Munggut charter (944 Śaka)EpiDoc encodingEko BastiawanArloGriffithsintellectual authorship of editionArloGriffithsEko BastiawanDHARMAMalangDHARMA_INSIDENKMunggut
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tamolah ataḥ paṅasthāna Irikanaṁ sīma I muṅgut· Ann ikanaṁ varga mūla
sīma I muṅgut· Ataḥ vāsa-pramāṇa manahilana ya drabya haji
tuhun· maveha patūt· padulur· juga marayan· mareṁ ⌈deśa salen· mvaṁ yan· pamet· dval·,
maṅkanātaḥ Ikanaṁ varga
kilalan·, kliṁ, Ăryya, siṁhala, ⌈golaviṣaya, colika, malyāla, karṇnăṭaka, vallahāra, cəmpa, R̥mən·,
havaṁ, mambaṁ, huñjəman·, senămukha, varahan·, mapaḍahi, keñcaka,tarimba, matupuapukan·, Aba⌈ñol·, salahan· varga kilalan·, Asiṁ samakavarga ya, Asiṁ pravr̥tinya, sadeśa-saṁkananya, yāvat ya muṅgu Irikeṁ sīma
I muṅgut·, An ikanaṁ varga mūla sīma I muṅgut· Atikā pramāṇa
I sukhaduḥkhanya magəṁ maḍmit· kabeḥ, tumūtakna yacānyayan ika masthānabati ri sājñānya mapaknā tambəhani pamūjanya, buyut·
śūkṣma,
maṁkana rasany anugraha śrī
mahāraja, Irikanaṁ varga mūla sīma
I muṅgut· sapasuk ṣīma kabeḥ
kapagəhaknanyan· tamolaḥ I
panataranya sovaṁ-sovaṁ tan·
kolah-ulaha de saṅ anāgata prabhu, mvaṁ saṅ anāgata vineḥ tiṁhal· piṁhay·, makatəvəkaśrī mahārāja ri maṇiratnasiṅhāsana makaḍatvan· vvatan mās·,
yapvan· hana sira kamatan·
tan· yatnā I sarasany ājñā śrĭ mahāraja, Umulah-ulaḥ Ikeṁ
sīma I muṅgut·, ya saṅkānani pramādanya, salvirani laṅghana ri saṁ hyaṅ ājñā haji lviranya
knāna ya nigraha mā kā 1 su
5
Īndaḥ ta kita bhaṭāra śrīharicandana, Agasti, mahārṣi,
pūrbva, dakṣiṇa, paścima, Uttarāgneya, neriti, băyabya, Urddhvamadhaḥ raviḥ śaśi kṣiti jala pavana
hutāsana yajamāṇākāśa, Ahorătra sandhyā, nāgarāja durgădevī, sahananta hyaṁ kālamr̥tyu
yama baruṇa kuvera bāsava kita masuki manarĭrerika vvaṁ sarvasiddha rikiṁ jagat·, yāvat· bhaṅgigaṇa-gaṇa vnaṅa, Umulah-ulaḥ Ikeṁ sīma I muṅgut· patyanantā ya
kamuṁ hyaṁ śŭkṣma, deyantat· patīya, tat· toliha ri vuntat·
tatt tiṅhala ri likuran·, taruṁ riṅ adgan·, tampyal· I hiriṅan·, tutuḥ tuṇḍanya, blaḥ kapālanya, carikakan· vtaṅnya, vtvakən daL̥manya, paṅan dagiṁnya, Inum· rāḥnya vkasakən· pranantika, yan pareṅ alas·
paraniṁ moṁ sasambəR̥niṁ glap·, puliraknaniṁ devamanyu (p)ināna bhraṣṭa liputan· sva piṁpitu Ata yan· bimban· pāpāta sajīvakāla, maṁkana tmahananikeṁ vvaṁ Anyāya
Umulah-ulaḥ Ikeṁ sīma I mu
rvaṁ977 kālasaṁ hadyan· jujul· sulur· kabayan·
guve Ubena giditikəm·, cacəm·, ṅayai
kr̥tikāraṇa-nakṣatrakr̥tikāraṇanakṣatrakati karaṇa nakṣatrakatikāraṇa nakṣatraon the eccentric form of the nakṣatra name engraved here, Damais wrote: “We will study elsewhere the aberrant forms of certain calendrical elements in Airlangga’s charters and comparable to the kṛtikāraṇanakṣatra of this inscription” (643). As far as we are aware, Damais was never able to publish his observations on these aberrant elements. If we are not mistaken, the discussion in Eade & Gislén 71–72, which we find difficult to understand, touches upon the fact that the inscription seems to indicate Kr̥ttikā as nakṣatra, whereas the real nakṣatra was Revatī; we do not know whether this was the aberration that Damais had in mind, or whether he was rather alluding to the aberrant form of the name itself, which seem to be a contamination before nakṣatra of kr̥t(t)ikā with karaṇa/kāraṇa (on the interchangeability of the spelling, see Damais 644).kumonakən ikanaṁkumonakən nikanaṁkumonakenikaṁthāniDamais’ reading breaks off at this point.kabaeḥkabaḥkabeḥCf. 1.19, Ninny silently corrected the readingtka ri babadnya, maṅaran·tka ni papadya maṅaranMachi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma’s reading (reproduced by Ninie Susanti) breaks off at this point. The expression tka ri badbadnya occurs several times in the Cane inscription (Ab6, 24, 25; Cd9, 11, 22).kilanoThe apparent anusvāra on akṣara la seems to be due to an irregularity in the stone, so we ignore it.bahuman·dahurman·Ee initially interpreted the crescent-shaped mark above the ma as an ulu, until we realized that all ulus in this inscription are of circular form. We therefore propose to consider it as the beginning of a virāma sign that the scribe did not continue once he realized he had started engraving the virāma one akṣara too early. It seems that the ma in ḍaL̥man· in line 12 may show the same phenomenon.ḍaL̥man·Abaman·see our note on bahuman· in lines 8–9daḍatañjamīḍetakdamīyurat·perhaps one must read ḍetañjamī?pagə-pagəḥ-i pagəhFor similar phrase, see Kusambyan A37–38 and Sima Angalayang 13v3.Aniddhākna drabya haji paṅaṣṭaṅgī mā 5 Aṅkən· katiga māsaniddhakna drabya haji paṅaṣṭaṅgī mā 5 Aṅkən· katiga māsaCf. Turun Hyang A17 kramanya maniddhākna drabya haji paṅaṣṭaṅgi mās su 2 mijil aṅkən asujimāsatīila-teailatīla, telasaprakāraniṁ maṅilala drabya hajī vulu-vulusaprakārani drabya haji vulu vuluThe need to supply at least the article ṁ (if not kanaṁ) plus maṅilala is shown by many parallel passages. (See the next footnote for some examples.) The specific word we assume here, with saprakāraniṁ maṅilala, is not found elsewhere in the Airlangga corpus (where the normal expression is saprakāra saṁ maṅilala), but we encounter it in several inscriptions of the reigns of Balitung and Sindok.saṁ maṅilala vulu-vulu ri daṅūsaṁ maṅilala vulu vulu ri daṅuWe expect here saṁ maṅilala drabya haji vulu-vulu ri daṅū. Cf. Sima Anglayang 14r4–5 saṁ maṅilala drabya haji vulu-vulu and 16v6–7 samaṅilala dr̥vya haji vulu-vulu magə:ṁ maḍmit· as well as Padlegan I (1038 Śaka) saṅ maṅilala dravya haji vulu-vulu riṅ daṅū agə:ṅ aḍmit. But in the present context, the words drabya haji were perhaps felt still to be in force from the previous line.ramanaṅ svara gəṇḍiṁramanaṁ magəṇḍiThe reading is rather uncertain, all the more so as the words svara gəṇḍiṁ are not found in any of the numerous other instances of this kind of list known to us.tuhanān nambituha nambijukuṁAlthough this word is more often spelled with a nasal on the first syllable (e.g. Kusambyan B13 and Anjatan 3r1 juṅkuṁ, Pandaan C11 juṁkuṁ), there is also a fair number of occurrences without that nasal (e.g. Baru Abe24) so we do not supply a cecak.pabayaiThe use of this term with skar tahun and paṅrāma around it is quite typical of the inscriptions known or suspected to belong to the Airlangga period. It is pabaye in Cane and Turun Hyang, pabayai in Adulengen, Barsahan and Anjatan in the same contexts.Amuti-mutiAmutərmutərVarious alternative readings are imaginable, depending on whether the word ended at the end of line 2.20, or whether anything was engraved before rvaṁ at the beginning of line 21, and on how the horizontal stroke above the penultimate akṣaras of line 2.20 is explained. Neither the reading tentatively adopted here, nor any of the alternatives we have considered (Amutər-mutəra, Amuti-mutiḥ, Amutirmutəḥ), yield a word that is expected in this context.mahīṣṭhvan·The reading ṣṭhva is purely diagnostic, for we see an akṣara with two pasangans below it, but do not recognize which word is intended here so we offer merely what seems to be a possible reading of the problematic ligature.salviranikanaṁ naṁ bhaṇḍa pamvatanyaWe seem to have here a somehow expanded version of the expression found as salvīrani bhaṇḍanya kabeḥ in Cane Cd21 and as salviraniṅ bhaṇḍanya in Patakan B22. There seems to be an intrusive pasangan or full interlinear akṣara below the sa of salviranikanaṁ as well as an intrusive ṅa or U engraved below the pa of pamvatanya.tamolah ataḥ paṅasthāna The reading is rather uncertain, but paṅasthāna occurs in a similar context in Sima Anglayang 4v4–5.Ann ikanaṁsannikanaṁInstead of A, it would be easier to read sa, but this is hard to accept in the context. The turn of phrase ann ikanaṅ was also found above in 2.17.matupuapukan·matuvuṅan·tumūtakna yacānyayan ika masthānabati ri sājñānyatumutaku yavanya ya niṁ kamaśthanaṁ kaki ri sājmanyaWe are unable to understand thi sequence, and therefore uncertain about some of the readings as well as the word divisions. We suspect yacānyayan may be a scribal error for yathānyayan or yavānya yan, but in neither case do we obtain an understandable text. More substantial emendation seems to be necessary.panataranya sovaṁ-sovaṁ tan· kolah-ulaha de saṅ anāgata prabhu, mvaṁ saṅ anāgata vineḥ tiṁhal· piṁhay·, makatəvəkaśrī mahārāja ri maṇiratnasiThis reconstruction is inspired by Cane Cd24–25: tan· kolah-ulaha de saṁ Anāgata-prabhu ṅuniveḥ saṁ Anāgata vineḥ tiṅhal· piṁhai makatəvəka paṁḍiri śrī mahārāja ri maṇiratnasiṅhāsana makaḍatvan· ri vvatan mās. Nevertheless it is quite hypothetical, among other reasons because (1) the number of akṣaras on line 4.1 resulting from the reconstruction is 9, while the following lines have more; (2) the precise spelling piṁhay·, known in other periods, is never found in other Airlangga inscriptions.yapvan· hana sira kamatan· tan· yatnā I sarasany ājñā śrĭ mahāraja, Umulah-ulaḥ Ikeṁsīma I muṅgut·, ya saṅkānani pramādanya, salvirani laṅghana ri saṁ hyaṅ ājñā haji lviranya knāna ya nigraha mā kā 1 su5Cf. Baru Cf8–10 kapvātikā tan· bari-barin denira, yathānya tan· pamuhara pramāda riṁ sira yāpvan hana sira kamatan· tan· yatna I sarasa (saṁ) hyaṅ ajñā haji tāmraprasāsti kmitanikanaṁ karāman· riṁ baru sapaśuk thāni matuha manvam· kabeḥ, ya saṅkānani pramādanya salvirniṁ laṅghana saṁ hyaṅ ājñā haji lviranya knāna nigraha kā 2 mās ⟨s⟩u 10 and Sima Anglayang 4v3–5 yāpvan hana baṇigrāma mvaṁṅ ikaṁ sĭmāṅlayaṁ kamatān· kentasa tan pasuṁ ri kapālihani dr̥ byanika(ṁ) madaga(ṁ) pjaḥ Anăpatya, yāvat tamolaḥ I saṁ hyaṁ sarvvadharmma, mvaṁ paṅasthāna ri jātakanira, ya saṁkanāni pramādanya, salvirniṁ laṅghana I saṁ hyaṁṅ ājñā haji lvirānya, knāna ya nigraha, mā (k)ā 1, su 5 //. There is also a damaged parallel passage in Pandaan B17–18 yāpvan hana sira kamatan ta[n yatna I] saraśa saṁ hyaṅ ājñā haji, ya saṁkanani pramādanya, salvīrnīṁ laṅghana [I] saṁ hyaṅ ājṅā haji lvīranya, knāna ya nigraha mā kā [1 su] 5.sarasanysaranycf. Baru Cdef lines 8 and 39, and Gandhakuti 4v5.tat· tolihatat tanolihaThe presence of a large irregularity in the surface of the stone and the descending parts of the word sŭkṣma in line 24 make it hard to recognize the segment t· to that is expected on the basis of Terep IITerep II 8r1 and Pandaan B26.tatt tiṅhalatattiṅhalaCf. Bimalasrama 12r7 and Terep II 8r1.yan pareṅ alas· paraniṁ moṁIt seems that there may be about five akṣaras engraved on the left half of line 4.32, but if indeed any were engraved here they must have been wholly or partially superfluous, as there are numerous parallels for the phrase yan pareṅ alas paṅananiṁ moṁ or yan pareṅ alas dmakniṁ moṁ, where nothing ever intervenes between alas and the passive irrealis form of paṅan or dmak. Based on the parallels, it also seems that paraniṁ is an error for paṅananiṁ.Ata yan· bimban· pāpāta sajīvakālaThere are no exact parallels for this passage in the Airlangga corpus, but there is a partial one in Kusambyan d33–34, while more extensive ones are found in the inscriptions of the time of Sindok. After piṁpitu, we normally find the words ata yan bimbān pāpa ata ya saṁsāra sajīvakāla (Linggasuntan C42; Paradah II 2B15; Alasantan 4r9) or ata yan bimban pāpa ata ya kadi lavas saṅ hyaṅ candrāditya (Anjuk Ladang C21). Although the entire passage is badly weathered, the proposed reading seems possible, but we cannot find any trace of ya saṁsāra.guve Ubena giditikəm·, cacəm·, ṅayaiThe reading of this line is extremely uncertain. Seemingly it consists only in proper names, none of which are recognizable with certainty
Hail! Elapsed Śaka year 944, month of Caitra, fourteenth tithi, waning fortnight, Vurukuṅ, Pahiṅ, Tuesday, the Vuku being Balamuki, lunar mansion Kr̥ttikā, the deity Dahana i.e., Agni,On the use of synonyms for deity names, see Gomper (101–10310). the conjunction Āyuṣmān, the karaṇa Vaṇija.
That was the time when the decree of the Great King, the Lord of rakai, i.e. rakryān i Halu, Śrī Lokeśvara Dharmavaṅśa Airlaṅga Anantavikramottuṅgadeva, was received by the Lady rakryān the Great Minister of Hino named Śrī Saṅgrāmavijayaprasādottuṅgadevī. It came down to the Lord of Paḍaṅ namedpu Dvija. It gave an order with regard to the community in Muṅgut including all its constituent villages sapasuk thāni up to its forest clearings.The expression sapasuk thāni (which might also be translated ‘including all its village
inhabitants’) occurs again in 1.19, but is then changed to sapasuk sīma in 2.18 and 3.32. Evidently, the change in terminology from thāni to sīma is a direct consequence of the grant recorded in lines 1.18 to 2.4.
The inhabitants were named: Aṇḍuk, Bara, Marma, Cucya, Geḍoh, Bəcəm, Bajəm, Buṅah, Dītən, Bijo, Kuniṅ, Kəmboṅ, Kilano, Gajusa, Tiṅgal, Gantar, Liṇḍuṅ, Rəmban, Tuñjuṅ, ... do, Marum, Beca, Vecuṅ, Kuruk Ləca, Bəntələ, Rəntap Bahuman, Robhana, the mother of Ran named Ḍərən, Gosəṅ, Pəlī, Kəleṅ, Bavvat, Godhanā, Ṅitam, Basakaṅ, Garuṅ, Aṣṭamī, Adinəm, Śoḍagañciṅ, Bamī, Aṣṭi, Parah, Śrīnam, Iṅgut, Vatəhər, Ḍintən Jenī,The name Dintən stands so close to the right end of the front face that even its final consonant and virāma cannot be read with confidence. It is imaginable that the scribe, had space been sufficient, would have inserted a comma between this name and Jenī at the beginning of the next line — in other words, that we are dealing with two names and not one. Gr̥ha, Dhārya, Kesar, Nadī, Untal, Bənər, Uṅabakaḍut, Lutilaya, Sabhāmogha, Gəḍe, Bayog, Ḍaləman, Maraṇa, Daḍatañjamī, Surat, Pagəh,It is tempting to see in the words surat pagəḥ some kind of expression introducing a short list of names, but the punctuation of the text rather suggests that the words are themselves also names rather than common nouns in this context. Śrīmato, Iyo, Tuvuh, Kuniṅ, Niki, Gokəm, Mūlū, Sabotī, Boḍatəm, Pənəd, Kejī, Kedranī, Patyən, Bhuvanaṇī, Rimpiṅ, Godrəsa, Ajum, Dhəti, Hambəṅ, Sadī.
The community occupational groups *vulu:
patṅahans:106 Rapih,AkəmbaṅTrəpiṅ,AbūbuhAuḍi,Atahun,Gorsatəm.scribes pañarikan: Sudvinəm,Saṅkuba, Landəsoḍi, Gəvəg, Bhuvaṇa,
Bata, Madoti, Ampaṅ, Galuh, Baṣūddha, Jujul, Sulur.vinəkas: Bagnalo.in the first place the two chiefs kabayan named Japo and Vvātan.
The order was that they should make the holy royal decree in the form of an edict as confirmatory document sealed with the Garuḍa-face, to be kept in custody.
The occasion: the community in Muṅgut including all its constituent villages, all together took counsel with and paid homage to all high functionaries of the council taṇḍa rakryān ri pakira-kirān,Boechari (57; 126; 75, 109) has suggested that the taṇḍa rakryān pakira-kirān are first mentioned in the Kediri period, but he seems to have overlooked the occurrence in the Adulengen inscription which was known to him as Kakurugan. They also occur in Sima Anglayang 4v7 and 13r4. [but] in the first place to His Majesty the Great King, having as purpose to beg His Majesty the Great King for the grant that it would be properThe phrase maṅhyaṅ ri knohanya occurs also in Cane Ab.24–26: maṁhyaṁ ri knohanya sumīma thāninya I cane, sīma karāmān·, phalānyan· prasiddha sāra, pinakapanpi kulvan·, maṅkana rasani panambaḥ, nikanaṁ karāmān· I cane sapaśuk thāni tka ri babadnya, kunaṁ saṅkā ri gə:ṁnyānumoda śrī mahārāja ri sapaṁhyaṁnikanaṅ karāmān· I cane. Related passages with the keyword knoh are also found in Turun Hyang A4 and Bularut C14. for them to keep in custody a holy royal decree sealed with the Garuḍa-face, having as substance to make the village of Muṅgut into a sīma, worshiping the invisible ancestors *buyut sūkṣmaWe have difficulty understanding the syntax of the words kumabhaktyanira buyut sūkṣma (and the reading is also slightly uncertain for the first word), so our translation is only approximative.and yielding royal revenue in the form of paṅaṣṭaṅgi tax worth 5 māṣa every third month, to be accompanied with five sukat of all grain-crops sarvavījaSee Sukhamerta 10v6 mvaṁ sarvvavĭja, śveta rakta pīta kr̥ṣṇa, sukat·, 5, sovaṁ, Aṅkən tahun. Cf. also, within the corpus of Airlangga inscriptions, the expression sarvvaphala mūlaphala found in Baru Cf8; Kusambyan B31–32; and Sima Anglayang 17r4. from every occupational group, as though they were a fivefold service with flowers — oil of sesame seed, incense, lamp, fragrance, and also diverse food offering — to be used by it i.e., by the village for worship every third month.This is a very interesting passage, which rather beautifully compares the five sukat of sarvavīja to be collected from the vulus to the five constituents (tīlatela, dhūpa, dīpa, gandha, nivedya) of a so called pañcopacārapūjā ‘worship in five services’. The presence of the element puṣpa is a bit difficult. The same expression occurs in Kusambyan A28, but there without metaphorical meaning. Note also the offerings made in the Bimalasrama charter (3.1–2, emended kaharan· mantranamaskārā parṇnaḥ dhūpadīpagandhākṣatā pamūjā mpuṅku muntun· ri bhaṭārĭ prajñāpāraramitā) and in the Baharasrama charter of the time of Daksa (1v11–12 vras· caturvvarṇna kukusan· 1 Iṁ savulu-savulu‚ piṇḍa kukusan· 4 vavānya matəhər·sarbvaphalaphali bras· caturvvarṇna vavānya).
And the fixed rule tantu regarding all kinds of people who collect maṅilalaThat the term maṅilala is to be understood more or less in this sense is shown by the use of the word maminta in the parallel passage of Adulengen (3r3). This use of maminta, instead of the ubiquitous maṅilala, has no precise parallel anywhere in the Airlangga corpus, but may be compared with the sentence An· tan deyən ata kāminta tinuṇḍa right after the list of maṅilala dravya haji in Sima Anglayang 17v5. And we find the precise phrase maminta drabya haji in the Barsahan plate (r6), which we are inclined to date to the period between the reigns of Balitung and Airlangga: tan· tamā ta ya maminta drabya haji vulu-vulu Irikeṁ sīma I barsahan·. The same phraseology was already in use under King Daksa, as appears from Timbanan Wungkal (14) nahan (pra)kārani tan tumamā maminta drabya haji. See also pinta-pintan in Kubu-kubu (4v1) and Hantang (A20). royal revenue from the occupational groups, big or small — the Paṅkur, the Tavan, the Tirip —, particularly all those who previously had a claim on the occupational groups, beginning with the various Miśras, the Paṅuraṅ, the Kriṅ, the Paḍəm, the Manimpiki, the Paranakan, the Limus Galuh, the Maṅriñca, the Maṅhuri, the Paraṅ, the Suṅka, the Dhūra, the Sukun, the Sinagiha, the Kyab, the Liṅgaṅ, the Sr̥kan, the Halu Varak, the Rakadut, the Ramanaṅ, the Svara Gəṇḍiṅ, the Piniṅlai, the Kataṅgaran, the Tapa Haji, the Air Haji, the Malandaṅ, the Lca, the Lablab, the Pakalaṅkaṅ, the Kutak, the Taṅkil, the Trəpan, the Salyut, the Vatu Valaṅ, the Pamanikan, the Maniga, the Sikpan, the Rumban, the Tirvan, the Vilaṅ Thāni, the Viji Kavah, the Tiṅkəs, the Māvī, the Manambaṅi, the Taṅhiran, the Tuha Dagaṅ, the Juru Gosalī, the Maṅrumbai, the Maṅguñjai, the overseer of the Nambi, the overseer of gambling, the overseer of prostitutes, the Pabisar, the Paguluṅ, the Pavuṅkunuṅ, the Vli Hapū, the Vli Harəṅ, the Vli Pañjut, the Palamak, the Urutan, the Dampulan, the Tpuṅ Kavuṅ, the Suṅsuṅ Paṅuraṅ, the Pasuk Alas, the Tikəl Haṅgas,Cf. the patikəl (h)aṅgas whom we find mentioned in the Balambangan, Garaman, Kudadu and Balawi inscriptions. the Sipad Vilut, the Jukuṅ, the Paniṅaṅin, the Pamavasya, the Hopan, the Panrāṅan, the Skar Tahun, the Pabayai, the Paṅrāma, the Tuluṅ Hutaṅ, the Pobhaya, the Pacumbi, the Paprāyaścitta, the eunuch, the healer, the Sambal, the Sumbul, the royal servants, the Jəṅgi,On the term jəṅgi, see . the Siṅgah, the Pamr̥ṣi, the Mavuluṅ-vuluṅ, all of the courtiers, and so forth — is that they shall not enter the sīma at Muṅgut. It is only the community in Muṅgut that has the exclusive authority over it.
Likewise are all the fines to be imposed for ‘pain and relief ’ sukha-duḥkha,On the sukha-duḥkha, see Boechari 14–15
(39–41, esp. p. 40): “sukhaduḥkha bukanlah ‘suka dan duka’, melainkan diterangkan dengan hala hayu, ialah segala perbuatan yang buruk dan yang baik yang terjadi dalam masyarakat, atau seperti yang dimaksudkan di dalam setiap prasasti, yang terjadi dalam lingkungan daerah perdikan. Bahkan sebenarnya hanya perbuatan yang jahat saja yang dimaksudkan. Dengan perkataan lain, sukhaduḥkha ialah segala tindak pidana (yang terjadi di dalam lingkungan daerah perdikan) yang harus dikenai hukuman denda.” Boechari seems to allude to a normative text that gave the explanation hala hayu, but we have not yet been able to identify the text in question. For translations of the individual terms, see Boechari 1986: 161–162 / 2012: 309–310; see also Boechari 2012: 510 for an English translation of a sukha-duḥkha passage. We adopt the interpretation of the term sukha-duḥkha itself, and of the meanings of the items in the following list, from work in progress by Timothy Lubin. great or small — ‘areca-blossom without betelnut’ mayaṅ tan pavvaḥ, ‘gourd vines that grow in the courtyard’ valū rumambat iṅ natar, ‘disaster’ vipati, ‘a corpse covered with dew’ vaṅke kabunan, ‘blood spattered on the road’ rāh kasavur iṅ dalan, ‘slander’ duhilatən, ‘violence’ sāhasa, ‘rash speech’ vākcapala, ‘rash acts with the hand’ hastacapala, ‘producing the dust of a file’ mamijilakən vuriniṅ kikir, ‘attacking in fury’ mamuk, ‘rape’ mamuṅpaṅ, ‘repeated attack’ ludan, ‘following’ tūtan, ‘apportioning of shares’ haṅśa pratyaṅśa, ‘punishment and wrongful punishment’ ḍəṇḍa kuḍəṇḍa, ‘poisons of all sorts’ maṇḍihala and such like — namely that only the community in Muṅgut has the authority over all of them.
Such was the substance of the holy decree of the king kept in custody by the community in Muṅgut including all its subsidiarysīmas. And as for the entitlements of the inhabitants of the original sīma at MuṅgutOr do the words sapasuk· ṣīma kabeḥ mvaṁ ri vnaṅanikanaṁ vargga mūla sīma I muṅgut· rather mean ‘including all its sīma inhabitants. And as for the entitlements of the original inhabitants of the sīma at Muṅgut’? Several occurrences of the parallel phrase vargga mūla sīma I kusambyan· are found in the Kusambyan charter, to which we turn below. We find it perhaps slightly more likely that mūla goes with sīma than with vargga, in view of combinations like mūla savah, mūla təgal, mūla kaḍatvan in OJ literature, although the notion of ‘original inhabitant’ (varga mūla) also seems very plausible, and can be compared to the arguments advanced by protagonist Dhanadī in the Wurudu Kidul inscription (844 Śaka) that she was a true local and not a Khmer, hence not an descendant of ‘unfree’ or ‘taxable’ inhabitants. to have shops, these include for instance: two vendors of titih, two vendors of yarn, two vendors of cloth, two vendors of fly-whisks cāmara, two porters, two awar-awar preparers, two conjurors ? amaṅmaṅ, two amuti-muti?, two goldsmiths, two ironsmiths, two bronze smiths, two coppersmiths, two amutərchurners? potters?, two boatmen, two cow traders, two buffalo buyers, two parəmasan, two retailers, two *pasəpahan, two mahīṣṭhvan. Such were the ... of the traders ... all of the varieties of ... of the goods that they transport *pamvatan.
Unceasing, indeed, is their residence *paṅasthāna in the sīma at Muṅgut, insofar as inhabitants of the original sīma at Muṅgut alone have power and authority *vaśa-pramāṇa to weigh the royal revenues, although they shall still allow others? the revenue collectors? to maintain harmony side by side *patūt padulur, so that they go to other regions deśa *salen and so that they seek wares.
Only the following are the inhabitants from whom revenue may be collected: the South Indians kliṅ, the North Indians ārya, the Singhalese, those from the Gauḍa-territory *gola-viṣaya, those from the Cola country *colika, those from Kerala malyāla, those from Karṇāṭaka, from the Rāṣṭrakūṭa-territory *vallahāra,The term Vallahāra, along with several other of the terms for foreigners figuring here, is also found in the (post-Airlangga) Sumengka charter of 981 Śaka. For discussion, see §7. Through which networks the term became known in Java is a fascinating question for further research. those from Campā, the Mons rəmən, the Havaṅs, the Mambaṅs, the Huñjəmans, the Senāmukhas, the Varahans, the drummers mapaḍahi, the Kecakas, the dancers tarimba, the Tapuk performers, the comedians abañol, the *Salahans. They are the inhabitants from whom revenue may be collected, to whatever group they belong, whatever be their activity, whatever be their country of origin, as long as they reside in that sīma at Muṅgut, whereas an the inhabitants of the original sīma at Muṅgut alone atikā have the authority over all of its payments for ‘pain and relief’, great or small, following ... ? yacānyayan ika masthānabati its entire decree, intended to further its worship of the invisible ancestors buyut sūkṣma.
Such was the substance of the grant of the Great King, to the inhabitants of the original sīma at Muṅgut including all its subsidiarysīmas. It is to be considered by them as irrevocable, as long asan they remain in their respective domains panataran, *natar.The sentence is not explicit as to who or what remains (tamolah). The very close parallel passages in Cane Cd23–24 (quoted in our lexicographic notes under panataran) and Kusambyan It is not to be disturbed by future kings or by those who in the future will be granted the status of Tiṅhal Piṅhai, beginning with the Great King on the Gem-Jewel Lion-throne who has Vvatan Mās as royal residence i.e., Airlangga.
If there are ones seen not to be diligent with regard to the whole of the intent of the Great King’s decree, disturbing the sīma at Muṅgut, it will become the cause of their guilt of negligence.The phrase ya saṅkānani pramādanya is a formulaic expression occurring also in several other inscriptions of this period. See the parallels cited in our n. 96 above, as well as Anjatan 4r9 yathānya tan pamuhara pramāda magə:ṁ I sira. All forms of transgression of the holy royal decree, whatever kind, will be subjected to a fine in gold of 1 kāṭi and 5 suvarṇa.
Pay heed, you Lord Śrī Haricandana, Great Sage Agasti; gods of the directions East, South, West, North, Southeast, Southwest, Northwest,The Northeast has been omitted in the text. Zenith, Nadir; (the eight forms of Śiva, which are) Sun, Moon, Earth, Water, Wind, Fire, Sacrificer, Ether; day and night, transitional times sandhyā; the king of the Nāgas; the goddess Durgā; all of you gods of Time and Death, Yama, Varuṇa, Kubera, Vāsava i.e., Indra, you who penetrate and take bodily form in all people who have supernatural powers in the world: if arrogantly bhaṅgi, wildly gaṇa-gaṇa they will be able to disturb the sīma at Muṅgut, let them be killed by you, the invisible gods *buyut sūkṣma. In killing, your approach shall be that you do not look to the rear, do not look to the side, while clashing with the opponent. Slap his side, cut his snout, split his skull, rip open his belly, draw out his entrails, eat his flesh, drink his blood, leave the dead one behind. When going to the forest, may he be eaten by a tiger, ... . let him be struck by thunderclap, whirled around by the anger of the gods ... ruined ... no less than seven times. When he is given shape, it will only be a bad one as long as he lives! Such will be the consequence for the delinquent man who disturbs the sīma at Muṅgut...
977 was the time the honorable saṅ hadyan Jujul and Sulur were chiefs kabayan.This seems to be additional information about two persons mentioned in 1.16.
The left upper part is engraved with 9 lines of akṣaras. The first line is a bit better preserved than the following eight lines, but still nothing can be read with certainty on the 9 top lines. Some akṣaras can be discerned a bit more clearly on lines 10–12, but there too the absence of any certainty about context has persuaded us not to make any attempt at deciphering the short segments of akṣaras that might be legible.
The reader should consult our lexicographic notes notes in 180–194 for discussion of any * signs indicated in the text