose base is terasi. Presumably there is also a connection to Indonesian belacan (a paste of prawns and fish fry). kemiri, onion, galingale laja, pipakan ?, sesame-oil, castor-oil luruṅan, safflower kasumbha, iron utensils vsi-vsi, steel vaja, gems, anise, beans atak, rice grain, coconut, areca nut, betel leaf, plantain, sugar, etc. — are all carried by shoulder-pole, then they may only be three bundles altogether.It is extremely rare to find bantal or pabantalan quantitied by any other term than kalima. But the phrase vuṅkuḍu kasaṅa bantal in the Jeru-jeru charter of the time of Sindok (line A18) proves that other quantifiers could occur in such contexts. They should not exceed that. If they buy buffaloes, the quota of buffaloes is 40 head; if cows, the quota of cows is 40 head. If they buy pigs, the quota of pigs is 50; if goats, the quota of goats is 40 head. One coop of ducks. wagoners agritantwo powder containers ferryman aparahuone None of them shall be subjected to any royal levies sa-uddhāra haji, whatever be their country of destination, if they are smiths working iron, bronze, copper, gold, with one anvil each, and all the less so if they are ones who maṅdyūnmake pots mañarubmix pigmentsAlthough carub only records the unsuitable meaning to upset the proper order for añarub, he records the meanings mixed together, confused, disordered for acarub. From this we infer that the term might have designated mixing of pigments. This idea also receives some support from contexts of use of (m)añarub in the Garaman charter (975 Śaka) and in three charters of early Majapahit (Balawi, Warunggahan, Tuhanyaru) as well as in the Pūrvādhigama. mañambulprocess black dyestuffsSee 206. mañavriṅprocess red cawring dyeSee 206: This dye has not yet been identified with certainty, but was probably derived from sappan or brazil wood (Caesalpina sappan), a nineteenth century Malay term for which was něněring. maṅlākhaprocess brownish red lākha dye mamahaṅprocess pahaṅSee 207-208. mamuṅkuḍu manūla vuṅkuḍuprocess mengkudu, i.e. stab mengkudu rootThe form mamuṅkuḍu is not found in any other source. I presume that the common expression manūla vuṅkudu is an explanation of the former. The interpretation offered by 204-205 of manūla-vuṅkuḍu as a compound meaning processor of indigo and wungkuḍu dyes (blue and red) seems partly unreliable, as it is based on the ubsubstantiated claim that tula or nula means indigo in Old Javanese sources. I assume the base word here is śūla (in Sanskrit, any sharp instrument), and that the process of reducing the bark of the roots of the mengkudu tree to pulp could involve such a tool. Or is it possible to arrive at a convincing interpretation by deriving manūla from tūla cotton? Including those who maṅanam-anamweave fabric magavai payuṅ, ruṅki, taṅgī, vakul, kalasāmake parasols, ruṅki baskets, taṅgī ?,Or can we read baṅśi/vāṅśī and translate flute? vakul baskets, mats kalasā magavai kisīmake basket works manaṅkəb manukcatch birds mamisaṇḍuṅ manuksnare birds makala-kalā? manavaṅcatch in nets mamulaṅcast nets over fishIn the Garaman charter (3v8), we read in the parallel context mamulaṅ vlut, which 511 translated catchers of eels. (The same expression figures as maṅulaṅ vlut in the Balawi charter, 7v2.) Boechari's translation seems adequate, although a specific technique of catching may have been intended. The meanings indicated in pulaṅ I (mixed with, becoming one, united in, full of, smeared with) do not seem suitable. Under pulaṅ II, the dictionary refers to Balinese pulaṅ = tiba and cites the expression apulaṅ maṅgar to cast anchor. Wayan Jarrah Sastrawan informs that pulang is a common Balinese word meaning to drop something on top of something else. 4257 cites the Balinese phrase pulanginnya ban pencar meaning he cast the net over it, a standard way of catching fish. As the venerable congregation ḍaṅ saṅgha of Amr̥tamaṅgala has exclusive authority over all their royal revenues. The arrangement shall be that they are to be divided in three: one share for the benefit of the Deity one share for the venerable congregation, in order to restore everything that is dilapidated sa-mananā and to furnish all requisites for the beauty or: restoration, kapahayvanNeither kapahayvan nor the form pahayu that it implies are recorded in . See also 4r5. of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala.Similar passages are found in the Kusambyan charter (945 Śaka) and several other contemporary inscriptions, none of them concerned with a Buddhist institution. Nevertheless, the term sa-mananā everything that is broken would seem to be a calque on Sanskrit jīrṇa which is typically used in Buddhist context of the dilapidation of monasteries. See nanā, citing (388.3) jīrṇānanā sahananya. It is tempting to speculate that the use of the term sa-pariṣkāra, which is not found in any of the parallel passages, and which seems to fit into the sentence only with difficulty, is due to the specific Buddhist connotation of this term (pariṣkāra). But the specifically Buddhist sense of a monk's personal utensils is hard to fit into the sentence, while the terms pariṣkāra and its equivalent paniṣkāra are not limited to Buddhist contexts in Old Javanese. one share for the benefit of its personnel saṅ karma That was the way all royal levies were read out kapāṭha in the holy royal charter,Cf. 60-62, , 994 Śaka, 2r2–3: kunaṅ yātan hana kapaṭa i prasāstinya. the confirmatory document regarding the demarcation of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala.

The status of the village of Añjatan ceased to be thāni balaThe use of the term thāni bala is otherwise found only in two inscriptions of the Singasari period (Sarvadharma and Air Asih). of Girim Baṅi. Likewise the paddy-field land of the Aṅin-aṅin group, including their orchards of 1 blah: after the charter had been read aloud, the status of the land of the Aṅin-aṅin group ceased outright, in that without delay the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala would have exclusive authority over all of it, including all its valleys and hills lbak-vukir,This expression, found in several Kediri and Majapahit-period inscriptions, is found once in an inscription of the Sindok period (Tija & Haru-Haru, date lost but closely similar to Cunggrang of 851 Śaka): kevala buyut amabaki juga pramāṇa ri salbak-vukirnya, savaḥnya, kəbvanya, sapaniskāranya kabeḥ, tka ri sukhaduḥkhanya magəm aḍmit·, tuhun tan kolah-ulaha Ikaṁ sīma tija haru-haru denikaṁ Avaju ri manayuti, Apan huvus pulu lpas·. to begin with the various paddy fields. Now as for the course of action to be taken by the village of Añjatan, including the kalpis who take refuge,The reading and word division are uncertain. Neither the word kalpi, tentatively accepted here, nor the words kalpita, kalpikāra and kalpiya from three of the alternative readings proposed in the apparatus, are attested in any Old Javanese source, while the only word kalpika recorded in means ring and is not fitting here in that meaning. From parallel passages, we expect a term designating a kind of person. See Barsahan (r7–8) tka ri suka-duḥkhanikanaṁ rāma jātaka sama marāśraya Irikeṁ sīma I barsahan· and Sima Anglayang (4r7–4v1). We speculate that the meaning intended here is that of the specifically Buddhist term kalpikāra (kalpikāra), equivalent to Pali kappiyakāra, namely layman, who receives items on behalf of monks to make them acceptable or servant (of a monk or an ascetic) (kappiyakāra), and leave open the possibility that the specific term kalpikāra was intended, in which case it would have to be restored by emendation. Other possibilities include the readings kalpika and kalpiya, also Buddhist technical terms, the first of which normally designates suitable or proper monk's paraphernalia or suitable places for preparing monk's food (kalpika, kalpikaśālā), while the second designates anything that is formally allowable to a monk (kalpiya, see also kappiya). Both terms could conceivably have designated in this context categories of people suitable for monks' frequentation. Least plausible among the alternative seems to be the reading kalpita, which exists in Sanskrit but never in any meaning that appears suitable in the present context. is that all of them, without exception, should keep in mind all previous arrangements, should carry out royal corvée every day on what is dilapidated of the beauty of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala, every Manis.The indications pratidina every day and aṅkən manis every Manis seem contradictory, but presumably one is to read them together to get the meaning every Manis day (of the 5-day week). It extended to the course of action to be taken by the Piṅhai, the Makurug and the villagers of the district of Girim Baṅi, including all of the neighboring villages of the village of Añjatan, and first of all the ones granted by the Great King to have the position of rakai/samgat of Girim Baṅi, including those who will be allowed to be rakai/samgat of Girim Baṅi in the future,Similar expressions are found with some frequency in the Airlangga corpus. See e.g. Kusambyan (c26–28) saṅ anāgata vineḥ madaṇḍər· ṅuniveḥ Ikanaṁ vineḥ makurug·. for its former status tattvabhūta was that of a village thāni of the district of Girim Baṅi.The term tattvabhūta was so far attested epigraphically only in an inscription of late Majapahit, the Waringin Pitu charter (7v2), in a similar type of sentence: maṅkana pva tatvabhūta saṁ hyaṁ dharmma riṁ rājasakusumapura. Likewise the officiant of Aṅin-aṅin at this time as well as the future officiants of Aṅin-aṅin: all of them should be urged to increase the perfection of the Great King's foundation of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala, to be based on their not doing anything litt. the absence of their actions to disturb the village of Añjatan including its paddy-fields as well as the paddy-field land of the Aṅin-aṅin group, particularly its orchard of 1 blah, so that guilt of grave negligence will not befall them. Because of the fact that the substance of the holy royal charter is already irrevocable, as a confirmatory document regarding the demarcation of the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala having 1 tampah of paddy-fields as well as the paddy-field land of the Aṅin-aṅin group including its orchard of 1 blah, and particularly all of its valleys and hills. Such was the substance of the holy royal charter, a confirmatory document regarding the demarcation by the Great King of the village of Añjatan together with the paddy-fields of the Aṅin-aṅin group.

Provided that pva the Master of Tinakər remain aware of the exceptional advancement kavaṅunan by the Great King of the holy Buddha's Teachings, after the holy cloister of Amr̥tamaṅgala had been founded by the Great King on behalf of the Master of Tinakər, so that it would be a firm base for the Master of Tinakər's worship of a Buddha image buddha-prativimba-namaskāraA similar expression is found in the Bimalasrama charter (1.6): pratiṣṭhāna bhaṭāra ratnātrayā prativimba. — on that condition he has disposal of the village of Añjatan along with the paddy-fields which are land of the Aṅin-aṅin group. Therefore the Master of Tinakər offers 5 suvarṇa and māṣa of gold

The photos we have at our disposal several times suggest absence of an expected suku (3r4–5 kasavur, 3r8 luruṅan, 4r2 kuṭi, 4r10 kasusukanikaṁ); we presume the sukus are actually engraved, but merely undetectable on our photos.

The inscription was edited by and edited again, possibly by the same scholar, in 97-108 and 97-108. This new edition is based on an initial joint reading by Wayan Jarrah Sastrawan & Arlo Griffiths in May 2021, from photographs taken by Arlo Griffiths on 29 April 2009. This provisional reading was then revised and translated by Arlo Griffiths in June–July 2021. The previous publications dedicated to this inscription are full of involuntary errors, reflecting a limited understanding of the Old Javanese language, so that it has not seemed useful to record any variant readings from them.

97-108 97-108