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Potter's English wording, long-s typography, page breaks, speeches, lyric divisions, and notes are preserved. English verse units receive sequential CTS citations. Translation groups point explicitly to passages of the Smyth/Perseus Greek edition; individual English lines are not assigned unsupported one-to-one alignments. Catchwords are encoded as fw and explanatory notes as EpiDoc apparatus entries.
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CTS edition: urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0085.tlg005.potter1779-eng2.
IN this tragedy the reader will find the
ſtrongest traces of the genius of Æschylus,
and the moſt diſtinguiſhing proofs of his
ſkill.
Great in his conceptions, bold and
daring in his metaphors, ſtrong in his pafſions,
he here touches the heart with uncommon
emotions. The odes are particularly ſublime,
and the oracular ſpirit, that breathes through
them, adds a wonderful elevation and dignity to
them. Short as the part of Agamemnon is, the
poet has the addreſs to throw ſuch an amiable
dignity around him,
This watchman had his ſtation aſſigned him upon the royal palace at Argos, to obſerve the ſignal which Agamemnon had promiſed to give Clytemneſtra, when Troy ſhould be taken. This ſpecularis indicatio, this information by beacons, was ſaid to have been invented by Sinon in the time of the Trojan war; but Æschylus had a poetic right to attribute it to his hero. The man, after nine years paſſed in this ſleepless poſt, had reaſon to complain of a taſk which had fixed him to the roof of Agamemnon, like a dog; not that this was a debaſing idea, that animal being the emblem of fidelity, vigilance, and ſagacious discernment of friend from enemy, as the
B 4
the learned reader may find it accounted for in very good words by Plutarch in his Treatise on Iſis and Oſiris: they were therefore the uſual night-guards of great houſes; Alcinous in the Odyſſey had them of gold and ſilver,
Χρύσειοι δ᾽ ἑκάτερθε καὶ ἀργύρεοι κύνες ἦσαν
Δῶμα φυλασσόμενοι.
One is ſurpriſed and ſorry to find the excellent Stanley interpreting ἀνδρόβελιν here by viro inſidiantem, as if this Watchman had penetrated into the horrid deſign of Clytemneſtra. He had indeed obſerved, that the houſe was not now well-ordered as of old; and he gives ſome humourous hints of the indecent conduct of the queen; but further than this his penetration reached not. Had the great ſecret been thus early diſcovered, it would have at once removed that ſuſpenſe and ſolicitude for the event, which the poet has the addreſs to keep up throughout the play, in which we ſhall ſee cause to admire his art and judgment.
It is generally agreed, that Troy was taken in the night; this ſupplied Euripides with the ſubject of a very pathetic ode in his Hecuba: thus Virgil,
Invadunt urbem ſomno vinoque ſepultam.
The religious turn, which the poet has given to this ſimile, adds a ſolemn grace to the beautiful imagery, the vulture being ſacred to Apollo, as the god of augury, to Pan as the patron of hunters, and to Jupiter as the protector of kings.
We receive the higheſt ideas of the civilized manners and ſocial ſenſe of the ancients, from their religious obſervation of the rights of hoſpitality; we have many inſtances of this in Homer, particularly in the interview of Glaucus and Diomede. Jupiter himſelf was the protector of these laws, hence his title of Ξένιος: to these laws Ovid alludes,
Auſus es hoſpitii temeratis advena ſacris
Legitimam nuptæ ſollicitare fidem.
Helena was ſaid to have been carried off by Theſeus, before ſhe was wedded to Menelaus.
The Fates and the Furies, at whoſe rites no fire was uſed.
P. Brumoy, complaining of the obſcurity of this tragedy, ſays, il y a tant de métaphores, de figures, et des tours extraordinaires, qu'on ne sçauroit ſe vanter de les avoir tous démêlés. And of this ode, l'on peut bien défier toute plume Françoise de rendre ce morceau, tant il eſt defiguré et entortillé. Diſcouraging this: for how ſhall the Engliſh grey-gooſe-quill hope to give the critical reader ſatisfaction, where the plume Françoise deſpairs? Eſſayons cependant.
The Chorus, ſeized with a ſacred inſpiration, records the omen which was given to the brother kings on their march from Argos. Two eagles, the one of dark plumage, the ſtrongeſt and the ſwifteſt of the kind, the other of a ſpecies ſomewhat inferior, ſeize a pregnant hare, and bear it in their talons to the palace of Agamemnon.
The fate-foretelling Chalcas explains the omen, that the imperial eagles denote the royal brothers, and the capture of the hare their ſucceſs in taking Troy; but as the hare was pregnant, it was under the immediate protection of Diana, who, as goddeſs of the chace, was the guardian of the infant race of all animals that are feræ naturæ: this the prophet fears is an indication of the anger of that goddeſs.
This paſſage is very obſcure, and certainly nothing elucidated by the annotator, who ſends us to the ſparrows at Aulis for its interpretation; whereas the preciſe words of the Chorus confine us to a ſingle omen given to the kings when they were marching from the royal palace at Argos,
Μόρσιμ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ὀρνίθων
Ὁδίων οἴκοις βασιλέιοις. ν. 164. Æschyl.
nor will φιλομάτοισ ὀβρικάλοισι permit us to think of unfledged birds: leaving Pauw and his adverſaries then to ſettle what he calls ineptius grammaticorum, we thankfully adopt the very beautiful image he has given us, and proceed.
The prophet, impreſſed with the idea of the anger of Diana, invokes Apollo to appeaſe his ſiſter, that ſhe might
not raiſe any adverſe winds to retard the expedition, nor demand any ſacrifice of horrid and barbaric rites: by the firſt alluding to the contrary winds which afterwards detained the fleet at Aulis; by the latter, to the ſacrifice of Iphigenia.—Thus far the Chorus has recorded the prophecy of Chalcas, and with as little obſcurity as one has reaſon to expect in ſuch oracular anſwers, except in the beginning of the epode, where the text is unhappily corrupted.
Vol. II. C
The Chorus now reaſſumes its proper character, and begins this ode with a ſolemn addreſs to Jupiter, illud, quicquid eſt, ſummum, if that name were agreeable to him; for the ancients in their invocations of the Gods, were under a ſuperſtitious dread of offending them, ſhould they ſpeak to them by a name ungrateful to their ears, or omit the name moſt pleaſing to them. Him the Chorus reveres, as in him alone their anxious thoughts could find repoſe. Whoever he may be, that without this pious reverence exults in his might, he enjoys but a ſhort-lived glory,
(The old Scholiaſt underſtands this of the Titans; a modern critic agrees with him, but at the ſame time clearly ſees that Xerxes and Darius are adumbrated.) This is a general reflection.
On the other hand, the man, who amidſt his ſucceſſes pays his grateful vows to Jupiter, ſhall have his proſperity continued to him. Though ſometimes, when the God leads mortals to wiſdom, he effects his purpoſe by afflictions; the memory of which makes a deep impreſſion on the ſufferer, and compels him to be wise: even this is acknowledged as the effect of divine grace. This is the addreſs of the Chorus to Jupiter, ſober, manly, rational, and a fine prelude to the afflictions of Agamemnon next to be mentioned.
C 2
The anger of Diana now ſhows itſelf, and the Grecian fleet is detained by adverſe winds at Aulis; the conſequence of this is briefly, but finely deſcribed; but even under this mortifying calamity the hero ſhows no impious diſcontent, accuſes no god nor man; but ſtands in a melancholy ſilence with his eyes fixed on an oppoſite iſland, and obſerving the refluent flood.
In the midſt of this diſtreſs, the prophet declared, that the anger of the Goddeſs would not be appeaſed, nor would the winds permit the fleet to ſail out of the harbour, but by the ſacrifice of Iphigenia, the beautiful daughter of Agamemnon: the anguſh of his ſoul, and the conflicting paſſions of the father and the king, are here pathetically deſcribed, till at length the king prevails.
Utcunque ferent ea facta nepotes,
Vincit amor patriæ, laudumque immenſa cupido.
C 3
There is ſomething horrid in the ſuperſtitſion of ancient paganiſm, which often impelled even the moſt religious perſons to actions that were ſſhocking to humanity, and at the ſame time left them expoſed to infamy and puniſhment, as if they had been voluntarily guilty. It was in the Fates, that Edipus ſhould kill his father, and marry his mother; by the very methods which he took to avoid the completion of this oracle, and those the wiſeſt which human providence could ſuggeſt, he was entangled in the fatal net; yet the anger of the Gods purſued him even to ruin, and the extermination of his family. Oreſtes was commanded by Apollo to kill his mother, with threats of the ſevereſt vengeance ſhould he preſume to diſobey; but no ſooner was the deed done, than he was
was pursued by the Furies, and haunted even to distraction. So here Agamemnon has this cruel alternative proposed to him, either to appease the anger of Diana, and purchase a favourable wind by the blood of his daughter, or to see this great armament of united Greece, her heroes, and her glory, unprofitably wasted at Aulis: yet even the Chorus here, though under the influence of the strongest religious impressions, instead of extolling the hero for suffering the patriot passions to prevail over private affection, censure the deed, though acknowledged to be necessary, as audacious, mad, and unholy. But we shall see that the poet knew what he was about.
C 4
The behaviour of Iphigenia is deſcribed with inimitable beauty: there is an eloquence in her actions, in her eyes, in her attitude, beyond the power of words. As ſhe had been admitted to her father’s feaſts, and accuſtomed to entertain him with her ſongs, ſhe preſumed on his fondneſs, and throwing off her maiden veil (as its colour ſignifies), ſtood in the act to ſpeak to him, but hearing his voice commanding ſilence, ſhe obeyed with meek ſubmiſſion. This is the painting of a great maſter.
The Chorus obſerves a judicious ſilence with regard to what enſued: we hope however again to introduce this unfortunate and amiable lady to the acquaintance of the Engliſh reader,
reader. The remaining part of the ode contains only a melancholy reflection, introduced with great propriety, as a gloomy preſage of the catastrophe, even the concluding prayer for the welfare of Greece has the ſame turn.
On hearing good tidings, even though the report was uncertain, it was uſual to ſacrifice to good hope, ἐυαγγέλοισιν ἐλπίσιν. —STANLEY—and to send a share of the victims to their friends. See p. 12. 1. 13.
It was obſerved in the preface to this tragedy, that the character of Clytemneſtra is that of an high-ſpirited, cloſe, determined, dangerous woman; this character now begins to unfold itſelf. She had with deep premeditation planned the murder of her husband; he was now returning; her ſoul of courſe must at this time be full of her horrid deſign, and all her thoughts intent upon the execution of it: we have in the remaining part of this ſpeech a ſtrong proof of this; she is dark, ſententious, and even religious; ſo the Chorus underſtands
her words, and ſo ſhe intends they ſhould; but the very expreſſions, by which ſhe wiſhes to conceal, and does conceal her purpoſe from the Argive ſenators, by being ambiguous, and comprehending a double meaning, ſo far mark the working of her mind, as to give us an hint of what is revolving there.
This ode, as the laſt, begins with a ſublime and manly addreſs to Jupiter, acknowledging his power, and the certainty of his judgments on the impious, though deferred for a ſeaſon.
Vol. II. D
These judgments had fallen in ſo conſpicuous a manner on guilty Troy, that it was impoſſible not to ſee the immediate hand of the God, and to own that no might, no riches can protect the impious from his juſt vengeance.
Yet vice has its aſſuafive charms; but the remedy is not intirely concealed, as the miſchief glares through her diſguiſe ; and as adulterate braſs is diſcovered by a proper trial, ſo is it with the wicked, who purſues his wanton ſports to the deſtruction of his country ; conſidering the ſubject, the alluſion to a boy pursuing a bird has a ſingular propriety and beauty : here the great moral récurs again, that vice ſhall not be unpuniſhed ; and the whole is applied to Paris, who, in violation of the ſacred rights of hoſpitality, bore away the wife of Menelaus. There are few paſſages in Æschylus more obſcure than this antistrophe, the tranſlator has applied all his attention to it, but prefumes not to ſay how far he has ſucceeded. The same critic, who before sent us to Aulis for a sparrow's neſt, has here discovered the firebrand of Hecuba, the prophecy of Cassandra, and the improvident care of the mother: to preſerve her ſon : but this ſurely is all a dream.
We are now prepared for an account of the departure of Helena with Paris: the diſmay of the Spartan ſeers, the affliction of the husband fixed in silent grief on the picture of his inconstant wife, then turning from it with a bursting sigh, and his dreams, that present her to his imagination in all her attractive charms, then vanish and leave him in despair, are finely imaged ; so the grief, which arose first in the house of Menelaus, and thence spread its gloom over all Greece, is well well conceived, and tends to carry on the poet's general deſign, which was to repreſent the dreadful conſequences of this fatal war.
Paris had been guilty of the moſt atrocious act of injustice to Menelaus ; all Greece had united to revenge the affront, and had choſen Agamemnon as the commander in chief of this mighty armament ; he had carried on a great and dangerous war for ten years ; was brave, wise, and juſt, had ſubverted the empire of Priam, and raiſed the military fame of his country to the highest glory ; was now returning crowned with conquest, and enriched with ſpoils, the moſt illustrious of mortal men: might we not then expect that his faithful ſenators, who loved and honoured him, ſhould have celebrated the victories of their king, and welcomed his return to Argos with pæans of joy? Instead of this, they dwell on the miſeries of the war, the unhappiness of families which, instead of their lords, had received back only their arms stained with their blood, or urns containing their ashes, the murmurs of the people, and the severe retaliation demanded for blood, even though shed in a just war: in short, all their ideas, and even their moral reflections, are gloomy and of ill presage. But the great poet knew what he was about: the character of the Chorus was sacred, their claim of inspiration had rendered it prophetic, they were not therefore to be dazzled with the vain splendor of triumphs immediately before them ; but their minds were carried forward to future events, and there every presage was dark and melancholy ; and by this judicious conduct we are further prepared for the catastrophe.
This alludes to the peſtilence in the Grecian camp, by Homer, aſcribed to Apollo as a punishment for the affront offered to his prieſt Chryſes:
Thus Chryſes pray’d: the fav’ring pow’r attends, And from Olympus' lofty tops defcends. Bent was his bow the Grecian hearts to wound; Fierce as he mov’d, his ſilver ſhafts reſound. Breathing revenge a ſudden night he ſpread, And gloomy darkneſs roll’d around his head. The fleet in view he twang’d his deadly bow, And hiſſing fly the feather’d fates below, &C.
Mercury, as the meſſenger of the Gods, was eſteemed the patron of heralds, whoſe character therefore was always held ſacred.
The Grecians, in their ſolemn invocations of the Gods, paid this reverence to the manes of their heroes, ſuppoſing them ſtill to be the protectors of their country. Thus Xenophon repreſents Cyrus, when marching into the territories of the enemy, before he paſſed the line of diviſion, to have ſacrificed to Jupiter, and the other Gods, and, at the same time, to have invoked the heroes, the dwellers and guardians of Media; and after he had paſſed, to have again ſacrificed to the Gods, and propitiated the heroes guardians of Aſſyria. —XEN. CYR.
He not only loſt Helena, whom he had carried away, and the treaſures brought with her, but had involved his country in ruin.
Mr. Heath attributes to the Chorus the part here aſſigned to Clytemneſtra. He thinks it unbecoming the dignity of the queen, and that the Herald anſwers too familiarly: this miſtake led him into many others. The Herald’s meſſage was was directly to the queen; and as he bore a ſacred character, her dignity did not ſuffer by the conference ; neither is there any thing of diſreſpectful familiarity on his part: ancient manners permitted not the Chorus to interrupt the queen. The fifth line of p. 48 , is an evaſive anſwer: this artful woman wiſhed to appear to the Herald, and by him to be repreſented as having ſuffered much during her husband’s abſence; being aſked, By whom? She replies with an affected caution, That ſilence had been her beſt remedy. What seems to have miſled this learned critic, was his opinion that the Chorus hinted at the infamous commerce between Clytemneſtra and Ægiſtheus ; but the words on which he firſt founds his opinion, v. 555 of the original, have a very different meaning: the herald ſays, You deſire to ſee those, who have as great a deſire to ſee this country; ſhe answers ,
Mr. Heath derives another proof from the word κλύοντας, ν. 589 , which being maſculine and plural, ſhows that the Herald had been addreſſing not Clytemneſtra, but the Chorus: it rather ſhows, that this part of his diſcourſe had been addreſſed both to Clytemneſtra and the Chorus ; had he ſpoke to the Chorus only, only, he would have used the singular number, as he does twice afterwards, when the queen had left them,
Ἐκύρσας, ὥστε τοξότης ἄκρος, σκοποῦ.
Τοσαῦτ᾿ ἀκούσας, ἴσθι τ᾿ ἀληθῆ κλύων.
Nor is his critique on νικώμενος, tranſlated " I am convinced," better founded ; for this is a modest apology for their diftruſt of Clytemneſtra’s news, expreſſed in the last epode; to which ſhe replies ſarcastically, p. 51. 1.7. Mr. Heath finiſhes, by interpreting the 4th and 5th lines of p. 53 , as if the Chorus insinuated that Clytemneſtra had ſpoke with artful diffimulation what ſhe wiſhed the Herald ſhould relate to the king ; and thereby hinted at her infidelity : but the words of the original are clear and expreſs, and incapable of admitting any other ſenſe than what the tranſlation preſents. Indeed nothing could be more unhappily conceived than the opinion of these intimations from the Chorus, as it is repugnant to the whole plan and conduct of the play.
If the reader is not satisfied with Pauw's interpretation of this passage, nor with the translator's, Mr. Heath is at hand, who renders it thus, "The dews wet us, the certain destruction of our garments, making our hair like the shag of wild beasts." [GRC: I assume he is translating Heath's Latin edition?] One would imagine that this learned person had Nebuchadnezzar in his thoughts, but that the hairs of the Assyrian monarch were grown like eagles' feathers. If by ἔνθηρον τρίχα we understand the ſhaggy coverings of the tents, we shall find it a good military idea.
Of this passage Pauw honestly says, aliquid subest quod ego non intelligo
. Mr. Heath disapproves the allusion, though he thinks it a proverbial expression, the grace of which is lost upon our ignorance, and says, quod nos non videmus alius forsan olim videbit
. In the mean time, the translator had only one part to take, which was to supply what
he thought the expreſſion wanted to render it intelligible; a part, which all the interpreters of Æschylus muſt take, reduits ſouvent a deviner, on les voit heſiter, et chercher à rendre le fens quand ils ne peuvent se former une idée exacte des mots.
Ancient ſuperſtition required that the feſtal days, inſtituted to the honour of the Gods for any ſucceſs, ſhould not be contaminated with any inauspicious word, much less with the relation of any unfortunate event : Æschylus here aſſigns the reaſon: hence the ἐυφημεῖν of the Greeks, and the favere linguis of the Latins.—STANLEY.
E 4
Pauw cenſures the poet here as inconſiſtent, the Herald having before declared it improper to profane a day ſacred to feſtal joy with ill tidings : Mr. Heath defends him, by ſaying the tidings are rather of good than of ill : but this is directly contrary to the Herald’s words, who ſpeaks of tempeſts, wrecks, bodies floating on the waves, and the anger of the Gods, as ills ; and ſuch to common underſtandings they muſt appear : indeed he ſeems apprehenſive of this, yet thinks them very proper, as these unfortunate circumstances give a preſage of the impending death of Agamemnon ; at the same time they give it an air of probability, by rendering the king more obnoxious to the treacheries of Clytemneſtra, as being returned with one ſingle ſhip, without his friends and the army. Thus Mr. Heath; but it appears by the barbarous boaſt of Clytemneſtra, after ſhe had perpetrated the horrid deed, that ſhe had planned it in ſuch a manner, at ſuch a time, and in ſuch a place, that the execution of it could not be prevented. The poet had a deeper deſign: though the dramatic unities had not their name in his time, yet they owe their exiſtence to him, and he was as ſensible, as any of his critics can be, of the impropriety of making Agamemnon appear at Argos the day after Troy was taken ; yet his plan required this, and it is ſo finely executed, that he must be a critic minorum gentium who objects to it. The whole narration of the Herald is calculated to ſoften this impropriety ; a tempeſt ſeparates the royal ſhip from the fleet, ſome God preſerves it, and Fortune, the deliverer, guides it into the harbour ; every thing is as rapid and impetuous as the genius of Æschylus, and the expreſſion is ſo carefully guarded, that no hint is given of the veſſel’s being at ſea more than one night: there are ſome ſubſequent expreſſions of the same tendency.
The general deſign of this beautiful ode is ſo clear, that it wants no elucidation : the ſober and religious moral, that breathes through the richest deſcription and most vivid colouring, gives it the highest grace and the utmoſt perfection to which poetry can aſpire. This is one of those passages where un tour vaut une pensée, et en est veritablement une: this grace, ſuch as it is, vaniſhes the moment you attempt to transfuſe it into another language.
Helena, in alluſion to her name, is here called Helenas, Helandros, Heleptolis, the deſtroyer of ſhips, the deſtroyer of men, the deſtroyer of cities : a tranſlator in ſuch a case can only catch the general idea, if he retains the particular one, the fallen star becomes only a cold jelly: happily he had here an opportunity of availing himself of the general ſuperſtitſtion of the ancients with regard to names ; the philoſophy of which opinion no Pythagorean nor Stoic, though both ſchools devoutly taught it, explained with better argument than the father of Tristram Shandy.
Nothing ſhows the good ſenſe and fine taſte of the Athenians more, than their regard to religious ſentiments, even in their public ſpectacles. Tragedy was not yet allowed to lose fight of reverence to the Gods, the love of liberty, and affection to their country, principles the moſt neceſſary to be inculcated on the people. Agamemnon could not return the gratulations of his faithful ſenators, till he had addreſſed his paternal land, and its Gods, who had led him to this war, and brought him back in ſafety. Such ſentiments would reflect honour on more enlightened ages.
The Engliſh reader will find the whole proceſs of the ancient courts of judicature, the loud-tongued pleaders, and the urns or vaſes of acquittal or condemnation, in the Furies: the vaſe, into which the ſhells of condemnation are put, is here finely called “the bloody urn, αἱματηρὸν τεῦχος.”
Virgil knew how to make a fine uſe of this noble imagery,
Faeta armis.—
Scandit fatalis machina muros
Illa ſubit, mediaeque minans illabitur urbi.—
quater ipſo in limite portae
Subſtitit, atque utero ſonitum quater arma dedere.
Inſtamus tamen immemores, caecique furore, Et monſtrum infelix ſacratâ ſiſtimus arce. We have nothing in our language more greatly conceived, or more finely expreſſed, than the firſt part of the ode to Fear by Mr. Collins; it is in the genuine ſpirit of Æschylus; the laſt line is maniſeſtly taken from hence, Ἅδην ἔλειξεν αἵματος τυραννικῶυ. On whom that ravening brood of fate, Who lap the blood of ſorrow, wait.
F 2
According to the ſimplicity of ancient manners, Clytemneſtra ſhould have waited to receive her husband in the houſe; but her affected fondneſs led her to diſregard decorum. Nothing can be conceived more artful than her ſpeech; but that very art ſhews, that her heart had little ſhare in it: her pretended ſufferings during his abſence are touched with great delicacy and tenderneſs; but had they been real, ſhe would not have ſtopped him here with the querulous recital: the joy for his return, had ſhe felt that joy, would have broke out firſt; this is deferred to the latter part of her addreſs; there indeed ſhe has amaſſed every image expreſſive of welcome; but her ſolicitude to aſſemble these leads her beyond nature, which expreſſes her ſtrongeſt paſſions in broken ſentences, and with a nervous brevity, not with the cold formality of a ſet harangue. Her laſt words are another inſtance of the double ſenſe which expreſſes reverence to her husband, but intends the bloody deſign with which her ſoul was agitated.
F 3
Geryon was a king of Spain, killed by Hercules, fabled to have three bodies, becauſe he had three armies commanded by his three ſons. Clytemneſtra compares her husband to this giant, and ſays, that if he had been ſlain as often as was reported, this ſecond triple Geryon (meaning Agamemnon under that name, for it were ominous to ſpeak of the dead) might well boaſt to have received his triple veſt, meaning his three bodies, and to have died once in each form. Mr. Heath might never have heard that Geryon, though he had three bodies, died more than once; nor does Pauw ſay it; but this does not hinder Clytemneſtra from making the ſuppoſition, and nothing more is intended; the words of Æschylus are expreſs,
Ἅπαξ ἑκάστῳ κατθανὼν μορφώματι.
Agamemnon appears here in the moſt amiable light; he knows his dignity, and is not inſenſible to the fame which attends him as the conqueror of Aſia; but by reproving the exceſſive adulation of Clytemneſtra, he ſhows that manly firmneſs of mind, that becoming moderation, which diſtinguiſhes the ſober ſtate of the king of Argos from the barbaric pride of an Aſiatic monarch. The part, which he has to act, is ſhort, but it gives us a picture of the highest military glory, and of true regal virtue, and ſhows us that as a man he was modeſt, gentle, and humane.
This paſſage is difficult. The context is this, whilſt the root remains (meaning the husband) the branches reach to the houſe, and ſpread a ſhade over it againſt the heat of the dog-ſtar. There is an image of this nature in Caractacus far ſuperior to this of Æschylus, Hail, hallow’d oaks! — Happy foreſters, Ye, with your tough and interwiſted roots, Grasp the firm rocks ye ſprung from, and, erect In knotty hardihood, ſtill proudly ſpread Your leafy banners ’gainſt the tyrannous north, Who Roman like aſſails you. Clytemneſtra goes on, When thou art preſent at thy domeſtic hearth, thou ſpreadeſt a warmth even in the winter; and in the hottest season the husband’s preſence gives a refreshing coolneſs to the house; the firſt image is of protection, the other two of agreeableness, like this of Ovid, Solibus hibernis, aeſtivâ gratior umbrâ. The expreſſion in the original is highly metaphorical, “when Jupiter forms the wine from the unripe grape,” which means more than to denote the autumnal heat; it being no uncommon thing for an original rusticity of conception to be turned into parade and ornament. And now, having mentioned her husband under the usual epithet of the perfect (See Stanley on the Supp. v. 82. and on this place: hence their Ζεὺς τέλειος, and Ἥρη τέλεια, as presiding over marriages), she artfully addresses Jupiter, as the source of perfection, to perfect her intent: this play on the word is the ebullition of her heated imagination, impatient to execute her horrid purpose, as the opportunity was now arrived; and is another instance of that ambiguity with which this artful and determined woman took a pride in concealing her thoughts under the very words that expressed them. The learned reader is sufficiently sensible of the difficulty of this strophe; the translator understands it differently from the annotators, adhering however to Pauw's interpretation of time and place, which is supported against Mr. Heath by the two last lines. The Chorus, under the power of an immediate inspiration, in the sublimest style of poetry, is struck with visions of terror, Δεῖγμα προσατήριον, that fill his heart with presages, and compel him to utter the prophetic strain ἀκέλευσος, ἄμισθος. Indeed no hope, in which he could confide, had touched his heart since the fleet sailed from Aulis, and the troops advanced to Troy.
Now indeed I see they are returned (continues the Chorus), yet Erinnys begins the strain, without waiting for the accompagnament of the lyre. Every idea is gloomy and hopeless; yet he wishes that his fears may be vain.
In the mutable ſtate of human life, ſickness is the contiguous neighbour to health; the bark in its faireſt courſe is driven on a rock; and ſloth diſſipates the greateſt wealth: yet the whole house does not fall under the disease; the bark is not ſwallowed up by the ſea; and Jupiter has many ways to reſtore the wasted wealth.
But when man’s warm blood streams upon the ground, what charm can recall his life? Not even Æsculapius himself, whom Jupiter did not prevent through jealousy of his life-restoring art. And now, having utter’d this ominous presage of blood and death, prohibent jam cætera parcæ ſcire, the inspiration ceases, and he becomes dark and silent. This ode is conceived in the sublimest spirit of poetry, yet that is but its second excellence; it receives its first grace from propriety. As the odes in this tragedy necessarily contract an obscurity from their prophetic turn, and have been generally complained of as being almost unintelligible, the reader, it is hoped, will not be displeased at these attempts to elucidate them.
Stanley reads ἀμηνίτως, Auratus ἀμηνίτοις : Nefcio quare, ſays Pauw: Ego igitur dicam, ſays Heath; Quia non ἀμηνίως, sine irâ, Jupiter videbatur potuiſse ſtatúere Caſſandram ex reginâ ſervam in inimicorum patriæque ſuæ vaſtatorum aedibus. One ſhould be cautious in oppoſing the fine taſte of Stanley. Clytemneſtra tells Caſſandra that her office ſhould be to ſtand at the altar of Jupiter; which was the moſt honourable department that could be given to captives of rank; the Phaenislæ of Euripides were in this manner devoted to the Pythian Apollo; and Manto, the celebrated daughter of Tirefias, was ſent ſent to Delphos by Alcmaon, when he took Thebes: Jupiter therefore was gracious to Caſſandra, by thus alleviating her misfortunes.
Hercules had demanded in marriage Iole, the daughter of Eurytus king of Oechalia: the father deſired time to determine; which Hercules conſidered as a refuſal, and in revenge privately led away ſome fine horſes of the king. His ſon, Iphitus, ſuſpecting that Hercules had taken them, went to Tyrinthia in ſearch of them. Hercules took him to the top of an high tower, and bade him look around to ſee if he could diſcover them; but Iphitus not ſeeing them, Hercules ſaid that he was wrongfully accuſed, and threw the prince from the tower: being ſeized with some malady, as a punishment for this murder, and the uſual expiations not availing, he consulted the oracle of Apollo, who told him that he must publicly sell himself for a slave, and send the money arising from the sale to the children of Iphitus: his malady continuing, he went into Asia, there voluntarily suffered one of his friends to sell him, and became the slave of Omphale, daughter of Jardanus, and queen of the Meonians. M. Court de Gebelin, Allegories Orientales, p. 164.
This bad woman, we see, was capable of the generous sentiments becoming her high rank, but her ungoverned passions extinguished them all. Probably she was not the first that had descanted on the insolence of upstart wealth; certainly she is not the last, who has reason to observe of persons suddenly enriched, that they have not had their “money long enough to be gentlemen.”
Mr. Heath well observes, that the ancient Grecians called all nations, that spoke not “the sweet helladic tongue,” swallows. The last line of this speech is another instance of the double sense, where more is meant than meets the ear.
As this is the last, so is it the strongest instance of the double sense before observed; and her passion here carries it as far as could be, without endangering a discovery;
The Chorus, as it became them, express themselves with tenderness and humanity to the unhappy princess: this introduces a scene the finest perhaps that Tragedy has yet known. It would be an affront to the understanding of the reader to point out the nice gradation of the prophetic fury; and that heart must be hard indeed, which does not feel the pathos.
Θρηνῳδίαι, strains of mourning, were proper only to the infernal Gods.
The free spirit of Greece breathes in this; it thought that the day, which saw a man a slave, took away half his virtues.
Oracular as the words of Caſſandra are, they ſufficiently for the preſent purpoſe expreſs the feaſt of Thyeſtes. A proper place will be found to give the full history of the houſe of Atreus.
This paſſage is exceedingly difficult, where the author intended no obſcurity; which ſhows the preſent reading to be corrupt. Pauw has at leaſt made ſenſe of it, which we readily embrace till a better can be found: but it is his hard fate always to be reprobated; therefore Mr. Heath refers the κροκοβάφης σταγών, which the context requires us to apply to Caſſandra, as if through the force of the prophetic fury ſhe had fallen to the ground in a trance; whereas it is the critic that is in a deliquium.
Tereus, king of Thrace, had married Procne, the daughter of Pandion king of Athens: afterwards, inflamed with luſt, he deflowered Philomela, the ſiſter of Procne, and to prevent a diſcovery cut out her tongue, and confined her in a hunting-feat in a wood; the injured lady wrought her story in the loom, and contrived to send the web to her siſter. Procne, pretending the rites of Bacchus, attended with a female train, burst open the gates of the lodge, and carried her siſter to the palace; there they killed Itys, the son of Tereus and Procne, and served him up as a feast to his father; when he had satiated his hunger, and called for his son, Procne told him what she had done; Philomela, at the same time, besmeared with blood, rushed into the room, and threw the head of Itys in his face. Tereus pursuing the siſters with his drawn sword was changed into a Lapwing, Procne into a Swallow, and Philomela into a Nightingale. Thus Ovid tells the story; but Æschylus, and after him Euripides and Sophocles, repreſent Procne as changed into the Nightingale.
By this firſt baſe deed, Pauw underſtands the horrid feaſt at which Atreus entertained his brother Thyeſtes; Heath, the murder of Myrtilus, of which there is no mention by Æschylus: it relates to the adultery of Thyeſtes with his brother’s wife, the fatal cauſe of all the ſubſequent evils.
This is the finest image that ever entered a poet's imagination; the words seem incapable of any other interpretation than what is here given them; accordingly Grotius translates them thus,
Only for βολᾶις, Stanley wishes to read μόλις, Pauw λωβᾶις; the translator too has his conjecture. Then comes Mr. Heath, and makes a difficulty where no one ever suspected one; he retains the obnoxious word βολᾶις, on which to build his criticism; and to our great surprize, we are suddenly entertained with a game of backgammon; if the cast be a good one, as the dice are easily overturned, so human prosperity is subverted even by a shadow: if the cast be unlucky, then a sponge wipes out the unfortunate condition of those that threw it: by γραφήν he would willingly understand the figures impressed on the sides of the dice; but as these may not so easily be wiped out with a sponge, he is well inclined to think, that it means the chalk with which the players of ancient, as well as modern times, scored their games. It is peculiarly unfortunate, that this learned person could find nothing to his purpose in Pollux, Meursius, Salmasius, and Souterius, whom he consulted on this occasion. But this is not the first time this favourite annotator put his extinguisher over the flaming spirit of Æschylus.
These words are ill understood, as alluding to the murder of Myrtilus, the supper of Thyestes, and the other horrid deeds of the house of Pelops; they refer to a melancholy observation of the Chorus in a former ode. For never with unheedful eyes, When slaughtered thousands bleed, Did the just powers of Heav'n regard The carnage of th' ensanguined plain. He
It would not be easy to account for the irreſolution of the Chorus before, but that it was in the Fates that Caſſandra ſhould never be believed, and the catastrophe was not to be prevented: we must obſerve however, that there was nothing of timidity in it, nothing that ſhows their unwillingneſs to undergo even the least danger for the fake of faving, or avenging their king: the ſpirit of Æschylus revolts at the ſuppoſition: and theſe tame old men, though the danger was now imminent to themſelves, brave the queen to her face, and even threaten her and Ægisthus with the vengeance of the ſtate: this free and manly ſpirit is well ſupported to the end.
As the ſwan, living or dying, is a very unmuſical bird, it has been the ſubject of wonder whence the idea of his melody at his death ſhould arife. Lucian is very pleasant on the occa- fion ; the κύκνειον ἆσμα became a proverb; and not only the poets, but even grave and philoſophical writers have ſuffered themselves to be led away by it. The reader, who may not be acquainted with Mr. Bryant's works, will be pleaſed to fee his very ingenious ſolution of this difficulty. "In all the places where the emigrants from Canaan, whoſe infigne was the ſwan, ſettled, they were famous for their hymns and mufic: all which the Greeks transferred to birds, and fup- poſed that they were ſwans, who were gifted with this har- mony. When, therefore, Plutarch tells us, that Apollo was pleaſed with the music of ſwans, and when Æschylus mentions their finging their own dirges, they certainly allude to Egyp- tian and Canaanitiſh priests, who lamented the death of Adon and Ofiris." Analyſis, vol. i. p. 380.-Hence our incom- parable Milton, Thammuz came next behind, Whoſe annual wound in Lebanon allur'd The Syrian damſels to lament his fate In am'rous ditties all a ſummer's day; While fmooth Adonis from his native rock Ran purple to the ſea, ſuppos'd with blood Of Thammuz yearly wounded.
As the ſwan, living or dying, is a very unmuſical bird, it has been the ſubject of wonder whence the idea of his melody at his death ſhould ariſe. Lucian is very pleaſant on the occaſion; the κύκνειον ἆσμα became a proverb; and not only the poets, but even grave and philoſophical writers have ſuffered themſelves to be led away by it. The reader, who may not be acquainted with Mr. Bryant's works, will be pleaſed to ſee his very ingenious ſolution of this difficulty. "In all the places where the emigrants from Canaan, whoſe inſigne was the ſwan, ſettled, they were famous for their hymns and muſic: all which the Greeks transferred to birds, and ſuppoſed that they were ſwans, who were gifted with this harmony. When, therefore, Plutarch tells us, that Apollo was pleaſed with the muſic of ſwans, and when Æschylus mentions their ſinging their own dirges, they certainly allude to Egyptian and Canaanitiſh prieſts, who lamented the death of Adon and Ofiris." Analyſis, vol. i. p. 380.—Hence our incomparable Milton,
I 2
The Chorus had before compared together the deeds of these two daughters of Tyndarus: Helena had destroyed many in the fields of Troy, Clytemnestra one man, but one of such dignity, that he was equivalent to many; the comparison is here continued, that the baleful spirit which breathed through the house of Tantalus, had steeled these royal sisters to deeds of equal daring-HEATH.
Clytemnestra had said before, that the avenging Fury of Atreus had sacrificed the man for the children; the Chorus here replies, may an avenging Fury arise from the father to vindicate his cause: the words are express, and so understood by Pauw: Mr. Heath explains them by the old Fury of Atreus before mentioned: the μέλας Αρης next following is, in the language of Æschylus, the sword, and gives an obscure, but sublime prophecy of the vengeance of Orestes; Mr. Heath renders it, niger discordiæ genius, carrying its rage to such an height, as to strike horror even into him that devoured his own sons: Pauw translates it pruinam et frigus puero voraci, i. e. Oresti, præbebit: the difficulty lies in the word κεροβορῳ, and will not readily be cleared up. Mr. Heath might have spared his ungentlemanlike censures of Pauw, had he recollected that so horrid a design in Orestes as the murder of his mother, must have a natural tendency to freeze his young blood.
t. Stanley tranſlates the words ψεκας δὲ λήγει, "it ceaſes to fall drop by drop:" and ſo common ſenſe, and the common rules of criticism require that it ſhould be rendered; Mr. Heath tranſlates them by " the ſtorm ſubſides for a time;" and thereby destroys the greatness of the conception.
The relation of Plisthenes to the house of Pelops is not well made out. Hither he comes no more, means the genius of the race of Plisthenes. Some
Behold this sight. The learned Ger. Voffius objects to the conduct of this play, that Agamemnon is killed and buried with such quickness, that the actor had not breathing time given him. It appears from this passage, and several others, that the body yet lay where the murder was committed, and the funeral rites are spoken of as to be performed at some future indefinite time.
The tranſlator has rendered the word τύχην here by omen, which " in its proper ſenſe ſignifies futuræ rei ſignum, quod ex ſermone loquentis capitur. Tully says, lib. i. Divin. Pythagorei non solum voces deorum obſervarunt, sed etiam hominum, quæ vocant omina. This sort of omen was supposed to depend much upon the will of the person concerned in the event: hence the phrases, "accepit omen," "arripuit omen." This was its first and proper signification." Div. Leg.
On observing the different characters and qualities of Agamemnon and Aegisthus, these words of old Hamlet readily present themselves as a proper comment on the conduct of Clytemnestra.