Om̐ namo rudradurggebhyaḥ svāhā svastha sarat· śrī sañjaya-varṣātīta 196 phalguṇa-māsa tithi dvitīya śukla,-pakṣā paniruAn·, gaiva br̥haspati, vāra, Uttarabhadravā- da-nakṣatra, Āhirbuddhā-devatā‚ śobhana-yoga, Irikā divasani Ājñă śrī mahārāja, dakṣottama-bāhubajra-pratipakṣa-kṣaya śrī mahottuṅgavijaya, tumurun· I rakryān· mapatiḥ I halu‚ sirikan·, vka‚ muAṁ rakryān· gurun vaṁṅi, muAṁ I samgat· tiruAn·, kumonakan· Ikanaṁ dharmma kabikuAn· I timbanan· vuṅkal· pahatəguhan· śāsananya, Umuvaha svatantra, svatantra ṅaranya tan· pinarabyāpāra, deni saprakāra saṁ maṅilala drabya haji kabeḥ paṅkur· tavān· tirip·, maṁhuri, kriṁ, paḍəmm apuy·, maṇiga‚ lva, malañjaṁ, makalaṅkaṁ, tapa haji, Er haji‚ maṁrumve, tuha gusali‚ tuha dagaṁ‚ tuhān· huñjamman·, tuhān· kutak·, tuhan· , Uṇḍahagi, kḍi, paranakan·, tuha paḍahi‚ vidu maṅiduṁ, varahan· sambal·, sumbul·, kirimit·, pamr̥ṣi‚ hulun· haji‚ piṅhai, vahuta, rāma, Ityevammādi, nahan prakārani tan· tumamā maminta drabya haji, rikanaṁ kabikuAn· I timbanan· vu ṅkal·, kunaṁ parṇnahani sukha-duḥkhanya, ḍaṇḍa-kuḍaṇḍa maṇḍihālādīkaṁ laḍaṅi, bubulan· saṁmasambyavahāra I salvāni cchāyani tambak· bhaṭārī I heṁ I jro I tpĭ makulīliṅan· mon· java paraṣi kammir· mvaṁ siṁhala Ataḥ pramāṇā Irikā kabaiḥ yāpuAnn ikāṁ nambi mahya timbannan· vatu mahābhr̥tya Ataḥ parṇnahanya yan uṅguAna ma taka luIranya kunaṁ sukha-duḥkhanya Aṅśa-pratyaṅśādi hanya bhaṭārĭ parānanya satṅaḥ satuhān· ka vi hāra bhaṭārī Ataḥ parānanī sukhaduḥkhanya kabaiḥ maṅkana Anugraha śrī mahārā ja I rakryān mapatiḥ kataguḥhakna saṁ karmmaṇya kabaiḥ timbanan· vatu

sarat· saṃvat· saṁvat· Our new reading is supported by the occurrence of the word sarat in the opening of the Sirah Keting inscription from Kediri period which is likewise paired with the word svasthā: Om̐ svasthā dīrghāyur astu // saṁ hyaṁ viṣṇu sirāśarīra sira riṁ bhuvana subhagavastha riṁ prajā, svastha śrī jayavarṣa-digjayaśāstraprabhu saphala sinəmbah iṁ sarāt·. śukla,-pakṣā śukla-pakṣā śukla,-pakṣa At the end of this term we have to decide whether to read a punctuation sign or a tarung. After inspecting the stone and seeing that the stroke in question rises continuously from the pasangan ṣ, we tend to favor the former interpretation, which Brandes had already adopted. He had, by the way, ignored the unwanted punctuation sign found in the middle of this compound term. gaiva pon· [v]a[g]a[i][...] Corr. vagai. The space suffices only for two akṣaras. The first one has taling and something on top of it, while the second can be read as va. We hesitantly decide to read it as (gai)va, although vagai must have been intended. See the detailed discussion on how to deal with the reading of this pañcavāra in Damais 1951: 55–6. Āhirbuddhā-devatā Ātib(u)ddha devatā mahottuṅgavijaya (....)ṅgavijay mahotuṅgavijaya gurun vaṁṅi gurunvaṅi dharmma ḍarmma kabikuAn· kavikuAn· lva lca tuhān· kutak· tuhān· kulak· tuhan· (....) (...)pan (...) kirimit· kiriṁpik· Normally, what stands between sumbul and pamr̥ṣi is siṅgaḥ, but it is impossible to read that word here. We do not recognize the word that is engraved, but the presence of three ulus is rather clear. nahan prakārani nahanyakārani nahan ya kārani saṁmasambyavahāra (...) masabyabahāra (s)amasabyabahāra The choice of reading is particularly complicated here. The two options we have considered are to read it as saṁ ma⟨⟨sa⟩⟩byavahāra or as sa⟨⟨ṁ⟩⟩masa⟨m⟩byabahāra. Both options pose different problems. The first option, even though redundant engraving of an akṣara sa may seem relatively unproblematic, implies that the text was intended to read mavyavahāra (“to be engaged in a court case”), which seem out of place here. The second option yields the expected meaning, with masamvyavahāra, but implies the omission of the basic consonant in the ligature mbya, which is quite problematic. Nevertheless, In the end, the second option seems more satisfactory so we tentatively decide to adopt it here. salvāni cchāyani salvāni cayan salvāni (...)āya ni makulīliṅan· makuliliṅan· I tpĭ tūt pi mon· naya kammir· kamlir· mvaṁ siṁhala masi The restitution of hala is based on the array of foreigners mentioned previously. nambi napvi mahya timbannan· vatu Given that vatu is synonymous with vuṅkal, and the first word ends with nnan·, we feel some confidence in supplying the first syllables of the toponym. The same toponym is found in the last line of this inscription. mahābhr̥tya pama(r)avr̥tya sukha-duḥkhanya sukha-dukhanya taka luIranya ta kaluIranya ata kaluIranya parānanī sukhaduḥkhanya manā (.....) bubulan· manāra(..)ī (.. ..)ula(...)a Anugraha śrī mahārāja To fill the gap, we have considered but rejected Ăjñă śrī mahārāja (after the model of lines 4–5), and decided to supply Anugraha instead of Ăjñă, since the words are used interchangeably also elsewhere. Cf. Palebuhan (1r3) tumurun anugrahanira I rakryān· mapatiḥ, (1v10) … maṅkāna Ājñā śrī mahārāja. kataguḥhakna katagiḥhakna katag(i)ḥhakna saṁ karmmaṇya pakarmmaṇya

(1) Om, salutation to (the terrifying deities) Rudra and Durgā, (etc.)! Hail!

(2–15) May the whole world be happy! Elapsed Śrī Sañjaya year 196, month of Phalguna, second tithi of the waxing fortnight, Paniruan, Vagai, Thursday, lunar mansion Uttarabhadravāda, the deity Ahirbudhnya, the conjunction Śobhana. That was the time when the decree of the Great King, Dakṣottama-bāhubajra-pratipakṣa-kṣaya Śrī Mahottuṅgavijaya, descended to the Lord Ministers of Halu, of Sirikan and of Vka, and [to] the rakryān of Gurun Vaṅi, and [to] the official of Tiruan, ordering with regard to the monastery foundation (dharma kabikuan) at Timbanan Vuṅkal that its charter be made firm so that it become independent again. ‘Independent’ means not intruded upon by all kinds of collectors of royal revenue: the paṅkur, the tavān, the tirip, the maṅhuri, the kriṅ, the paḍəm apuy, the maṇiga, the ləva, the malañjaṅ, the makalaṅkaṅ, the tapa haji, the er haji, the maṅrumve, the chief of the smiths, the chief of the traders, the chief of the huñjəman, the chief of the kutak, ……, the carpenters, the eunuchs, the paranakan, the chief of the drummers, the singing actor, the varahan, the sambal, the sumbul, …, the pamr̥si, the royal servants, the piṅhai, the vahuta, the headmen, and so forth. Those are the kinds that shall not enter to ask for royal taxes, at the monastery of Timbanan Vuṅkal.

(15–17) As for the condition of its ‘pain and relief’, ḍaṇḍa-kuḍaṇḍa, maṇḍihala etc... All commercial activities together should be opened in the entire breadth of the shadow of the wall(s) of the goddess at the exterior, at the interior, at the edge, at the surrounding, whether (the traders) are Javanese, Persians, Khmers and Sinhalese…

(18) Only [that deity] shall have authority over them. When the Nambi..

(19) the great servant(s) Timbanan Vatu only. Its condition when it is placed…

(20) … their forms. As for, its ‘pain and relief’, starting with ‘apportioning of shares’ ...

(21)... the goddess shall be the beneficiary of half thereof, per chief masters…

(22–23) the monastery of the goddess shall only be the beneficiary of all its ‘pain and relief’. The grant of the King to the Lord chief minister is to be adhered to firmly by all sanctuary personnel…

(24) …. Timbanan Vatu….

7. The toponym Timbanan Wungkal does not appear elsewhere except in this charter. It recurs again in line 19 and 24 with its synonymous name, Timbanan Watu.

10. The reading of malañjaṅ among the list of maṅilala drabya haji in this charter is quite exceptional. Elsewhere in this corpus, it is found under the spelling malandaṅ. Cf. Tihang (1v6), Sugih Manek (A11), Barahasrama (1v5). In other corpora, however, this spelling is also attested. Cf. Harinjing (B11), Kwak I (1v5), Kinewu (A15–16), Wanua Tengah III (2r18–19), Dalinan (1r9), Hujung Galuh (1r8).

10. makalaṅkaṅ, according to Boechari (2012: 34, 189, 294, 298 n. 20), may refer to someone who takes care of the village barn. Regrettably, he did not mention any source nor provided any further discussion on it.

14. The rare phrase maminta dravya haji in the sense of maṅilala dravya haji finds its parallel in Barsahan (1r6) tan· tamā ta ya maminta drabya haji vulu-vulu Irikeṁ sīma I barsahan· and Adulengen (3r3) tka ri sakveḥ saṁ maminta dravya haji vulu-vulu pravulu. The first inscription is dated back between the reign of Balitung and Airlangga, while the last one is from the Airlangga period. More discussion on this expression and the new edition of Adulengen can be found in Titi surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan and Arlo Griffiths (forthcoming).

17. Here we have a list of foreign traders from Persia, Khmer and Singhala, which uniquely only figures here in this corpus. It clearly gives us another support of the international trade that was present in the tenth century Java. More discussion on international trade and foreign traders can be consulted in Barrett Jones 1984 (pp. 23–57), Wisseman Christie 1998 and 1999.

XXXV53-54 XI16-22