namaś śivāya . svasti śaka-varṣātīta 807 jyaiṣṭa-māsa daśamĭ śukla. tuṁlai. vagai vr̥haspati. vāra. tatkāla ḍaṅ ācāryya munīndra. mamli savaḥ karamān· I parhyaṅan· vatak· vuru tuṅgal· Iṁ kuruṅan· ṅarannikāṁ savaḥ. sīmā saṁ hyaṁ padevāharān· vəlyannya pirak· kāṭi 1 pasak·-pasak· I rāmanta pirak· dhāraṇa 3 hana ta paṅanak· rāmanta ri hutaṁnira dhā 7 Anuṁ milu pinakapasak·-pasak· muAṁ vivi 1 pada 1 pirak· mā 4. piṇḍa pirak· vyaya kāṭi 1. dhā 10 mā 4 parānnikā pirak· panahur· hutaṁniṁ vanva I parhyaṅan·

Anuṁ rāma rikāṁ kāla patiḥ saṁ parhyaṅan· saṁ gola. parujar·niṁ patiḥ saṁ java. vahuta pu geṣṭī. tan· papituṁtuṁ. kalaṁ pu paṅgil· gusti lor· pu gayat·. gusti tṅaḥ pu vuruntuṁ gusti kidul· pu sr̥ṣṭi. vinkas· pu kalula. variga si dharinī. huler· pu yogī. parujar· pu R̥ṣi. marhyaṁ vetan· pu guvindī. marhyaṁ lor· pu bhīma. rāma maratā patiḥ matuha pu vadvā. pu vir=yan· pu ḍavak· pu gaṭā pu nakha. pu kəkal· pu maṇḍi pu sutā. pu vuruntuṁ. pu palvak· pu dyan· pu Andalan· pu sabval·. pu bisir· pu tman· pu vray· pu ḍaluṁ. punta kuḍu. punta keṣ·. punta sraṅan·. pu cuṅul·. pu kes·. pu vajil·. pu saṅgan·. pu kamala. pu sukha. pu Aṅgada. pu plī. pu dhanada. pu taṁtaṁ. pu gaccha. pu gadhī. pu māgha. pu gusay·. pu samvok·.

nāhan· sira rāma Umeḥhakan·n ikāṁ savaḥ śīma ḍaṅ ācāryya munīndra. huvus śuddha-pariśuddha.

tatra sākṣī. bhagavanta puccha. punta kamala. punta sukha. punta cvat· saṅke kataṅgaran·. rake praṣ· punta koṭi saṁ śivaśiddha. śivāṅga. sudar·. saṅke paku bāṁ. saṁ parujar· I kayu vaṅi saṁ hadyan· Agasti. saṁ vidyadeva. saṅke vanva I kavaṅyan·. ḍa punta bhāṣa. punta dhānyā. saṁ ditiṁ. pu lĭna. saṅke kasugihan·. ḍaṅ ācāryya gandhara saṅke vanva galuḥ. saṁ ratna saṅke vadnva I vuru tuṅgal·.

likhita saṁ jyotiḥ satetīsus·

parānnikā parānnika vuruntuṁ varantuṁ kuḍu kuḍa kudu Stutterheim's reading is no doubt a misprint, as we find Kuḍu in his translation. The reading of Machi Suhadi & Soekarto very frequently, as here, fails to distinguish ḍ from d. sukha suku It would be possible to read sukhu, but suku is out of the question. samvok· sambok· Umeḥhakan·n ikāṁ Unmeḥhakan· nikāṁ Umeḥhakan· nikāṁ The intrusion of n into Stutterheim's reading is presumably a mere misprint; the fact that he (as subsequently Machi Suhadi & Soekarto) inserts a space before nikāṁ reflects a difference in (or absentmindedness with regard to) grammatical analysis. sākṣī sākṣi sukha sakha vadnva vanva

Homage to Śiva! Hail! Elapsed Śaka year 807, month of Jyeṣṭha, tenth tithi of the waxing fortnight, Tuṅlai, Vagai, Thursday. That was the time that master Munīndra bought a communal wet-rice field savah karamān at Parhyaṅan, vatak Vuru Tuṅgal. The name of the wet-rice field was Kuruṅan. It was to be the freehold of the holy place for God's food pa-devāhāra-an. The purchase price vəlyan for it was 1 kāṭi of silver. The gifts for the elders were equivalent to the value of 3 dhāraṇa of silver. The elders had 7 dhāraṇa of silver to be paid as interest on their debt, which was part of what was gifted, along with 1 goat and 1 pada of husked rice costing 4 māṣa of silver. The total amount of silver expended was 1 kāṭi, 10 dhāraṇa and 4 māṣa. The purpose of the silver is as means to repay the debt of the village of Parhyaṅan.

The ones who were elders at the time: the patihs called saṅ Parhyaṅan and saṅ Gola; the herald for the patihs, called saṅ Java; the vahuta called pu Geṣṭī, without assistant pituṅtuṅ the kalaṅ called pu Paṅgil; the gusti North called pu Gayat; the gusti Center called pu Vuruntuṅ; the gusti South called pu Sr̥ṣṭi; the vinkas called pu Kalula; the variga called si Dhariṇī; the irrigation official huler called pu Yogī; the herald called pu R̥ṣi; the marhyaṅ East called pu Guvindī; the marhyaṅ North called pu Bhīma. The regular maratā elders, experienced as patihs, were pu Vadvā, pu Viryan, pu Ḍavak, pu Gaṭā, pu Nakha, pu Kəkal, pu Maṇḍi, pu Sutā, pu Vuruntuṅ, pu Palvak, pu Dyan, pu Andalan, pu Sabval, pu Bisir, pu Tman, pu Vray, pu Ḍaluṅ, punta Kuḍu, punta Keṣ, punta Sraṅan, pu Cuṅul, pu Kes, pu Vajil, pu Saṅgan, pu Kamala, pu Sukha, pu Aṅgada, pu Plī, pu Dhanada, pu Taṅtaṅ, pu Gaccha, pu Gadhī, pu Māgha, pu Gusay, pu Samvok.

Those were the elders who allowed umehakan the free wet-rice field savah sīma of master Munīndra, to be completely cleared.

The witnesses to it were: the reverend bhagavanta Puccha, punta Kamala, punta Sukha, punta Cvat — from Kataṅgaran; the raka of Praṣ, the punta Koṭi, saṅ Śivasiddha, Śivāṅga, Sudar — from Paku Bāṅ; the herald for Kayuvaṅi called saṅ hadyan Agasti and saṅ Vidyadeva — from the village of Kavaṅyan; ḍa punta Bhāṣa, punta Dhānyā, saṅ Ditiṅ, pu Līna — from Kasugihan; master Gandhara — from the village Galuh; saṅ Ratna from the village of Vuru Tuṅgal.

Written by saṅ Jyotih satetīsus.

Eere aan Çiwa! Heil! Çaka-jaren voorbijgegaan 807 (885 A.D.); Mei-Juni; de tiende dag van de lichte maandhelft; (dag van de zesdaagsche week:) Tunglai; (dag van de vijfdaagsche week:) Wagai; Donderdag.

Dit is het tijdstip, waarop de Eerwaarde Leeraar Munīndra een ambts-sawah koopt te Parhyangan, ressorteerende onder Wurutunggal, welke sawah geheeten is De Kooi, tot een vrijgebied voor de Heilige PadewāharānDe juiste vertaling van deze uitdrukking is niet gemakkelijk te geven. Sanskrit dewāhāra beteekent zooveel als ambrozijn, goddelijke spijs. De Javaansche afleiding hiervan, padewāharān, zou dus kunnen beteekenen: plaats, waar de goddelijke spijzen (offers ?) worden aangeboden, neergelegd enz. Bedoeld is dan een gebouw, dat met de vereering der goden samenhing; of de geheele tempel bedoeld is, dan wel een afzonderlijke balé, is, bij gebrek aan verdere gegevens, niet uit te maken. Misschien is hier een huistempel bedoeld, wat de Baliërs pamradjan noemen..

De koopsom is 1 kāṭi zilver, de geschenken aan de dorpsautoriteiten bedragen 3 dhāraṇa zilver. Er is echter een vordering der dorpsautoriteiten op een schuld van hem (tot een bedrag van) 7 dhāraṇa, welke mede als geschenk dient, alsmede 1 geit, 1 pada (rijst ?) (en) 4 māṣa zilver. Het totaal der werkelijke betaling in zilver is 1 kāṭi, 10 dhāraṇa, 4 māṣa; het doel van dit zilver is kwijting van de schuld aan het dorp Parhyangan.

Op dit tijdstip zijn dorpsautoriteiten: patih van Parhyangan, Sang Gola; woordvoerder van den patih, Sang Jawa; wahuta, Pu Geṣṭī, zonder pitungtung; (oudste voor de) bosschen, Pu Panggil; gusti voor het Noorden, Pu Gayat; gusti voor het midden, Pu Warantung; gusti voor het Zuiden, Pu Sṛṣṭi; gemachtigde, Pu Kalula; kalenderwichelaar, Si Dharinī; chef der irrigatie, Pu Yogi; woordvoerder, Pu Rĕṣi; tempelopzichter voor het Oosten, Pu Guwindī; tempelopzichter voor het Noorden, Pu Bhīma.

De niet met een ambt bekleede dorpsautoriteiten van den patih zijn de oudsten: Pu Wadwā, Pu Wiryan, Pu Dawak, Pu Gaṭā, Pu Nakha, Pu Kĕkal, Pu Maṇḍi, Pu Sutā, Pu Wuruntung, Pu Palwak, Pu Dyan, Pu Andalan, Pu Sabwal, Pu Bisir, Pu Tman, Pu Wray, Pu Ḍalung, Punta Kuḍu, Punta Keṣ, Punta Srangan, Pu Cungul, Pu Kes, Pu Wajū, Pu Sanggan, Pu Kamala, Pu Suku, Pu Anggada, Pu Plī, Pu Dhanada, Pu Tangtang, Pu Gaccha, Pu Gadhī, Pu Māgha, Pu Gusay, Pu Sambok.

Aldus geven de (genoemde) dorpsautoriteiten de bedoelde sawah tot een vrijgebied aan den Eerwaarden Leeraar Munīndra, (waarmede) alles vereffend is.

Hierbij zijn getuigen: Bhagawanta Puccha, Punta Kamala, Punta Sakha, Punta Cwat uit Katanggaran, de Raka van Praṣ, Punta Koṭi, Sang Çiwaçiddha, Çiwāngga, Sudar, uit Pakubāng, de woordvoerders van Kayuwangi Sang Hadyan Agasti, Sang Widyadewa, inwoner(s) van Kawangyan, Ḍapunta Bhāṣa, Punta Dhānyā, Sang Diting, Pu Lina, uit Kasugihan, de Eerwaarde Leeraar Gandhara uit het dorp Galuh, Sang Ratna, inwoner van Wurutunggal.

Geschreven door Sang Jyotih, satetīsus.

Regarding the nature of this document and the transaction recorded in it, J. Wisseman Christie has offered the following summary: The Kurungan inscription of 885 A.D. (Appendix A.2) is not principally a debt-clearance document. It records the purchase of wet rice land for 1 kati or 768 grams of silver by a religious personage, for the purpose of presentation as a meritorious gift to a religious community. Part of the statutory gifts presented to the community from which the land was purchased took the form of the writing off of 7 dhāraṇa or 268.8 grams of silver, the sum of the interest on the community's debt. This apparently completed the repayment of that debt, the sale of the land presumably having furnished the community with the funds needed to repay the principal, and perhaps a portion of the interest as well. Although the document states that the aim of the transaction was the repayment of the community's debt, no hint is given as to how the debt was incurred, the exact amounts owed as principal and interest, and the person or institution to whom the debt was owed.44 The words I have quoted in bold require further consideration, as the text does not actually mention any religious community nor any meritorious gift, although both notions may be implied. The problem of the global interpretation of the transaction depends to a large degree on how one is to interpret the sentence(s) in lines 9-10 nāhan· sira rāma Umeḥhakan·n ikāṁ savaḥ śīma ḍaṁ ācāryya munīndra| huvus śuddha-pariśuddha.

The status expressed by the compound savaḥ karamān clearly stands in opposition to the new status expressed, in line 9, by the compound savaḥ śīma.

The word padevāharān, derived from a base devāhara, is registered in devahara, divahara, with glosses place of worship, temple, chapel. It is remarkable that all published occurrences of padevāharān in transmitted Old Javanese texts are found in the , a fact that may be added to the cumulative evidence in support for the dating of this text to the 9th century CE. The relevant stanzas are as follows (ed. , transl. ): 20.52 rikaṅ kāla sakrodha taṅ meghanāda, masəṅhit pəjah tuṅgaṅan mvaṅ ratha syūh, masuk teṅ padevāharan ṅkān pasādhya, mamūjā ta yeṅ astra sarpāstrapāśa At that time Meghanāda was angry, / Resentful at the death of his horses and destruction of his chariot. / He entered into the dwelling of the gods with the intention / Of praying for a weapon, the snake-snare arrow. There is a divergence here between the Balinese manuscripts, which support the reading padevāharan I have adopted here, and the read padevāgaran adopted by Kern, apparently an emendation based on the Javanese transmission. 23.71 tumama mahoma riṅ śivasabhā gr̥ha padivaharan, paramagurūgra bhīṣaṇa sirekana inavatakən, mətu ta mataṅkil iṅ varuga saṅ dvijavara humaḍaṅ, umadəg aśānti maṅgala nageri pañaritanira He went in to perform a sacrifice in the Śiva temple where the gods are worshiped, / And there invoked the terrible Paramaguru. / He went out to pay respects in the meeting hall, where the worthy priests were ready waiting, / Standing, chanting prayers for good fortune and blessing, and nageri (bards) were the tellers of his tale. The poet has here adapted the word to metrical needs, the spelling with diva instead of devā yielding the required short syllables. 25.12 r̥ṣi saṅ bharadvăja nahan dhvaja sor, təṅəranniy āśrama nirāta təhər, sumanohara vvara padevaharan, kuya tākukus mavaṅi gandha miñak The sage Bharadhvaja, there is his flag below, / So that must be the emblem of his hermitage. / It has a very pleasant place of worship – / See how it has fragrant smoke and the aroma of butter. We see that the spelling is again adapted to metrical requirements. Zoetmulder suggests that the Old Javanese usage goes back to dewagara < dewagṛha (and could have mentioned also the synonymous Sanskrit word devāgāra), which implies that the circumfix pa-...-an is considered redundant in this word, as the underlying Sanskrit term already designates a place. This interpretation seems to underlie Robson's translations of these pages (see his note 509), and would have the potential advantage in this context of allowing the assumption that padevāharān functions as a Sanskrit-based gloss of the indigenous toponym parhyaṅan, which has the same meaning. I am, however, rather inclined to suppose that padevāharān is to be understood as padevāhārān, i.e. that it is derived from deva-āhāra in the meaning god's food and is a near equivalent to the much more common pa-homa-an offering place. This interpretation is consistent with the occurrence of the base word devāhāra in a Buddhist manual for the disposal of a dead body transmitted on Bali, but written in ancient language (see 244, 245, 251, 460).

In all of its occurrences, the word pada is a unit for quantifying vəas, and vivi is often found in the same context. Cf. Haliwangbang 1v2 saragi pagaṅanan· 1 kampil· 1 vəAs· pada 1 vsi Ikat· 10 vivi 1 taṇḍas· 1 and Taragal 1v2 saragi pagaṅanan· 1 saragi Inuman· 1 kampil· 1 vəAs· pada 1 vsi Ikət· 10 vivi 1 || muAṁ Anuṁ vinaiḥ vəas pada.

The name Gola is perhaps to be understood as Gauḍa, i.e. person Northeast India. Cf. golaviṣaya Gauḍa-territory in Munggut 3.15, and the juxtaposition in the present context with a saṅ Java.

The same pu Geṣṭī figures again (spelt gaiṣṭī) in Parhyangan, line 4. Regarding the word pituṅtuṅ, (= 34-35) suggests that it is synonomous with pihujuṅ. I translate accordingly.

On the rāma maratā, see 21623: The rāmas, in Old Javanese records, are divided into two groups : (a) those „holding a command" (maṅagam kon), i.e. charged with a definite function, e.g. with the supervision over the bridges in the village (hulu wuatan), and (b) those „taking rest" (maratā), i.e., probably, those who were formerly charged with a definite function, but retired afterwards. This interpretation is accepted in 108, and is close to the one advocated by Boechari (30128); (323). But it seems to me that we can attempt to translate ma-ratā in a manner that requires taking less freedom with regard to the meanings allowed in ratā, aratā, namely flat, level, even, flush with the ground; shared equally, divided evenly, each alike, one and all.

Note the correspondences pu Kes / punta Keṣ (with different spelling for the final consonants), pu Kamala / punta Kamala, pu Sukha / punta Sukha. By contrast, the two occurrences of the name Vuruntuṅ (in lines 5 and 7) are both labeled as pu. Stutterheim, apparently not noticing these correspondences, did not read the names consistently in all cases.

The meaning of satetīsus remains obscure. Could sate be an error for saṅke, and the last sentence be translated as Written by Jyotiḥ from Tīsus?

First edited by W. F. Stutterheim (), with a photographic reproduction of the plate and a translation into Dutch. Not included in , but re-edited with a translation into Indonesian by Machi Suhadi & M.M. Soekarto (29-33), who do not cite Stutterheim but obviously made use of his publication. Re-edited here again by Arlo Griffiths from the OD photos, with a translation into English.

29-33 19, 21 42-43A60 189-191 49109 85XLV 88-89169 129The book does not seem to contain a discussion of this inscription's date. 44, 52 178-179