svasti śaka-varṣātīta 828 punaḥ-śravaṇa-māsa, tithi Aṣṭami kr̥ṣṇa-pakṣa, ha, vapa, śu, vāra, Irikā divasa rāmanta I paL̥paṅan makabehan·, Inanugrahān· vineḥ makmitana prasasti de rakryān· mapatiḥ I hino pu dakṣottama bāhubajra-pratipakṣakṣaya,

samvandhanya saṅkā I tan patūtnikanaṁ rāma lavan· saṁ năyaka bhagavanta jyotiṣa, Ikana savaḥnya sinaṅguḥ lamvit· 2 kinon ta ya modhāra, pirak· dhā 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ, kunaṁ saṅkā ri hə:tnya tan· vnaṁ modhāra samaṅkana, ya ta mataṁṅ yan panamvaḥ rāmanta I rakryān· mapatiḥ,

kinonakan· savaḥnya Ukuran· Iṁ tampaḥ haji, sinaṅguḥ tampaḥ haji, sātus· ḍpa sihvā pañjaṁnya, səṅkə:nya tluṁ puluḥ ḍpa sihvā, kinon· maṅukura vadvā rakryān· I hino saṁ brahmā muAṁ rovaṁ samgat· priṁ saṁ kañcur· mijilakan ya lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 7 blaḥ 1 Ikana samaṅkana ya ta kinon· modhāra, pirak· dhā 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ,

jari rāmanta matahil· pirak· dhā 6 I satampaḥ-satampaḥ, piṇḍa pirak· patahil· rāmanta rikanaṁ savaḥ lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 7 blaḥ 1 pirak· kā 5 dhā 5 len· saṅkā ri pilih mas· muAṁ kaṭik· prāṇa, 8 mara I bhaṭāra prāṇa 4 I saṁ năyaka prāṇa 4 piṇḍa savaḥni kaṭik· lamvit· 1 tampaḥ 1 suku 1 kinabehanya, savaḥ rāmanta lamvit· 1 blaḥ 1 katuhalasan· tampaḥ 2 kapkanan· tampaḥ 1 nāhan· pratyekani savaḥ rāmanta sampunyan inukur· I tampaḥ haji, len· sumaṅkā rika hana ta savaḥ bhaṭāra kmitan· rāmanta lamvit· 1 dmak·ni paūja, mūla lamvit· 1 tan inukur· Ikā Āpan· hĭnanyan· svabhāvanya, muAṁ lañjān· pirak· dhā 14 patukan· pirak· dhā 4. panurat· pirak· mā 4. Umijil· ri māgha vinava saṁ Umikul· vali bhaṭāra, pavḍus· pirak· mā 8 Umijil· ri sasāṅan·, nāhan· Anugraha rakryān· mapatiḥ I rāmanta I paL̥paṅan· sapasug banuĀA,

tatra sākṣī samgat· priṁ ḍapunta Udāra Anak vanuA I srāṅan· pumpunanni bihāra Iṁ pahai, Amasaṅakan· I rakryān· mapatiḥ dyaḥ vano Anak vanuA I syutan· vatək· tiru raṇu, tuha kalaṁ rikaṁ kāla pu baruṇa, pu palinī, tuha banuA pu kmir·, pu gamana, pu gambir·, gusti pu karṇa, pu Aruṇa, pu vāri, guru pu tarañjal·, parujar· pu pradhāna, maṁraṁkpi pu kuḍut·, vinkas· pu sādha, tuha banuA I lampahan· pu gammar·, variga pu bur·, huler pu bay·, nāhan· kvaiḥnira maṅagam· kon·, kumayatnākan· Ujarr rakryān· mapatiḥ I hino, likhitapātra citralekha samgat· priṁ

828 punaḥ-śravaṇa-māsa 848 -māsa kr̥ṣṇa-pakṣa śukla-pakṣa vapa The need to make this correction was first pointed out by and confirmed by . Ikana Ikanaṁ Ukuran· Uturan The reading Ukuran was proposed by 1266. səṅkə:nya siṅkrənya The prevous editors have misunderstood the length-mark (tarung) as r (cakra). saṁ kañcur· sakañcur· The reading with anusvāra to yield saṁ was proposed by 324. mijilakan ya mijilakanya blaḥ 1 blaḥ I katuhalasan· katuha lavan· tampaḥ 2 tampaḥ 4 dmak·ni paūja, mūla dmak·ni pajamūla The presence of a punctuation sign before mūla is very uncertain. If there is none, then an alternative way to edit the segment might be pajādamūla, with reference to the Tiga Ron inscription, lines 6–7: vuAra mas· su 10 Akṣayiṇi kmitanni rāma I vuru tuṅgal· parbhaktyanya pādamūla It has 10 suvarṇa of permanent gold kept by the elders of Vuru Tuṅgal, as endowment for the temple manager. The idea that dmak·ni paja is a mistake for dmak·ni pūja is supported by the mention of a savaḥ dmak· caruA saṁ hyaṁ vināya endowment wet-ricefield for offerings to god Vināya. The word mūla is then assumed to stand at the head of a new phrase, as is often seen in inscriptions of this period. Ikā Āpan· Ika Āpan· sasāṅan· vataṅan· lampahan· lampapan·

Hail! Elapsed Śaka year 828, intercalary month of Śravaṇa, eighth tithi of the waning fortnight, Haryaṅ, Vās, Friday. That was the time that the elders of Palepangan were collectively granted the privilege of being allowed to keep a charter by the lord minister of Hino, pu Dakṣottama Bāhubajra Pratipakṣakṣaya.

The occasion for it was due to the elders not being in accord with the nāyaka, namely the reverend Jyotiṣa that their wet ricefield is considered as measuring 2 lamvit. They were ordered to excise udhāra 6 dhāraṇa of silver for every single tampah. But due to its deficiency compared to said estimate they were not able to excise that much. That is why the elders petitioned sambah the lord minister.

Their wet ricefield was ordered to be measured by the royal tampah. The royal tampah is considered to be a hundred ḍpa sihvā in length, thirty ḍpa sihvā in breadth. The assistant of the lord of Hino, namely saṅ Brahmā, as well as the officiant of Priṅ's companion called saṅ Kañcur, were ordered to measure. They produced as result 1 lamvit, 7 tampah, 1 blah. As much as that aforementioned sum they namely the elders were ordered to excise: 6 dhāraṇa of silver for every single tampah.

Thereupon jari, the elders contributed in tahil tax 6 dhāraṇa of silver for every single tampah. The total amount of silver serving the elders to contribute tahil on the ricefield of 1 lamvit, 7 tampah, 1 blah, was 5 kāṭi and 5 dhāraṇa of silver, besides pilih mas and 8 laborers kaṭik, 4 of them for the deity, 4 of them for the nāyaka. The total amount of wet ricefield of the laborers was 1 lamvit, 1 tampah, 1 suku held in common. The wet ricefield of the elders was 1 lamvit, 1 blah; the wet ricefield of the forest inspector was 2 tampah; the wet ricefield of the surveyor of markets was 1 tampah. Such was the specification of the wet ricefields after they had been measured in tampah haji. Besides them there was 1 lamvit of wet ricefield of the deity kept by the elders as endowment for the cult pūja — the value mūla of 1 lamvit was not measured, because of the destituteness of its condition — with the income from subletting lañjān of 14 dhāraṇa of silver; the patukan of 4 māṣa of silver; the panurat of 4 dhāraṇa of silver. They are due umijil in Māgha and taken by the ones who carry the deity's offerings bali by pikul. The pavḍus of 4 māṣa of silver is due in the Ninth month Caitra. Thus was the grant of the lord minister of Hino to the elders of Palepangan with all the village inhabitants.

The witnesses to it were: the officiant of Priṅ named ḍapunta Udāra, native of the village of Sraṅan, domain of the monastery at Pahai, teaming up (?) with the lord minister dyah Vano, native of the village of Syutan, district of Tiru Raṇu; the Kalaṅ overseers at the time named pu Baruṇa and pu Palinī; the village overseers pu Kmir, pu Gamana and pu Gambir; the gustis: pu Karṇa, pu Aruṇa, pu Vāri; the teacher pu Tarañjal; the herald pu Pradhāna; the maṅraṅkəpi pu Kuḍut; the vinkas pu Sādha; the village overseer of Lampahan: pu Gəmar; the astrologer pu Bur; the irrigation head: pu Bay. Thus was the total of those holding office, who devoted their full attention to the words of the minister of Hino.

Written by the officiant of Priṅ as calligrapher.

On the nāyaka bhagavanta Jyotiṣa, J. G. de Casparis observed: From the high title of the nāyaka (Bhagawanta is derived from Sanskrit bhagavant), we may conclude that the nāyakas were by no means always lower-class people; their position may have been in relation with the authorities in whose name they acted.22865 However, it is also possible that the words mean the nāyaka of the reverend Jyotiṣa.

The term modhāra, here tentatively translated as to excise, has not so far been properly explained. Sarkar (n. 14 = n. 16) states: The text has modhāra, whereof the root appears to be u(d)dhara. The term therefore appears to have the same significance as soddhara in soddhara haji (= dravya haji). The latter thus seems to mean all royal excise. A helpful parallel passage is found in the Luitan charter (823 Śaka), 1v2: Umajarakan· parṇaḥnikanaṁ savaḥ kmitanya tan· vnaṁ maṅisī Uddhāra, saṁkhā ri hə:tnikanaṁ sinaṅguḥ satampaḥ. In OJED, under uddhāra, only the verb form aṅuddhāra meaning to make selections is recorded. Money-related meanings are however recorded for the original Sanskrit word, also borrowed into several other Indian languages, in 348 (borrowed on trust or credit).

On jari, cf. my notes in translation file for Kinewu. OJED's suggestion thereupon s.v. jarīya works well here.

Wisseman Christie 2004: 92: "20 dharana ... = 1 kati".

"There were apparently 4 suku or 2 blah in 1 tampah, and 10 tampah in 1 lamwit." Barrett Jones 1984: 145 comes to a different conclusion.

On kaṭik, see Stutterheim 1925: 241 f n. 61. Barrett Jones 1984: 128 and Tiga Prasasti Jaman Balitung p. 41 n. 10. Connection with patik?

On hĭnanyan svabhāvanira, see Sarvadharma 3r3–4 ya tikānmahakən trāsanya, An tinitiḥ byət· deniṁ thāni bala, pinisakitan· tan kinavruhan hĭnanya That resulted in their fear of being heavily imposed by the Thāni Bala; that they would be tormented without their misery being known.

The emendation of paja to pūja makes it possible to imagine a meaningful connection with the mention of vali (Sanskrit bali) in the next line, as pūjā and bali are two fundamental categories of Hindu worship. It seems unnatural to give to mūla any of the meanings recorded in OJED. The meaning value assumed in my translation is attested in Old Khmer (http://sealang.net/oldkhmer/) and is found also in some other contemporary inscriptions of Java, notably in the Landa inscription. That same inscription is relevant for our understanding of the term lañjān, not recorded in OJED. It occurs three times in that inscription, in contexts which are very comparable to the present one. (Another possible occurrence is found in Rumwiga 1r3.) While no word lañjān or base lañja is recorded in OJED, or even in any dictionary of Modern Javanese that I have been able to consult, the word lañja is attested in Old Sundanese where it means layer and is also used as verb meaning to layer, to apply as a layer, normally applied to precious metal or gems, as for instance in the . But in Modern Sundanese the base lanja is used in connection with sawah. See lanja: vi. ngalanja (unc.) add a second layer to the first one, cover in (over/up) st.; repeat a job or action; take a second one to a woman; take a second one to a moneylender/supplier; ngalanja sawah (of a landowner) get rice-fields under his management in order to sublet them to small farmers; ngalanjakeun give management of (rice-fields) to sublet them to a third party (esp. by a village head to a trusted person, middleman/agent between the owner and cultivator); jual lanja s.m. tutung duit (see tutung). It is on this basis, and on the basis of what can be extrapolated from the present context, to I propose to interpret the derived form lañja-an as meaning income from subletting.

sasaṅan: the morphological pattern of this designation for the Ninth month does not seem to have been described yet for OJ. In Modern Sundanese, there is lilikuran meaning (of the month) between the 20th and the 30th (particularly during the fasting month).

It seems that here, as in other cases, the first witness is also the scribe, though the last sentence could equally be translated Written by the calligrapher of the officiant of Priṅ.

amasaṅakan i: the same usage is found in the Alasantan charter.

First published by F. D. K. Bosch (), without translation; reading of the date revised by Bosch (); text republished by H. B. Sarkar (), who offered no new readings but did add an English translation (this article was republished as part of , without significant changes); the dating formula was re-edited and analyzed by L.-Ch. Damais (); a slightly revised reading of the whole text was included in ; a new English translation was offered by Wisseman Christie (, App. 3). The text is re-edited here by Arlo Griffiths based on the photos EFEO_GROB03804 and OD-5197, with a new translation into English. While the edition of Bosch (and after him, that of Sarkar) entirely ignored the basic punctuation signs in the original, Boechari represents them but does so haphazardly. The apparatus offered here does not record any diference of reading punctuation signs vis-à-vis prevous editions. Since Sarkar's editions are entirely derivative from Bosch' work, his readings are not recorded in the apparatus either.

255-5968 124-126 E.63 I 198-101 105 2291 186 154 160 59 46-47 A 80 178-180 22865 51133 92-95193 160-161 34-36