Small amounts of text in hands other than Thornton's have not beeen included in main text of edition but are noted in editorial annotations.
Bound in worn calf with very worn gold (now mostly blind) tooling, gilt edges, worn paper spine label "Madam Thornton's [Memoirs] Vol. 1"
Year starts 1 January.
Year starts 25 March.
Year start date cannot be ascertained.
Dates written with two years separated by a slash.
Reproduced by kind permission of the Chapter of Durham Cathedral. Durham Cathedral Library, GB-0033-CCOM 7.
Are not my
selfe
Oh
recover
hence and be
But
and his
O Lord
the
there is darkness;
wandering;
Say, Lord, let there be light, and I shall see thy
and eschew darkness: I shall see the right way
shun
Illuminate, O dearest Jesus
in the
Oh
O gracious Lord God, I beseech thee
thee
seeker
in the
desiring
find
Lord
groaning is not hid from thee
For in thee
O Lord
whom have I in
that I
love in comparison to thee
beyond all
What shall I say
wants
them
hopes
I
. To thee, O holy
heaven
therefore,
ledgingthe
of my need and distress. For thou
despised thy
prayers
prepared for me times
.
Therefore
left unto thee
overcome the world
the flesh
.
the
-misses
from me
with
more
good thoughts now
come my
I flee
I have many
from
body.
true comfort
is
not
my trust
may
I may not
But when I have served thee
which thou
I may not
end of my hope in the
my
delights of thy
to
which I humbly
my Lord
the
in
Our Father
Amen
Reproduced by kind permission of the Chapter of Durham Cathedral. Durham Cathedral Library, GB-0033-CCOM 7.
my Creator
holy
.
way to bring us to
And
servants
in this
to catch
Satanthe
the lusts of the flesh
shall not, nay, cannot
And that it hath pleased his to
call me into the number of such
glory of his
by the sufferings of his beloved
Christ. In
to tread his steps
. I
might
desolate hand
all my sufferings
to
way
my
And
in suffering
-mentthis
.
In this
by the good
wicked
But such has
the Lord for every
make
the
of life
freed from one trouble
out of
mixed his favours with
in this heart with his deadly in such
.
This I
this world
loved me
be kept from the
holy name.
with
vindication
accursed instrument
in
Denton
And all
thing
vindicate
which was
which
truth of such reports.
But
did ever know or see any
life
-Selfe
time
was
These
who would not suffer me to
the scourge of the
of malicious
but, even in the
some
my
By the assistance of
the good name
a distance
very had
. God being pleased that
did accuse them
acknowledge
lies against me
and begged
innocent. These
grace to repent
But I knew that the same God which can
body from the grave will
a good name
touched
me into
way
who was
.
From this sad dispensation of these slanders
vindicate my cause
beginning to restore my health
bringing me into
have
of the world
my heart
affliction
was reduced
I had reason to call the
.
overwhelmed with
in his
But
offended God
to be willing to part with him
all be freed out of this miserable world
God forever.
us for a while
be
which are
& in
troubles, both
fruits of the
more abundantly
of
by the
great
for his preservation
free his body
from troubles
him a glorious immortality in a better
As to his
to
&
husband to me
and a
This
world
delight on
of him
moment
of me,
How could this
expected
my
sickness
tcy
the gates of
,
my miserable
Such was my fainting,
departure I desired to be
.
with Christ
this body of death
But
JobAll the
. Lord
will I
My faintings and
returned
for
departed
by
Which now renewed on me
reduced to great
kindness of
desperate
and my
my God,
who had taken from me my greatest
by the sicknesses and
duty, as
desiring his body to be decently interred
with as much
to
sad
with
But
hand
bore to his
willing to
kindness to
much loved
I
from some who taxed me with too great
ences
in it,
who ordered things with prudence
the death
effects
depressed heart,
could I
very great failing
given me that comfort
from the
And make me to
mition
as before related
should take the
goods and to
to act
how he would have things
Which thing I had very often put him in
mind to do, in regard of his sad
which might seize
him of the
according to his mind.
To which
of
and for
for
would want for nothing
In regard that his
I
but knew not what was
to that end, to
his
my
I waived my
my
And
great a p
was
able out of what my
but low
not be paid which was justly proved.
And I hoped he would
maintenance, who had brought
able
before marriage
longer
And that
male by the said
after his decease
There was
and for maintenance, education
the younger
marriage
of the t , 1658
to
-selfe
But this was
without
of my
and
might have
if we had demanded it
of the whole
tr
and he
contrary
he had
he had repented it 100
that which reduced him into these
that he was forced to give
with
take that
vission
Nettleton
into
I desired
to pay
by his
of marriage for
not expect a fortune with a wife
But
for he could
great advantage to him
I was neither convinced
with that way, but rather desired the
because that debt had
and his
But
it
was
Now
of this
unsettle that part of
the whole
reduce the
females of our bodies
of marriage made by
(on the consideration of
the
and all other
of
manner, as was
to the marriage
expressed,
the said
to
Thornton
was
to take
(Which
will
my
his dues
we feared
his
And
of his
secured
proved a great
to
ofors
What
to
of that
trouble this created him by my brother
Christoph
God of heaven
to destroy
ma
was in hope
off
file many years
many people
both our
might never had
Deputy of Ireland
last
strength
both by his servants
when it was made,
which was then
did call it in question
the
and
was order of
(by
England
knowledge
Which we did
at
being affixed by him
and
said will had
to fetch it to him
there
last
the same
should stand
them to
before my
of Ormond
others
justly proved
way due
him in
they all
to lay by where it was
and
gave it into
he called for to prove the same.
was about a q
to
mother
was all the provision for me that I was like to
disposition to me who he loved
called for
prove the same, but
the
but he never did that
bound with him to
ma
to the mercy of that
Lawyery
forced to pay
taken
Deputy Wandesford
But
to
cast them
trouble of
she lived in
family
out in rd following
Who was one of his
of
There he was with him in
could be gotten out of the English
the
all the English that could possibly fly into England
save all the goods
for
to make haste
and all the
But he would not
come away
nor did they
have saved
had he not
madness, which not only
of
by a
with my two nephews
to
we could
many dangers
us out of them
desired
give him
son
keep for
excuses
him, but
But
willing to
with
had
test faithfully he would
But the
her in
a
a
of it from him which he did promise her
safety
of
his
yet
acknowledge his great goodness in the pre
serving one
I am
And
and that
to see
under his
times over when in
The
for great
his advice to
by
good
sad times
his
he lives fresh in the
him
We must
the
since we are
what we have of him
by a
Praising the Lord
memory fresh
of, for many
testified the
over since
his
the suits in the family
wanting
to our
an
and all things
and
Irish
of
trusted
was
to
and to
much perplexed by him
his study to
fine
I have one little
a little
had heard much of it,
of it but
had many times
to have but a
he had it
was lost many
was
kindness for
And
write
And
some good
to bed
by
at his
thought it would be of great advantage
to
young man
And
nights, when
it
had
part in him to
but since it
of
very well
might correct the
where it is not true spelled
me
kind
the
it him for me
a
I
out for me,
Smith
Robert Thornton
Denton
Thus
praise the name of my God for it
not in such a manner
to express our
the
did
to
the
us by our blessed
the
his
blessing on us
the
that for Jesus Christ
. Amen.
of God
the blessing we
he
Abraham
us by his holy
love
ties
worthy of all these favours of God
love God
it to us
I charge you
and grandchildren,
in
in the framing your lives
his wise
to draw
to make your
by your
That
younger
prone to
of this
by this holy
more unto you
to it, may prove a greater
day of
memory, not to make this your
who left this
Oh
in you that are his branches.
all
in heaven which I hope you
who is your most affectionate and afflicted
mother.
It is now more
of
our
manner to
the
of
mother
bread we
For which great act of
goodness
memory. Nor ought we to
our
who
give her that
for us
for
for the blessed
But since
with
there could not be any
to
uncle
was much
and the
had a desire to
see to
To which
well
you the better to do
uppon
about the
And at his
the
his hand, to be a true
of the
wills
I went into
of
grace, I will
in me
brothers
according to
of you,
performance of it
But
for your
to
one
he could not
and
After which he began the
and with his
st
1647
leaves
But the
betwixt
selfe
time to write out any more of it, but the rest
of the
and
All our hands
it
The
hand
came
George
to
at any time
long time.
he would please to give us that
will which was
out of the
by it
to us he would do
gave it him in our sight
us have it to
have it
times say
we should have it next time.
And afterwards, about
I begged it
dues of the
Then
he knew not
where it was
At which answer
follow to us
not be prevailed with to
his knowledge of the will of
did but understand the thing rightly
my
But
would never be
the
was
to on all
It was about this time that the will was
begun to be questioned
had a
brother
meeting with
match
for
It
mond
At last
-ed
would his
At which motion of
hand in the destruction of
will
daughter
sad
worthy
motion
was sleeping
never mind your
stake
to me,
to destroy all
you
I will ever be such a
I will see the old dog hanged before he shall
ever make me do
to
from
not
against
This one act doth
the
happiness of keeping
when
them
and to have advanced his
but
he
may be a
ly
of this story.
and
of
then they proceeded to search the
on the file
But since that time
this
great
the
had taken the
And when search was made for it there,
footsteps of such a will
by the
sad
destroyed
was then awanting.
I
them at
in
a
but there was
was then in the office
This sad
afflicting
so
before his death
-ile
John
But the will of our
by the want,
to be lost
not
was
that
had given
which he pretended to be
before a
accordingly
memory at
was fixed to the said
st,
1647
in
had
his last will
out
his actions
when, the date
it
brother
have a copy
Christopher
did make it fully
the
was
a will
he
strictly demanded his
money
his
move
him, but did put
could
absolute necessity
whose case, as well as our
imposed
of
account
did
to prove the will, it being
to have all our
bound
He
he had good security from
he caused him to
had paid him much money, yet had
he not prevailed to get the
sad
wards
I shall have cause to
we were all in
which caused many long
Thousand
bond to
did
The consequence of these troubles did
fall very heavy
of
then with
But still I
Satan to make
by our
that he had
it,
my
bles
humbly
which way
bountyhumbly begging
grace
selfeour faith might
under
all the
wickedness
of our Lord
Jesus Christ
and
of the will, and just like to be devoured up
by
he would have died before he had
if
was
those wills which were on
came over, not one of them was left, but
all was
measures
them
feared
same fortune
Which sad
all but especially
selfe
dispose
ly
But still
in the
It is much to be observed by us
all our
all things was
-ment
by his will and
be destroyed
it to the
when the will
But
the
this very
not
the
that he would send the
pay for it
with fees
But he could not
with
came still on
forced to fly for safety from one place to
of his gratitude
to
by me in my
for the securing of his
the will of
the same
up in a
the said nature
belonged
that wanted them would inquire for them
not pay him for he had a great
to him
And that he gave him into his
to have a great
hands of such as should inquire for them
the parties would pay well for them
could not lose by them.
kept the
came to inquire for
was such a disturbance in
But now
good God in his
was the time
open this
wills
He
he came at the very
his
Finding
as a
the said
hand
him if he knew
to know
said
At which
kissed
That this is my
and that he
the said last will
a sad heart, for the want of this will
all right amongst the
most
it
-ances
To which he
in those sad times
it now found
would be a
He did
gratefully
for the
After this,
great
which did much
and attested his hand as
After
for
All of them
to
was not
the file in that time
It was matter of great
in great danger to be utterly
for the want of it
husband
from
According to
was by
the said
it
to the use of the
Lowther
of the truth of the said will
they
to
oath that
of the thing, which we were forced to prove
the
The
-low
all dues
with
for
and
At the last, when much
was spent in
of
suits,
She only
of the
by which things
secured
Sheth
the suits was in pursuit amongst us
had
motions
had
that
the
for a
in
from the
sicknesses
in it
in the th
of my
to
day
accidents that
more fully mentioned in my
did still
to
state of the
Thorpe
and
All
to
to
which was
to that will
before
hty God, he had brought the truth to pass
he could not
of
the sameBlessed be the Lord
and
was stated
us
By
was
a
of
of
part of my
he gave me
crease
I
will and
or marriage
of
ing to
I never
many years
yet it doth still
Charge
the agreement betwixt
There t
Thornton
By which
all further suits
said brother
ever
George
advantage by that opportunity to put my
to our great sorrow
there was one,
his
brother)
consequence to
would have
For
in that
by
given
uncle
was gotten out of the land
Thornton
sell his
a great part
ghters
only
out of
for
The
I do
if left to
vised
advise
did not accept of
to pay her that
dues there to
have
brother
which fell on him by
me
me
from that
Now
it would have
thing when there was
on, besides a great
But there was
of that
was
t
d
of
better security by
said uncle
and
before my
betwixt
But since things fell out contrary to our
hopes
could have
it was
out
ordered
was
when those lawless times
And
were like to be
it
Therefore, we may
ence
Oh
all thingsby whom we
, by whom
had our we now live
;
heavens
God
.
dust
and
into thy presence
before
thy
thy justice
cannot behold sin
How dare I
God as thou art
in dust and ashes
I ought
thou wilt
and give me
to pray unto thee
-nes
O thouthat openest
and shuttest and
me the
that
I may pray unto thee as I ought
-sse
offended thy most pure
thy holy majesty to bring such afflictions
And since
great mercy to me, hath
may yet be savedsnare
,
of Satanthat
,
thy precious
.
Father of
never be overcome by any temptations or any
Accept the free will offerings of my
direct my heart aright to thee
God of
to thy
be acceptable
times, O God
.
Preserver of all the worldI now
,
out of many tribulations
since I was
a
Behold me now
of
of thy mercy
of thy sweetest
against for if thou be too
to
to abide it
Oh,
shalt thou be feared
,
of thy who thou
.
majesty
at first by thy divine power
ties of knowledge
whereby I had some resemblance of thee
our great Creator
Nor as I
hath
much
of
But
in that
the
for our
whence we are fallen.
of
everlasting
prepared for us before the
thy
.
to me
desire that I may take hold of the
which the second Adam
And that I may
unspeakable mercies
become man
.
for
might be made
Butfather of
infirmities
from acknowledging thy
in sending
were utterly lost
him for his unspeakable love to me
suffer
sake
or the
nature, or by divine precept thou
our hearts
by
O Lord
,
majesty, not only for my
have offended against theebegs
against thee
was thy wrath
against me
thy holy
And
frequently broken thy thoug
word
my
towards Godhave not
or
as I ought
failed, in
of my
is Lord
O Lord
by in reference to my duty towards my
I would
in
my
slanderers
commanded me
by them
name
hand to vindicate my wronged
Whereas
cause to thy holy majesty
liver, the
judge of the world
wrongs I have sustained
maide
uprightly before thee,
Thereforedust
for
my too much
was
patience
when thou was reviled,
me
my
when he
scoffings
by his
me from the
O Lord
thee
.
And
come
-gettfullness&
or
have
comforts of this life
which thou
as I ought
which has provoked thy wrath
against me
great
thy my
who
O Lord Jesus
.
me a
My
in which I have
thou
against
thy dictates
withstanding
of
sinning against thy
from
.
majesty
O Jesus
.
for
if thou shouldest be
abide it
both against thy
thy
I have
holy God
mewho
.
my
And against God
I have
.
health in me
O God
me
O God, the
O God
miserable
O holy,
Remember not
.
of our forefathers,
our
most
or mine
That it may
and all mine true
forgive me
,
holy wordI beseech thee to
And
be accepted in thy sight
because thou
word at what time soever a sinner doth
repent him of his
and take away his transgressions
Oh Lord
penitent
doth
in thought, in word
by breaking all thy holy
By
with all the
sins, of
of my blindness of
to be
heart
Satan in any
God heavenly Father
.
divine
formed
the deepest
washed away these
in the
though
of the holy Jesus
But
selfe
and
that may
.
mine
flesh convert it into
I
I am
Accept, I humbly
gracious Father, the will for the deed and con
form my will unto the
Lord, with the
which may
repented ofas St
past
and
To
of
opportunity
the
For
not be indeed of thee
beseech, O my Godpunish my
, neglect of duties
wrath, anger, foolishness, desire of
looking
a calling to mind (with sorrow and
, by
bitterness) my
the judgements of hell
to be patient to
to forgive by setting my desires on good
And give me grace
O Father
of
temparance
my
in
devotion
to punish my worldly
ambition or desiring
vantages of this world
wished
law
Then shall I
freed from the imputation or
past
which thou
good
measure of
to me during the time of my
holy
-title
I humbly depend alone on thy gracious
mercy
Beseeching thee
accept of my
and to deliver
me from all
to bring up
nurture of the Lord.
Give both me
a
that we
may do our our heavenly
and to each other
the powers
we may
our
to
may be lost
of thy
But since I have presumed to
the Lord
humbly beseech thy gracious majesty to
great goodness
to
came into this life
Humbly desiring thy grace
make mention of thy
since I was
of my
th
the meditations
, my praises
-giveings
mine, O Lordmy
O
s, when I begin to recount
thy
are innumerable
Thy
Thy
Thy
Great is the Lord,
by the
to
O thou
mercy, full of
, long-suffering and
of great goodness
and
with the lowliest devotions of my
and give thee humble
thou
the
For
desire
-ine
Praise the Lord, O my
.
within me
Thou, O God
of
,
choose good
capacity of a blessed immortality.
O praise the Lord with me
,
.
let us
Thou, O God, of thy great mercy
thy servant a
ding
whereas with justice thou
me crooked
apprehension, imperfect and
my faculties.
.
for his
Thou, O my God, of thy glorious and
which many have not had
and
in the
of holy
me with education in the true faith
Christian
Thy way,
God as our God
.
blessings
my God
drowning at
swallowed when a
lives
instructions
holy
And
this
O my
,
is within meforget
not these
the holy lives, blessed
of these his
And
generations
sing the
for what the Lord
for us
great and unspeakable
to
of our God
O
and
.
selfe
.
what shall I render
unto the Lord
gifts
by he was
in his holy
all the
for all his
thy goodness bestowed
of
thy
us
holy
Oh
for the continuance of his
his
of this same
times
gracious
Father of
then
which was an unspeakable mercy
and
goodness of the Lord
to
servants
fitts
in leaving
by.
to give us the graces of his
father
loving
to us in
may not rise up in judgement
any of our
, by walking con
Oh
in serving our God
wine
Then may we be
to
that they should not want a man to
in and out in his
Next to the blessing of
so
ordering of
by the making
manner
for
was rightly disposed for
This
which God had graciously given him
all
his store to
left to him.
much by his
noble
posing
Oh
the great
goodness of the Lord in
for to live in the world
by his
to perfect that good
which all strife
-rys
us
-ded
his family
mease to uphold in his name
set out
in this his
the
the Lord
Who not only provided (for thy
such
books,
of
-shment
to
was put into a capacity to serve thy God
Oh
for all his
God Father of
the
in
by his will
miraculous
deliver this
in the times of
To
many others on the file was destroyed
many
Godfrom the hands of
wicked
And
said will of
more
of me
by our covetous
ThouGod of heaven
thee
actions are thou art the God of
the
Thou
to thee shall all flesh come
taken the matter in hand
betwixt us
When the
us
glorious
by the
But
God that
oppressed, now I have begun to
nor
of gratitude as thy
For as is thy majesty
Who is
as our God
give
compassion
his mercy
from generation to generation
Thou, O God, out of
serve my necessity, to preserve and restore my
health
was
representations of thy
Unto thee,
: unto
.
thee
Thou, O God, of thy admirable
made thy
for my
of men thou
as all the power of hell and
and such a
cannot overcome
holy
in
From strangling in birth
when my
me
from dislocations
that death when the
me into the
From
manner of
in my
From deformities, from fracture of my bones
and from all the
temptations to presume of thy
-paire
liver me in
ing
But
bring into my heart
By this
flight the
shall
the
all glory
Thou
out of all those great and
of health
I have
in all
by a
Praise the Lord
.
mercy
I was in the
Praise the Lord
.
by fire in
into
other
I lived there.
Praise the Lord
.
favour
years old in London
all by
consider thy
who nothing is
from thee
art as able to
of thy majesty
thing
according to
.
blessed be the Lord
to us in teaching
them to teach me to read thy holy word by which
thou
in my young
thy word to know there is a God
thy
from my
for
if not
.
I will praise
that thou
while I have my
me in a d
the
where our
the
at that
humbly begged of thy majesty to teach and
instruct me
thy
all the
O Lord
what shall I render
to thy
in
me to be a God of
cast away
.
ever
But
on me then
of thy
O Lord
accept my
O Lord
with my whole heart
will I sing praises unto thee
has
sable
my
by the
when millions was
by murders, by fire, by drowning and by all the
wicked
hell and Satan to have
faith
that holy
abomination of
of all the English
But
who
of the wicked
of our
designed
time we should all have
the massacre
great
was preserved by the discovery of one of
of the
the
in
a
but his turning a
that Lord
him to come to his house in the country
Not finding him
to
but knew
two
ing
him sit
as it is related
of the
at midnight when we should all have
Then did the LordFather of
by our
cause us to be
our generations
when the Lord did bring us
It is worthy to be
were saved
Father
his glorious mercy
how am I bound to thy goodness
to me
in
thy
their
to
to thy
cannot understand the depth of thy
of my God from
the God of our
our day of
God which
that is
It is he
sly who was like sheep
be
be ever glorified
for these
. Therefore
me
that was in
I offer up the
to thy service
my
due to his holy nor to serve the Lord with
all the
forth the fruits of
All
.
will towards us men
I
,
the heavens
of
praise
fy him
Thou,
me,
and
preserved me from
in the
the ship in that great
terrors
Thou
native
when I was at
not hope for to
mercy save me from the
sease
And at that time saved me by
take
was in the house kept by
and
I will give
my whole heart will I praise thee
from the
gainst
neither did other
hurt
Thou
the sword in
I came
from the
of thy
maide
in
Thou
night, from
who designed a
-vation
Thou
from great
mind
Thou
all times
in thy sight
as much as in me laid
of
in making me
of
I will
of my
mouth
folly
a
have my
all but the greatest which thou
to thy
of 16
consiled
to
in the
Chester
I
humility,
of,
to
the
me
a feast with such
to
laden with sin
he has made me partaker of his outward
holy
of my
Being made
to fill me with thy
to
in all
to
sake
serve thee
For thou
as the heavens, as great
wide to fill me with all blessings
effects of thy
-ull
infancy
Thou art exceeding
an
and
thee
food
with thee by thy word,
I humbly beseech
to fill my
impresses of thy unspeakable
as great as my needs of
Praise the Lord
.
holy namePraise the Lord
.
the LordPraise thou
the Lordfor his mercy
called
Thou
them to
for his
to our
from the
at
that sad
from
great bloodshed
us
us to
kind
O Lord
Glory be to
thy
for evermore.
of death in
from
the
destroyed
things did come on our neighbours
God did
Amen
time of my
pleatedth
duct of
begun.
for my
my fortune
Thornton
selfe
as
by
accordingly
And
After which
be
the said
th of
my marriage was
did
was
of England by that
followed an
of the
of serving my Godvirgin
I did that night about 6
clocke
sickness with
great a violence that it caused me to
Which condition was
husband
as a sad omen to my future
And I
then
of my
offended by altering my resolves of a
This sickness
from a desperate
washing my
great
But
my
mercy
give me
of my married life, which began in
continued
first entrance
trouble I might
by St
I only had the hopes of comfort in
conversation
me in the
when I was brought very low
gently,
thy clemency
to serve thee in a married as
as in a single life (in which I was well
if
But since
thee
I want
le wife Rebecca
And to be
walking in the
of my duty to
a godly course of life
for Jesus
Christ
But thou
in this gracious
nerations for thy
to me
in this
. Oh
I may recover
more a
thy
called
in thy faith
Then will I
if thou thy servant to bring forth
that may be
for the Lord Jesus Christ
the Father be all
God to cause me to
was much afflicted in breeding
to nourish or strength me
which
the
of the
I
an to be
order
forward in the
of the
great
a
At which time
much affrighted me
morning at breakfast time
on us that in a bright
could not see to
to a miracle
so totally that the sky was
serious and deep consideration of the day of
which would come as
as this
all the
desire
me for
holy
worldmake me ready
.
of the
accident fell on me not
of bleeding as I was sitting at my
a little
have
would have
to
to
selfe
both at
free to give me leave because I was in that
condition
But
his
-tertained
in
have had me
of my
by my
but
In my
saw the old house
in the great
was so low as I
force of the blow
But I
not be
was not much worse
my hurt
For
Susan Gosling
my time
But this
me
it would not
went
However
I
that I came that way
It was
bring me safe home to
came from
that both
But when
sound
yet
by
I was
he saw me
but
to cause an
my
I grew better.
was towards me in all that time
live a q
Then I fell into the
which
my might
The
my fingers
And thus did this
I continued out of one
for the space of
weaknesses that followed
t h
of
Thus
my married
to the great affliction of
Which has begun to
.
me very sore
upheld
under these
my offended God
not forsake me
of the
and
But thou
most gracious
under the scourge of these
and
of our great
he did thy servant
in thy sight
and
then
from falling into
in due time restore me
and kept me from distraction and all
and gave me all the assistance of
O Lord
and glorify thee for this great
not
my God
of a single lifewhereby I cannot serve thee
in that freedom of will
I
not to take
be
and
Gainemake me live the rest of my
with
holy
with comforts thou
.
may
I may
There to
for the Lord
Jesus Christ
of strength
bring me through much
selfe
very
Which was some hopes to
might possibly be better in health
some time
I was about 11 or 12 weeks
which was a great
have missed the
But
for
I found
did not move
of a
And
they would please to give me leave to be
it
found a most
did spring in my
refreshment it got by
of my time
my
night
betwixt
of my gracious Godd
was like to be
string
so that she was in a manner dead when she was born
the th
of
heavenly
what shall I render
unto
thy
compassion
of me in
Notwithstanding great danger of fall
but for thy gracious
by the
the
I humbly
her
brought forth
Praised be the Lord
me from death by
ling
I will call the
did save both the mother
to see this
new
to us which thou
the flesh
time doth write our names in thy
O my God
towards me
.
I humbly beg mercy of thee
selfe
thee
and long life
in this generation
and
heavenly
be
time after
laid
writing pretty late
make a
she saw
she
from her
death
her
did not destroy
her to fall into the
knowing this of
Thou
to my health, I was kept much
great
strength betwixt one
I fell with d
given
much
all
mother
by friends
better but could not come to me in my
All
most
the
Lord God of heaven
Blessed be the
in my
Alice
grew
atly
to open her teeth
was out of one
and the
having at least 20
when she should have died.
me
spent
from me
piritted
not expect my
Nor
have
But removing her
should resume my
to the changes of my
Joyed
to recover to a miracle
Lord Godwho
.
cup mixing corrections with
:atly
dead
Which did
me as before
carried safe into my bed
I kept
cted when the one
But behold the great
of my glorious Lord God
alive
for me and
see the wonders of the Lord our God
the Lord most high
to my house
thee all glory
mercy
thy great
the
d
th
th
strength that my
that
I dried my breasts which went ill with me
comply with
that office very well
lovely
But
stay longer
very honestly tell me of it that she feared it
nother
But
sent when I could not much
she did not like before a
I was
very ill
breeding
them. Thou
me
But
better health
time
labour was
But was in constant violent torments of my
of
dissolution
those ill
to
in a most
for that purpose
for me
it
humble requests in my
increased
hard
that night
great
I was
th of June
being on Thursday, about
June
O my God
thy holy
me for
in
it
of glory for Jesus Christ
severe
withstanding
her
and in a
she held up those
her holy
her heavenly
with great
the hand of my
My hope is thee
the
that thou
fruit of my
into thy
all
was taken
thousuch
.
the sight of thy
Lord
God
O
me
of this life
O Lordwas
her
us
faithJesus Christ
Thorntonrdth
of
betwixt the
was one
same day
a
nother
blamed to
those
to say the will of the
.
I
health but
diffrently
in a good state of health of thisth
I
well
a desperate fall, which I fell
to save
did
my
th
with the
have had
bending its head
to
He
death and
strength
me
the Lord
not worthy to have lived
such
thy goodness which
fall
of my gracious Father of heaven
of the good
motions
right for the
My
th
exceeding sore
so that
But
for
right
turned
In this condition
take a little
I was to
my
me up nor could she
But
morning
the
parted
lsse
first
shoulders
on his hips
removed
all this while was I in
Then did she
his head was stuck
And
pull
giving me time or space to
was
breath was
but
in birth
an
hand of my
who
him
the Lord for his
he gives. And his
my
my
I was
th day of
in
m
together that I should live or recover.
And when
I did
refreshments of
in
for
on me by the
And a lameness on my left knee I
I was in
me fast in
in
my
Alas
to what I deserved at the
my sins
against thee
when thou
land of the
that I might be saved to
life thou
O Lord
to
day my
me in this life
for Jesus Christ
The meditations
having this
may not
for me in my
to
the
and the
which
last sore
This brought me
every day
lost about
It was
in a
be barren
which things was
This was
about a month there
In which time
the waters
ing
and
all
for Lord God of
and
who had
Praise the Lord
.
me
where I found
of the
with me at
I was very
from her
most high, which had compassion
.
I
our God
of
Together with
th
still
safely by reason of my
and watching with her I had
tender
to
not be removed safely with my life
suits depending amongst the
me by her
she had excepted in her will
her goods should be removed with what convenient
speed might be
was not willing I should
to her
at
with his
to me
of her
cis Darley
did take
could not be
which fell out
the
but to preserve it in safe
to his
from him
at
which he
fied with the
by
good
pleased to mention in her
on her
to have the
to
no will on the file
never saw any.
make
fall
This did much surprise me to
formerly pretended
to
I
she had made one in perfect
the will was
find the will on the file
how she had ordered all her
Which
misse
in those
will
she
selfe
And this continued for above
great
besides her
above the
Which she has
more in money
Added to that
As to her
Thornton
mother
in
to her out of
per
which she
will
has
I have all the reason in the world not to
cealle
acknowledgement
ever
who gave me all my maintenance as well as
to
which should have
But she has
had expended
for our maintenance in her
she would certainly have pleased to have
she
For
in
me of
when
disposed of much of it for to furnish
use
Besides
his use in
which did amount to above
And
her
she died
in
Reproduced by kind permission of the Chapter of Durham Cathedral. Durham Cathedral Library, GB-0033-CCOM 7.
into the fire in my
sitting in the
Page of
Book Two, showing the text continuing into the bottom lefthand margin.
by
her
was exceedingly
of
humbly
needs do it
she
the whole house
our
bed
it was sprinkled with
blood
the morning
As the
life
those holy
I had
life, a
for all
those graces shining bright in her,
live in the
th
I fell into violent
continued
and night (
my
on me most severe
to have
more
about the hours of
th
fetching the
I was in such
you
Thus
to me
and give me
to be
lived with us to have built up
in giving strength to
my
to serve thee all my
th day of
was
Thus
good health to whom I gave God
which was
my duty to him as a mother
my
But it
I should be too much, or
with that comfort we hoped to have had in his
heart
of the
whealed white. These continued very full
well out
But then
in his
in her
his legs before she
forbid her to
in his night
what was the
and he grew
to
out of his mouth
on my knee
to
But his
which to freely submit
my will to the will
all the
the Lord gives and the
.
Lord takes, blessed be the name of the Lord
We gave
we could but all in
to take his
of me
The
d
to
in
minister.
he
to me
a delicate
me a
be
the
I was then resolved in my mind
please the Lord to grant me that
a
I would freely give
him unto the Lord
in the
But I only desired my will should be
not my will
but his be
be dedicated unto the Lord
the d
Coronation th
God of heaven in
namecasts me
with
who has brought me out of
where he has provided for me.
be ever with me to bless
andwhen I have
thy for Jesus Christ
But
for
I
many sad thoughts of
me
not
not a
She said
father
as God has
he has
you have him out of heaven
in joy
God can give you
and
God in heaven
much
the mouth of one of my
that the Lord would give me
in his gracious
to
immoderate sorrow for him
spared to me in
d.
his
of sports
the rest they
I
But they
of her
convinced of the
with them
home in a very sad
she
her and terrify
ready to fly out of
And
did
fell into most
while she was
her
bring
was a sad
and she continued very ill all that night
But I gave her all
of
great
preserve
O Lord God of mercy
to thee the
which
the Lord
for this
thee
Katy
had either
her
dangers
into her mouth
But she would not be
at last
sister
her up in my
into her
to
to strengthen me to do it. I
her life was
O Lord
what can I render to thee
great and
her out of this eminent danger of
by her
thy glorious mercy
but guide her by thy grace
thy
for Jesus Christ
the son of
by
his
to be able to
husband
me
safely
at
was made ready for us.
Then did we remove to it
for us
lived there
not begun
and gravity
man from whom our
assistance,
selfe
to
by
years old.
Notwithstanding
by
those
more
acknowledge to my great
sure
venient to his purpose.
on
when it was a great frost
very ill
me to
But this distemper came most violently
th of
and
indeed
any manner of sustenance for
have continued
did send for
desperate a
When
and
of the
mitings
not sent for sooner
All he could do would not stay the
God
But
and
or
temper
I was
able to
Nor did any manner of
That nightth of Feb
into such
But
from God
under it by the divine
which I apprehended
state to be in a lost
and the suggestion of Satan
from my
multitude of doubtings into my heart
As that
was not his servant because he followed me with su
great
which
he
And that I had neglected those offers
time
instructions
of his
advantages I have had
wonderfully
the motions of
I ought to have
And
.
any
of duties
offences against God or man
-nation
of the least of his
And that now it was too late to
or hope because I had neglected
knew
God was able to have mercy on me
last
in my weakness
too late
In this most
all that night
great unworthiness
this
which is more fully
grace before the Lordif I perish
unto him alone
that Satan is a
times
It pleased him in a most
manner
strong temptations
speedy
from that most
scripture
us by his word
Come unto me
city
live any longer in this
I hoped my God was I de
my Lord and
who had now
have
him
forted
Lord
in my
I have written
this great
of my humble gratitude
meditations
my health
Praised be the Lord
and deliverances of my
to flight the old
more
me into the firmer
God
could
a sinner
of his heart
out of his remembrance
Which
great experience of
lifted up
the light of his
me to
ing of my
blessed
Lord
more exceedingly desirous to live
see it
But behold
ous God
to us dust and
.
For when I only begged
Lord gave to me great and abundant
of
and
of make
siled
willingly on
his
vours
our whole hearts
who did
,
suffer for sin
a full
of the world to
And thus
ing
to be measured or
admired
Therefore
who has not cast me away
in this
For as is his
degrees I was
ever
live
who had
quarter of a
of a long time
it was confirmed
those
looked for a
me
cause
hoped for very
But
most gracious Lord God
, who am I
of dust and
unprofitable a servant
ments
destroy medust and
such things
But since
have not
to death
what shall I say to thee
not
me
and
nation
and
be in judgement to my
destructions he has laid for me.
to thy
the world to comea new heart
and a
new name
in newness of life
holy
men
grace to cast
thy
to
Jesus
lowly in my heart
word
For I did
and
rest
for thy yoke
. O Lord
is
word has come into my
from sinking
from the
ever be under thy wing of
me
who
.
a
But
in Jesus
Christ
have
servant
us.
thou
this great
But
has made
be
thy will be
due time
be a servant of the Lord
Ithe fruit of my
, to
whom thou
but unto my Lord
hopes
high
my God
sickness
body and
my
for Jesus Christ
in
of any settled fortune or
or
Because the
had
of
to
related before
to settle
(instead of
nance for them out of
more alive but these two
time of my
The consideration of this
in this
settled for them before marriage
these my
to my thoughts
some
young infants
selves
me to take the matter into
my mind to acquaint
at
he
of
by them
with
name with him
the restoration of
to
called Charles, if it were a
I
would
him
him, if he pleased,
his
was called Charles
land
he had
more into the
have had a
that, but he might
And
found
to the
contrary to the very intentions
But by this accident was
I begged
some assurance of
God
To which
did then
unto
them
waies
Which
Covill
from
But it was not
want of such
But first
want of
males
Which
fortune, nor could any blame the
a mother to grant her
out
I know
to this way to preserve his name but
had denied
ent to make
So
of
house at
of
in the
of sport and
and thrust her
sister
But it continued a long time
hurt
was not wounded
great mercy to
I had brought from
with me
selfe
it
who would
She
at
boy of 18
that she was bewitched with
gotten
way was he a
did
he was not
to
and angry
at
to be revenged of us both for speaking to
her against
But this was not
who was a very
It
invite my brothers
a Sunday
selfe
where we found them altogether sitting at
I gave them the
him
had your company to
you not come
desire to
should say such a thing of me that I did not
deserve.
great anger against me.
I could not but be
moved
fell into a great
making my complaint to
of
had
They both did pray me not to
at him
them
I said I was sure some had
lies to him and
any injury
and found he had
had rather have a
thought such a thing in my heart
For when
drinking
too often to
husband
me
drinking
give it to
heart
him
And God may give him
be good
And this
and desired
who did tell him that
examined him
out of
That
my head
if you should die
yours
the
twice or thrice before I spoke to answer her
And
to me
rather a
say because
but she charged him not to tell who
him.
to me
she was a great
a word
thing
I would have it searched out the truth of it
to see
see
fesse
from me
side
first asked if she
such words passed at any time betwixt her
she never had in all her life heard any such
Then
crations
such a beast as to make such a
saved her life
wicked thing
And came
them
tell my
never tell him such things of us.
Christian
that
The occasion of her
pretended
a
thus wronged me
She had the most
limbs
first
from the other
in a
she
which we were all in a great confusion for her
watch
night and day with her
in our
possibly use to recover her
free from those
way of mends.
who came
wages all that time
Now
would have had her to his wife
And I was
before
minded what I should say
That because
dote
husband
him
house
as he had which would
Upon which she thanked me for my
she lived
the
she had him
a wicked woman that
it would
to be as mad on him as ever any was
And bid her take notice that what I
kindness
ing the
for her
home to see if she could
and when she came home found he was
married to
And
desires crossed of this fellow
in her mind how to lay hold on
having a great
service while he was a
him because he had
advised against it by his best
to make a wife
It was advised she should
most
the
she
she could expect I would
she had
to
she came into my
troubled heart
she did not
I
her to make such abominable
she do it
sorrow
because she did it to be revenged of
selfe
of
of us for our good will to her. And
had reproved her
fess
I was
I
I did hoping she would have had more
grace never to
good Lord
against me,
But the Lord
has brought it
her to confess her
before
me that right to say
it
mehandmaid of the Lord
I
this and all
destroy my
Lord
for I
guide
And be thou not
of malicious
For thou
great affliction
sternation
wickedness,
innocency
I will
God of my
from hence
smoke
the Lord
Reproduced by kind permission of the Chapter of Durham Cathedral. Durham Cathedral Library, GB-0033-CCOM 7.
th of June
1662
I
of my heavenly Father to me, his
he
with
For which
I
to the great God of heaven
to
this, his
house could not
husband
Oh
and holiness before his face
to all generationsfor Jesus Christ
Blessed be the glorious name of our God
gave me a comfortable
which I
did give me
for setting up. And with
his
time,
the breaking up of an
Nettleton
his
41 years out of
But
false dealing
100
pay him
to the
But
much of my
on purpose to prevent the
most unjustly
got an
feared they would have seized
But
Father in heaven
his prudence did mitigate
demanded
But he
of it in dispute
I
both in regard it was a
to have
secure it out of his
there was
in
And besides it was a great disparagement that
when we were new come into
were to live in
a good fortune to
by
to
very
Besides
this action brought me into
but lately
very low
would have
advice to have agreed with
my house
befell to me
But still
in this or other
God, who is my only
liverer
hand of
the most
fallen
God
gratitude to his majesty
a
more
me that day. By which
ly
both
For that very morning
I dreamed for a
his
we had for that
And I was in
should send to
absence, what could I
I be preserved
such a thing
to hinder it
at home
When I was in
that very tonune
of frighting me out of my
I
pray answer me truly to what
But tell me truly, are they not below
you know
a
for
them
which did me much good
the fright to fall on my
that fall on me
that came
to take
disgraced in
ordered it
come into the house
and paid
her death.
Francis
we had given by her for our
Thus was the
Lord extended towards me
in my
God,
my mouthall that is within me
, who sent me
the worst that might befall me.
Oh
The fuller
Newton
many meditations
th
before
Who
they all
they said
and settle amongst them
I gave them
the best welcome I could, bid them all very
as I could in
that he was not
it
to
I would
service I could
good
my sisters came, I had at
them
And
It pleased God to
strength
draw
I could t
for what belong to my
And now
a mother of a
of them
behind me
as much as in me laid
for according to the
agreed
was had
by
These was to be the
of
to have
But that
was not
liberty to be
Which
at
for them
it was still my great
And it was my desire to
up
-ingly
settled
As for
male or female
in regard that
disposed of
Nettleton
borrowed
And the other
of
(as
And that my
disposed of
it had
marriage for them
to
I thought it a very hard thing to do to them
in the best
by this
which I had
these
I found his letter,
th
contrary
my
uses
was in a very great
Thornton
which had
his
betwixt
things aright for
him
to consult with him
those
our
And
to have
to
from
from breaking up the
Therefore
I have seriously perused all the writings you sent me
and I perceive that the intent of the
pon
pressed
is not made pursuant to the
might have
now have Passing fine
I
As for your
I like it better
therein mentioned
it
be deprived of
any part thereof, to any second wife or wives which
he shall
of as he
The
to a all any part of the
intended
and
in your
shall be
need no
forward towards
and your doubts
Thus
which I had
as it quite
To which intent
of
Pretence by
on my
first
fallacy
for true
great
my
at present if I had died
them
I would
made
But
God
thing that I could not be
the
my
But
high
could be
be out of
laid out in
secure the same for my use
I say to
whereby the
of
and
consent
be judged
more
However
of
or
other
But now
me
them
which
was
and noe
us or
our
helped
But I did at that time
(if he gave me a
a
my
And
this world
to my
of him
willing to pay all
Ten
out of my great love to
and
I might have had the
wood
for all
the same to
to all the family
as well as to give up all my
many
uses
ing
to
full
Danby
head.
had like to bring me to my
But
Oh
of heaven for all his
and
and goodness
and to
at this and all other times since I have
ceavedBlessed be his most holy name for
trouble of
uncle
nment
to be more
will
in case of
All these things was very
paid thence,
the whole
under his hand of
is
in
the Lease of
Which account amounts to a great
besides what it has
to discharge those suits
in the said
Skinner
both in
if not paid
statute dischargedth
1658
Foxleyth
and
the
But
livred
About the
bed with him, he began to be very
I
he not well
if I did not
I
denied
this morning. I asked him
to
of
a
for my breakfast
have
with that
He
bring him out of those
in a fine before
way but to
ly
But the great
either
For if that
it out of
but
if I had one
might have
why would he not be
to by
with
she knows nothing
of God to
for
all my
and
if I
for him and
he would take it for the kindest part I could do
he would
to me he would
he had any
too
would be content to
very hard with me to have his land pay
debts
But he said
by
which
of
him that day
my willingness to
I
to me
his
would
me he would settle as good an
and the rest to be for my
those
in a great
to
wife
is all the
if you will settle as good one out of
of
you promised her
very
selfe
Then said
wife to you, and a
for her
was
in my sickness
remaining, that
which was
I had
and brought out
why these
father
from them for
better for them to have
Nor could this
be gotten
live to see it
died. And
he had
did give me a strict
consent
I promised I
had married
to me in a very
(
And
of
as much as
of
on purpose to
might
and
But he
I thought to have his advice about it
whether it were not
it could not be
And
me that
out
for
would be worse for me
I
not
the ill consequence of such a thing
But
to stand for me, but him
he found out
might be
betray my cause
as it did prove
For I was
-covred
And did put him into a way to
him that the fault was in the
not. But
my death
then had
of
either
by
And I
to them this
it was but
much
please to allow them
And this,
more present. Therefore
he had
me that it was my
when I was like to be burdened
with all my fortune
was willing to
The relation I have made of
to me, or rather his hard dealing
which
not suspected in the least
which followed
and
but
for my
she
life and to dispose of
as I should see cause and best deserving.
She made her
that
of that
gave us
our
or
But
to her will,
to me
which I was to
make all her
and to be
Which thing
he did not know
not pleased with it;
the same
Thus
trust in man
great
and compassion towards me in
-sernes
to praise,
has still
and
these
The Lord
lesse
be gracious unto me
of the least of thy
usthou art a God hearing
shall
because I put my trust in thee
them
against us
Maide
full
faith
we may be
in this generation
accept of my humble
the late
gloryfor Jesus Christ
his sake
The great God of heaven and
,
Father of
to all
those that
to
humbly
selfe
of
my
notwithstanding my
at
he that
mother of
And that
of mercy
-standing
of
taine
I serve
hath
when I was with
instigation of my
that
fright which came on me by a surprise of the sight
of a t to have hurt one.
cause a
or
have sprinkled little drops with
The d
a
The third
like the shape of a heart
bout it, which
begged of the Lord that he would be gracious to
us and
to remove this great
about a
This was
the
of the goodness of our God to
death in my
d
th
the
th
fall I
Danby
the
The least of which
subject of all possible
glory Lord God of my
-ticuler
our gracious
who did give a
with my sisters
with me
to
I began to be
but
not do, he
Denton
I should have
But
into
great
see me what I
assist me
was
she protested
to assist in my great
lost for want of
not
great grace
dreadfullest
in
d
him
t h of
But
on things below
alone
great and desperate weakness
beginning a little
admire him
I fell into a most desperate
my life should have
it was terrible to behold of them was
me
without all hopes of life
But in the distraction of my
knew what to
all
of her fright
said
them
God to
into
me
before my
of it
forgotten it in
Lord
was I
of my gracious God
Oh
to the great
mighty God of
and
this time
gates
but he that made this The Lord
kills
can
great name all the
thy might, thy majesty
conversation
thou
Lord
For this
to thy good pleasure
first fruits of
me my request
much
my humble desire with
Even
he be
her son
I humbly dedicate this
to his
beg of thy holy
and
to be a
and the this
his
sight of thy
of my humble gratitude to thy holy names
acceptable in thy sight that my
in
Our father which art in
th
of
th of
1662
his name to be
into the
to
The fuller
of
th
with meditations
of the th
the sad dispensation
I was brought into
death
my said
tion
The same
sickness at
16
affter
to grant that
maintenance
either my death
might not be left desolate of
from him
And he pretended to find a flaw in it
and
I
a new
to
make
former
of all my
it
And the very
that time
miscarriage which I had
-cesse
tioned
steed
was
And
were paid
said
by
Norton
But this
of
livelihood or secured for them
with maintenance d
d
to
As
From whence could any of this
be able to afford
my
could ever
then
take such
when it was better
with a
made before
There was
which never was in any before, nor ever
my
and sisters
amongst them, which
was above the
Reproduced by kind permission of the Chapter of Durham Cathedral. Durham Cathedral Library, GB-0033-CCOM 7.
Denton
Page of
Book Two, showing use of ruled lines and Thornton writing above/below them.
th
th
morning
wrought with
selfe
But
should be
refreshment for displeasing of him, which indeed
me
I
hurt to me was the
which struck me
how it was
which I had
my
shaking of an
I found
as well as
on me
my death should proceed.
was called to use his best
for this
of
knowing there was nothing fixed for
of my
maintenance for them
this cutting
maintained or to be provided for. And
had not one
Best
with all
me most of
nd
Nor was I
sad world of
regard of my
left them as
to have kept them like
not as
them. The full
on
But since I have
by slanders
nocency
manner
which lay
on him by faith
21If I may but touch his garment I
be
which
to his great glory
I hoped it was for some good
to do my
about them
And when
about his taking of the Master of Arts
desired he would examine
who
but the new
When
-ed
he would please to direct me what to do for them
At
me with matter
desired to
mind if it were
At last
selfe
in it. As first
for my
to secure
had parted with my
And next
a
Then
should pay out of
out of the
to me
I was
for
this
very hard
And I was forced to send him to
and had
The constant trouble was much which I was
forced to
writings
because
with these things
manner I could,
Thornton
So that this might be occasion of those
ill of the
For
of my death shortly
by
for his respect to
very young to marry
him to hinder his good fortune but dispose
of
greater
the world
wait
good
stay
be as like to
a good
So
my consent
that he might have some other
be long before she was
All these things was
desire
hope he would prove very good
her
both
and my
my
&
and feared the worst
if
or married before I died
God to direct me in this great
my life
to his majesty
young
which was my greatest
consequence that might be to them nor into
what hands
did not
these good motives
objection of her
had
But
make
cline to this motion. And hoped he might be a
stay
were
very desirous to settle
him at
uncle
-exed
A
of this family
d
word
in that thing
would have it
When we heard that was
but subject to a
not
But deemed it the best way to secure the
much
as by
over
Bennett
his
her
that he would only send a
but not find a
would leave his house
have the word of God
betwixt them (
husband
should be
I was willing to
I procured this
a
money
d
a
it of him for
minister
So
was very desirous to have
supply
what was to be
much
the
to
his life, which he did
more
with a
of God
dispose of
riage
and instructing and
and servants
I did
which
out of my
wardes
for him
Nevertheless
should part with this
to
be an
as
For
I make it my
have him fixed in so good a station as
Fathers
these holy
I know not with what face the
his
many
and
bring out of all my
and horse kept
much delight in his company
standing all those
-sine
his wife
which was invented on purpose to
intended match
of
caused them to be ashamed
-on
I will
have the least
servant
was to be revenged of
did
and he fell into his
Lord God did take him at
I left in a distracted
death
the Lord has
desolate
his name for
As to the
maintenance
had out of
my
of to our
so that
was to have by
had it
th
The specific translation used here is from Quarles, who uses it as a title for the ensuing poem (‘My glass is half unspent’): Francis Quarles, ‘Emblem 13’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 177–78.
Here, Thornton cites the BCP translation of Psalm 39:15, although the parenthesis is her own addition.
Thornton initially wrote ‘fast’ to end this line; at some point, she changed this to ‘swift’ in her own hand, which makes it true to Quarles’ version: ‘Emblem 13’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 177. See the image.
Here, Thornton’s version omits the following stanza, which is in Quarles’ version: ‘The secret wheels of hurrying time do give/ So short a warning, and so fast they drive,/ that I am dead before I seem to live’. Francis Quarles, ‘Emblem 13’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 177.
Thornton here differs from Quarles who uses ‘eight’ instead of ‘ten’: Francis Quarles, ‘Emblem 13’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 178.
Thornton here differs from Quarles who uses ‘nonag’d’: Francis Quarles, ‘Emblem 13’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 178.
Thornton here differs from Quarles who uses ‘frantick’ instead of ‘fained’: Francis Quarles, ‘Emblem 13’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 178.
Thornton here differs from Quarles who uses ‘leprous’ instead of ‘watery’: Francis Quarles, ‘Emblem 13’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 178.
This quotation from St Augustine is adapted from Francis Quarles, ‘Psalm 119:5’, Book 4, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 195.
Here, Thornton adapts St Anselm’s ‘Twenty-First Meditation’. See St Anselm’s Book of Meditations and Prayers, trans. M. R. (London: Burns and Oates, 1872), 285.
This poem is adapted from Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 125–26.
In Quarles, there appears to be a stanza break here: Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 125.
Thornton here differs from Quarles who uses ‘am’rous’ instead of ‘holy’: Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 125.
Thornton here differs from Quarles, who uses ‘afflicts’: Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 125.
Thornton here differs from Quarles, who uses ‘Mistress’ instead of ‘Husband’: Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 126.
Thornton here differs from Quarles, who uses ‘ears’: Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 126.
Thornton here differs from Quarles, who uses ‘thy’ instead of ‘that’: Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 126.
Thornton here differs from Quarles, who uses ‘thy’ instead of ‘that’: Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 126.
Thornton here differs from Quarles, who uses ‘vowes’ instead of ‘woes’: Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 126. The manuscript shows overwriting, perhaps an attempt at correction.
In Quarles, the peunltimate line reads, ‘And they will hit; Feare not, where heav'n bids Come’: Francis Quarles, ‘The Entertainment’, Book 3, Emblemes (London: Francis Eglesfeild, 1639), 126.
See Book 1, 244–61.
Thornton believed Anne Danby and Barbara Todd had been spreading rumours. One was that Thornton was conducting an extra-marital affair with Thomas Comber which was why she wished him to marry her daughter, Nally, and the other was that she intended to hand her unwell husband's money over to Comber.
For the believed effect of strong emotions, see Ulinka Rublack and Pamela Selwyn, ‘Fluxes: The Early Modern Body and the Emotions', History Workshop Journal, 53 (2002): 1–16; Olivia Weisser, Ill Composed: Sickness, Gender, and Belief in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), chap. 3.
From 1665 until his death, William Thornton had been through various treatments for his fits of palsy administered by Robert Wittie. The main recurring treatment prescribed by Wittie was visiting the spa at Scarborough (Book 1, 234) as well as home-administered baths, which Thornton herself oversaw (Book 3, 129).
Thornton had been extremely ill since late July. See Book 1, 254–58. Anne Danby’s account confirms this. Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669] [MIC 2281], ZS – Swinton and Middleham Estate Records, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Thornton believed Anne Danby and Barbara Todd had been spreading rumours. One was that Thornton was conducting an extra-marital affair with Thomas Comber which was why she wished him to marry her daughter, Nally, and the other was that she intended to hand her unwell husband's money over to Comber.
In early modern England, fatherless children were legally described as orphans. See Charles Carlton, 'Changing Jurisdictions in 16th and 17th Century England: The Relationship between the Courts of Orphans and Chancery', American Journal of Legal History 18, no. 2 (1974): 124–36.
The Thornton family of East Newton can be traced back to at least the fourteenth century; the family established a private chapel at East Newton in 1397. See George R. Keiser, 'Robert Thornton: Gentleman, Reader and Scribe', in Robert Thornton and His Books: Essays on the Lincoln and London Thornton Manuscripts, ed. Susanna Fein and Michael Johnston (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2014), 67.
I.e., a last will and testament.
Thornton's father had left this to her in his will: £1,000 after one year of marriage, from the profits of Castlecomer. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. £1,000 in 1668 was the equivalent of £216,800.00 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£1,000 in 1668 was the equivalent of £216,800.00 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
As part of the marriage settlement, William Thornton made a bond with Alice Wandesford that £1,000 out of the profits of Castlecomer (Thornton’s 'Irish portion') would be used to purchase land for his wife, going to their children at her death. See Book 1, 122.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
£1,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £176,400 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
For the Thorntons’ marriage settlement, see
I.e., William Thornton wanted to buy the right to charge rent.
This ‘rentcharge’ is discussed as being from Laurence Sayer's land in Book 1, 201.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
Christopher Wandesford submitted a bill to Chancery in 1659 against Richard Darley, William Thornton and Alice Thornton, which touches on earlier disputes about the Wandesford estate. 'Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659', C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
In the manuscript, there is an asterisk by ‘Edough’ that directs the reader to a note in the bottom margin that reads: ‘*Now called Castlecomer', in the same hand as the ownership inscription at the front of the volume (i.e., that of Thornton's great-great-grandson, Thomas Comber). On the book’s ownership, see https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/books/book_two/.
Christopher Wandesford submitted a bill to Chancery in 1659 against Richard Darley, William Thornton and Alice Thornton, which touches on earlier disputes about the Wandesford estate. 'Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659', C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
I.e., those who took part in the Irish rebellion, the year after Thornton's father, Christopher Wandesford, died in Dublin. The rebellion, which broke out on 23 October 1641, was an uprising of catholics in Ireland against anti-catholic discrimination, English colonialism and the use of plantations. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
I.e., the parliamentarian forces of Oliver Cromwell. On Cromwell's military activity in Ireland, see Cromwell and Ireland: New Perspectives, ed. Martyn Bennett, Ray Gillespie and R. Scott Spurlock (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2021), chaps. 1–3.
The witnessess to Christopher Wandesford's will, made on 2 October 1640, were John Burniston, Ralph Wallis, George Straherne, James Foxcraft and Ezra Wollstone. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Probate was the official process of the transferral of property on death, administered by the courts of the church of Ireland, pre-1858. See 'Wills and Administrations', National Archives of Ireland, https://www.nationalarchives.ie/article/wills-and-administrations/.
Nettleton became a creditor when he inherited a debt due to his sister, Lady Osbaldeston, via her late husband, Sir Richard Osbaldeston. Osbaldeston had lent Thornton’s father, Christopher Wandesford, £500. 'Nettleton vs Wandesford', C 5/402/105, TNA, London.
Chancery depositions for this case, dated July and September 1656, survive. Deposed at Hipswell in September were Alice Wandesford, William Thornton, Alice Thornton, Solomon Swale, Vincent Selling, William Elsley, Michael Syddall, John Wandesford, and John Fairbank. 'Nettleton vs Wandesford', C 22/811/15, TNA, London.
This matches the date on the copies of the will that survive. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Wandesford died on 3 December 1640. Book 2, 62 confirms the date of the will confirmation as 1 December but incorrectly states this was three days earlier.
The witnessess to Christopher Wandesford's will were John Burniston, Ralph Wallis, George Straherne, James Foxcraft and Ezra Wollstone. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
The executors of Christopher Wandesford's will were his cousin William Wandesford, John Bramhall, Bishop of Derry; James Butler, Earl of Ormond, and Sir James Dillon. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Thornton's portion was £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon marriage from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave (her 'English portion'), and a further £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer (her 'Irish portion). 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
According to Alice Wandesford’s will, William Wandesford borrowed money for the management of the Castlecomer estate. See 'The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660', Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357.
£100 in 1641 was the equivalent of £21,010 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton might have used this term for Edmunds not because he was Jewish but because he lent money.
Civil outlawry, over matters such as unpaid debts, meant the outlaw was the subject of a writ which authorised arrest and the confiscation of goods, chattels, profits from their land, and debts due to them. See Nathan Levy, ‘Mesne Process in Personal Actions at Common Law and the Power Doctrine’, Yale Law Journal 78, no. 1 (1968): 81.
£200 in 1641 was the equivalent of £42,010 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
According to Alice Wandesford’s will, Edmunds sued her many years later and she was forced to pay £184 in interest and damages. She saw this money as owed to her by cousin William Wandesford. See 'The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660', Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357.
The Irish Rebellion of 1641 was an uprising of catholics in Ireland against anti-catholic discrimination, English colonialism and the use of plantations. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
The Wandesfords’ English estate consisted of the manors of Kirklington, Yarnwick and Howgrave in Yorkshire. The first English Civil War broke out in 1642 and Yorkshire was itself a focal point for fighting. In 1645 George Wandesford’s property was sequestered as he was accused of taking part in the battle of Marston Moor, July 1644.
The Irish Rebellion, which broke out in Dublin in October 1641, was an uprising of catholics in Ireland against anti-catholic discrimination, English colonialism and the use of plantations. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
I.e., at Wandesford's Irish estate of Castlecomer, county Kildare.
The Irish rebellion broke out on 23 October 1641 in Dublin and violence soon spread. There seems to have been three majorly disrupted areas: the core of the Munster province around the cities of Cork, Limerick and Waterford; the core of Leinster, including Kildare and Wicklow, and around the main settlements in Ulster. See William J. Smyth, ‘Towards a Cultural Geography of the 1641 Rising/Rebellion’, in Ireland 1641: Contexts and Reactions, ed. Jane Ohlmeyer (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013), 71–94.
One man described Wandesford's Irish estates being ransacked by rebels. See ‘Deposition of William Parkinson’, 11/2/1643, 1641 Depositions, Trinity College Dublin, MS 812, fols. 190r-192v, https://1641.tcd.ie/index.php/deposition/?depID=812190r162.
Thornton does not return to the subject of how her cousin William Wandesford was saved.
This book was published by Wandesford's great-grandson in the late eighteenth century. Book of Instructions, Written by Sir Christr. Wandesforde […], ed. Thomas Comber (Cambridge: J. Archdeacon, 1777). On such advice literature, see R. C. Richardson, 'The Generation Gap: Parental Advice in Early Modern England', Clio 32, no. 1 (2002): 1–26.
Winter 1641–42 saw a complete breakdown in the relationship of Charles I and parliament, which culminated in the king's failed attempt to arrest John Pym and four other MPs in January 1642. See David Cressy, 'Revolutionary England 1640–1642', Past & Present 181 (2003): 35–71.
Thornton had at least four copies of this book in 1705 when she made her will. See 'Will of Alice Thornton, 10 April 1705', in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 62 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 335.
John Dodsworth was a ‘common friend’ – i.e., a mutual relation – of the Thornton and Wandesford families. On the Thornton side, he was George Bowes’s great-grandson. Bowes was Thornton’s great-great grandfather. On the Wandesford side, Dodsworth married Frances Lowther, aunt of Eleanor Wandesford, Christopher’s wife. See Raymond A. Anselment (ed.), My First Booke of My Life: Alice Thornton (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2014), 247n353.
Thornton's Irish portion was £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. £1,000 in 1664 was the equivalent of £193,700 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
On the genre of advice literature between parent and child, see R. C. Richardson, 'The Generation Gap: Parental Advice in Early Modern England', Clio 32, no. 1 (2002): 1–26.
This phrase is written in a different ink and may have been added at a later date, most likely by Thornton herself as her son, Robert, was in Cambridge 1680–82.
I.e., the Bible.
The first of the Hebrew patriarchs. God’s covenant with Abraham comprises three promises - the promised land (to be known as Canaan or Israel), the promise of descendents and the promise of blessing and redemption (Genesis 12:1-3,7; for the renewal of the Covenant, see also Genesis 15 and 17). From a Christian perspective, this is the ‘old’ covenant governed by law, whereas the ‘new’ covenant is one of grace because of Christ’s crucifixion, death and resurrection. See Hebrews 8: 6-13; 12:24; 13:20.
As opposed to the heavenly Father, God.
The reference to grandchildren perhaps gives some idea of the dating of this writing: 1680–81 or 1683 onwards. See The Autobiographies and Letters of Thomas Comber, ed. C. E. Whiting (Durham: Andrews and Co., 1946), 1:8–21; The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 62 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 330.
See 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
The Irish Rebellion, which broke out on 23 October 1641, was an uprising of catholics in Ireland against anti-catholic discrimination, English colonialism and the use of plantations. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
The first English Civil War broke out the year after the Irish Rebellion of 1641 and lasted until 1646. See J. S. Morrill, The Nature of the English Revolution (Oxford: Routledge, 2013), chap. 1.
Used figuratively here.
According to Osborough, George Wandesford was sequestered in 1645. The sequestration was finally lifted in February 1651. W. N. Osborough, 'The Quest for the Last Testament of Christopher Wandesford, Lord Deputy of Ireland', in Reflections on Law and History: Irish Legal History Society Discourses and Other Papers, 2000–2005, ed. Norma Dawson (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2006), 10.
Christopher Wandesford stipulated in his will that his executors should pay his debts. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Probate was the official process of the transferral of property on death, administered by the courts of the church of Ireland, pre-1858. See 'Wills and Administrations', National Archives of Ireland, https://www.nationalarchives.ie/article/wills-and-administrations/.
The changing hands in the surviving 1647 copy of Wandesford's will match Thornton's account: George copied pages 1–6 (first three leaves), John pages 7–10, Alice pages 10–12, and Christopher pages 13–end, with his name and the words ‘copia vera’ at the end. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
These names match those of the five witnesses of the will recorded in the two surviving copies. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Two copies of Christopher Wandesford's will survive, one made in 1647 (referred to here) and the other in 1659. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
This is probably a reference to the King’s Arms Inn, Richmond, where one Thomas Sober (b.1633) was the landlord by 1661 (although too young to be the landlord when this incident took place c.1650). Thomas’s father was Henry Sober, who may well have been the landlord before him. See William Boyne and George Charles Williamson, Trade Tokens Issued in the Seventeenth Century in England, Wales, and Ireland (London: Elliot Stock, 1889), 2:1336.
During the period 1647–53, Ireland was effectively under military rule, led by a succession of Lord Deputies (James Butler, 1st Duke of Ormond, Henry Ireton, and Charles Fleetwood). See John Cunningham, 'Oliver Cromwell and the ‘Cromwellian’ Settlement of Ireland', The Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (2010): 919–37.
In 1653, the Cromwellian regime in Ireland acknowledged that documents had been lost, misplaced and destroyed in vast numbers. See Micheál Ó Siochrú, 'Rebuilding the Past: The Transformation of Early Modern Irish History', The Seventeenth Century 34, no. 3 (2019): 385.
This is the 1647 copy. See Book 2, 53; 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
There are surviving depositions which indicate that Alice and William Thornton and Alice Wandesford gave testimony at Hipswell on this case on 24 September 1656: 'Nettleton vs Wandesford', C 22/811/15, TNA, London.
The surviving copies of Wandesford's will also note the date of writing as 2 October 1640: 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Wandesford died on 3 December 1640 so this would have been two days earlier. See also Book 2, 37.
The testimonies given by Alice and William Thornton and Alice Wandesford, at Hipswell on 24 September 1656, all attested to the authenticity of Wandesford's rediscovered will: 'Nettleton vs Wandesford', C 22/811/15, TNA, London.
Christopher Wandesford had been in dispute with Robert Nettleton since at least 1652: 'Nettleton v. C. Wandesford et al.', C 5/379/135, TNA, London.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
£1,000 in 1658 was the equivalent of £190,800 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
William Thornton went to London in 1662 to try and get this debt to Nettleton cleared but failed to do so. See Book 1, 192–94.
This dispute with William Wandesford and William Thornton is outlined in Christopher Wandesford’s bill to Chancery in 1659 against Richard Darley, William Thornton and Alice Thornton. 'Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659', C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
£20,000 in 1659 was the equivalent of £3,575,000 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
This is probably a reference to when Thornton was pregnant with her sixth child, William, in 1659 (born March 1660).
E.g., Christopher Wandesford submitted a bill to Chancery in 1659 against Richard Darley, William Thornton and Alice Thornton, which touches on earlier disputes about the Wandesford estate. 'Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659', C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
Oliver Cromwell’s son-in-law, Charles Fleetwood, is misnamed Richard here by Thornton, perhaps confusing him with Cromwell’s biological son, Richard.
Parchment, on which important legal documents were written, was frequently reused and recycled for all sorts of purposes. See Anna Reynolds, '“Worthy to Be Reserved”: Bookbindings and the Waste Paper Trade in Early Modern England and Scotland', in The Paper Trade in Early Modern Europe: Practices, Materials, Networks, ed. Daniel Bellingradt and Anna Reynolds (Leiden: Brill, 2021), 348.
The two surviving copies of Wandesford's will are both 25 pages long. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
According to Osborough, George Wandesford was sequestered in 1645. The sequestration was finally lifted in February 1651. W. N. Osborough, 'The Quest for the Last Testament of Christopher Wandesford, Lord Deputy of Ireland', in Reflections on Law and History: Irish Legal History Society Discourses and Other Papers, 2000–2005, ed. Norma Dawson (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2006), 10.
On contemporary perceptions of floods, see John Emrys Morgan, ‘Understanding Flooding in Early Modern England’, Journal of Historical Geography 50 (2015): 37–50.
See Book 1, 104–107.
The Cromwellian 'settlement' of Ireland, which began with a military invasion in 1649, essentially meant the country was under military rule for much of the 1650s, under a succession of Lord Deputies (Henry Ireton, Charles Fleetwood and Henry Cromwell). See John Cunningham, 'Oliver Cromwell and the “Cromwellian” Settlement of Ireland', The Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (2010): 919–37.
The witnessess to Christopher Wandesford's will were Wallis and John Burniston, George Straherne, James Foxcraft and Ezra Wollstone. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Maulger Norton and Richard Darley. He used his estates as collateral. See Book Rem, 195.
This dispute with William Wandesford and William Thornton is outlined in Christopher Wandesford’s bill to Chancery in 1659 against Richard Darley, William Thornton and Alice Thornton. 'Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659', C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
This is an error by Thornton. Alice Wandesford died on 10 December 1659. See Book 1, 158.
The matter of Wandesford’s will was being fought in the court of Chancery in the 1650s; Chancery was one of the courts which decided cases according to equitable principles in the seventeenth century. See 'Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659', C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
Thornton and her family seem to have stayed at Hipswell Hall – now owned by her brother, Christopher Wandesford – until she was well enough to move to the Nortons’ house in Richmond in March 1660. See Book 1, 178.
‘Lying in’ was when a pregnant woman was ‘withdrawn from the outside world, absent from church, relieved of most household tasks, and excused sexual relations in the weeks immediately preceding and following childbirth’: David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 35.
Thornton and her family moved from St Nicholas to Oswaldkirk on 10 June 1660. They lived for two weeks with William's brother and sister-in-law, John and Elizabeth Denton, and then moved into their own house in Oswaldkirk for two years while their house at East Newton was being rebuilt. See Book 1, 184.
Thornton and her family moved into East Newton Hall on 10 June 1662, precisely two years after they had moved to Oswaldkirk. See Book 1, 191.
Thornton gives dates for the rebuilding of East Newton Hall of c.1656-62: Book 1, 191–92. Pevsner had c.1620–30. See Jane Grenville and Nikolaus Pevsner, Yorkshire: The North Riding (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2023), 261.
See Book 1, 201–205.
£2,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £352,800 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton's portion was £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon marriage from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave (her 'English portion'), and a further £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer (her 'Irish portion’). 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
Christopher Wandesford did stipulate that his executors should use his rents and profits to pay for the education and maintenance of his children until they came of age or marriage. See 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
Petty defined ‘public charges’, levied through land taxes, as being for a state’s ‘defence by land and sea’. See William Petty, A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions […] (London: N. Brooke, 1662), 1.
£300 in 1658 was the equivalent of £57,230 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Christopher Wandesford died in December 1640 and Alice Wandesford in December 1659.
Widows had a legal entitlement to at least one-third of their husband's estate as a dower, but were very often left more. Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England (London: Routledge, 1995), 162.
‘I have by my deed dated the four and twentieth of the month of September last settled upon my said wife per annum three hundred pounds of lawful money of England to issue out of all my manors, castles, lands and tenements situated in the realm of Ireland as an increase to her said jointure’. ‘Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
£6,000 in 1658 was the equivalent of £1,145,000 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
A marginal addition in the 1647 copy of Wandesford's will reads '6000l out of Idough to purchase lands for Mr Christopher and Mr John Wandesford’. See 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Thornton's Irish portion was £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. £1,000 in 1664 was the equivalent of £193,700 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Christopher Wandesford 'dug for and found an excellent colliery' at his estate in Castlecomer, Ireland: Memoirs of the Life and Death of the Right Honourable the Lord Deputy Wandesforde, ed. Thomas Comber (Cambridge: J Archdeacon, 1778), 100.
Thornton's 'English portion' was £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon marriage from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
After the Irish rebellion of 1641, Ireland was effectively under military rule until 1660. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chaps. 6 and 7.
I.e., pre-fall state of innocence.
I.e., Adam of the Garden of Eden.
I.e., Jesus, as opposed to the 'first Adam'. On the first and second Adam in early modern theology see Willem J. van Asselt, ‘Christ, Predestination, and Covenant in Post-Reformation Reformed Theology’, in The Oxford Handbook of Early Modern Theology 1600–1800, ed. Ulrich L. Lehner, Richard A. Muller and A.G. Roeber (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 223.
I.e., the Ten Commandments, which are listed in Exodus 20:2–17 and Deuteronomy 5:6–21.
Like her contemporaries, Thornton saw herself as having three sets of parents: the natural (Alice and Christopher Wandesford), the political (the monarch), and the ecclesiastical (God). See Su Fang Ng, Literature and the Politics of Family in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 27.
‘Miserable sinners’ is used repeatedly in the ‘The Litany’ and is derived from the Penitential Psalms (6, 32, 38, 51, 102, 130, 143). The Book of Common Prayer: The Texts of 1549, 1559, and 1662, ed. Brian Cummings (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 259–64.
Wandesford's near-drowning at Cambridge is described in detail in Memoirs of the Life and Death of the Right Honourable the Lord Deputy Wandesforde, ed. Thomas Comber (Cambridge: J Archdeacon, 1778), 14–15. Comber credits Thornton as his main source for the Memoirs (55).
I.e., grandchildren. For Christopher Wandesford to be a grandparent to multiple children, this could not have been written before c.1685. William Dugdale and John William Clay, Dugdale’s Visitation of Yorkshire, with Additions (Exeter: William Pollard, 1899), 1:345–46; John Hewetson, 'The Hewetsons of the County Kilkenny', Journal of the Royal College of Antiqaries of Ireland vol. 39, no. 4 (1909), 378.
This book survived and was published by Wandesford's great-grandson: Book of Instructions, Written by Sir Christr. Wandesforde […], ed. Thomas Comber (Cambridge: J. Archdeacon, 1777).
This book survived and was published by Wandesford's great-grandson: Book of Instructions, Written by Sir Christr. Wandesforde […], ed. Thomas Comber (Cambridge: J. Archdeacon, 1777).
I.e., the Wars of the Three Kingdoms which took place across England, Scotland and Ireland 1638–52. See I. J. Gentles, The English Revolution and the Wars in the Three Kingdoms, 1638–1652 (London: Routledge, 2007).
During the upheavals of the 1640s the church of England fell apart and was disbanded as parliament began to introduce more presbyterian and puritan forms of worship. See David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 173.
On the trial and execution of Charles I see Mark A. Kishlansky and John Morrill, ‘Charles I (1600–1649), King of England, Scotland, and Ireland’, ODNB.
This book survived and was published by Wandesford's great-grandson. Book of Instructions, Written by Sir Christr. Wandesforde […], ed. Thomas Comber (Cambridge: J. Archdeacon, 1777).
This book survived and was published by Wandesford's great-grandson: Book of Instructions, Written by Sir Christr. Wandesforde […], ed. Thomas Comber (Cambridge: J. Archdeacon, 1777).
When Christopher Wandesford's father died in 1612, he was left with an estate burdened with debts. Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 63.
'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
England had experienced civil war fighting 1639–53. The Cromwellian 'settlement' of Ireland, which began with a military invasion in 1649, essentially meant the country was under military rule for much of the 1650s, under a succession of Lord Deputies. See John Cunningham, 'Oliver Cromwell and the “Cromwellian” Settlement of Ireland', Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (2010): 919–37.
After the rebellion of 1641, Ireland was effectively under military rule until 1660. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chaps. 6 and 7.
Thornton does not mention this particular deliverance in any of her other books.
Thornton notes four escapes from fire in her books: Book 1, 11, 14, and Book 2, 176, 223.
See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Smallpox in Seventeenth-Century English Literature: Reality and the Metamorphosis of Wit’, Medical History 33, no. 1 (1989): 72–95.
Thornton lived in Ireland c.1633–41. During this time she experienced being in a coach that overturned (Book 1, 287–88), a fall from being swung by her arms (Book 1, 289–90), a near-shipwreck on the way back from England (Book 1, 15–16), and the breaking out of the Irish rebellion (Book 1, 66–67).
The rebellion, which broke out on 23 October 1641, was an uprising of catholics in Ireland against anti-catholic discrimination, English colonialism and the use of plantations. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
The allegations of the killing of protestants, including children, by catholics during the Dublin rebellion was at the centre of anti-catholic mythology around the riots. See Naomi McAreavey, 'Children's Experiences of Violence during the Irish Rebellion of 1641',
The Irish Rebellion which broke out in Dublin in October 1641 was an uprising of catholics in Ireland against anti-catholic discrimination, English colonialism and the use of plantations. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
Thornton means Owen Connolly, with whom Hugh Óg MacMahon was fostered as a child. While Thornton references Connolly more than once in her books, she never names him, and perhaps did not know his correct name. See Book 1, 64–65.
See Book 1, 62–66.
We only know the names of two of the ‘traitors’: Hugh Óg MacMahon and Connor Maguire.
Thornton's account of Owen Connelly's discovery of the plot in 1641 adds dramatic flourishes that are not present in his 1641 deposition. 'Information of Owen Connallie', 22/10/1641, 1641 Depositions, MS 809, Trinity College Dublin, ff. 13r–14v, http://1641.tcd.ie/index.php/deposition/?depID=809013r003.
I.e., the Irish Rebellion, which broke out in Dublin in October 1641. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
The Irish Rebellion, which broke out on 23 October 1641, was an uprising of Catholics in Ireland against anti-Catholic discrimination, English colonialism and the use of plantations. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest : Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
Thornton describes the various dangers and frights caused by the rebels over 14 days which led up to the outbreak of illness in Book 1, 66.
See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Smallpox in Seventeenth-Century English Literature: Reality and the Metamorphosis of Wit’, Medical History 33, no. 1 (1989): 72–95.
This does not refer to the well-known siege of Chester in 1644 but to William Brereton's first unsuccessful attack on the city in July 1643. See C. P. Lewis and A. T. Thacker, A History of the County of Chester: Volume 5 Part 1 (London: Victoria County History, 2003), 117. On the use of grenades in the civil war, see Barbara Donagan, War in England 1642–1649 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 89–90.
On the use of grenades in the civil war, see Barbara Donagan, War in England 1642–1649 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 89–90.
This does not refer to the well-known siege of Chester in 1644 but to William Brereton's first unsuccessful attack on the city in July 1643. See C. P. Lewis and A. T. Thacker, A History of the County of Chester: Volume 5 Part 1 (London: Victoria County History, 2003), 117. On the use of grenades in the civil war, see Barbara Donagan, War in England 1642–1649 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 89–90.
The Richmond parish registers list 574 burials between the end of March and September 1645. See Jane Hatcher, The History of Richmond, North Yorkshire, From Earliest Times to the Year 2000 (Pickering: Blackthorn, 2000), 108; and ‘Richmond baptism, marriage and burial register, 1640–52’, PR/RM 1/2, NYCRO, Northallerton.
I.e., in 1642.
The age of first communion in the church of England was around 14. See Alec Ryrie, Being Protestant in Reformation Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 33–38.
The concept that human life fell into stages was common. Here, Thornton describes a schema of three – in line with Aristostle's concept of youth, maturity and old age. See Cordelia Beattie, ‘The Life Cycle: The Ages of Medieval Women’, in A Cultural History of Women, ed. Linda Kalof, vol. 2, The Middle Ages, ed. Kim M. Phillips (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), 16.
Fatherless children were legally described as orphans. See Charles Carlton, 'Changing Jurisdictions in 16th and 17th Century England: The Relationship between the Courts of Orphans and Chancery', American Journal of Legal History 18, no. 2 (1974): 124–36.
See Book 1, 78–79.
This was during the first English Civil War, 1642–46. See J. S. Morrill, The Nature of the English Revolution (Oxford: Routledge, 2013), chap. 1.
On the battle of Marston Moor, a decisive parliamentarian victory which took place on 2 July 1644, see Michael Braddick, God's Fury, England's Fire: A New History of the English Civil Wars (London: Penguin, 2009), chap. 11.
York was a royalist stronghold, under siege by parliamentarians for several months in early 1644. After the royalist defeat at nearby Marston Moor on 2 July, it became a parliamentarian garrison. See P. M. Tillott, A History of the County of York: The City of York (London: Victoria County History, 1961), 190.
On the metaphor of Apollo's arrow as a cause of plague, see Sheila Barker, 'Poussin, Plague, and Early Modern Medicine', Art Bulletin 86, no. 4 (2004): 659–89.
The Richmond parish registers list 574 burials between the end of March and September 1645. See Jane Hatcher, The History of Richmond, North Yorkshire, From Earliest Times to the Year 2000 (Pickering: Blackthorn, 2000), 108; and ‘Richmond baptism, marriage and burial register, 1640–52’, PR/RM 1/2, NYCRO, Northallerton.
The period of 1647–50 saw a famine across England, caused by a mix of economic and constitutional crises. See Steve Hindle, 'Dearth and the English Revolution: The Harvest Crisis of 1647–50', Economic History Review 61, no. 1 (2008): 64–98.
Thornton was born on 13 February 1626 and, when she married in December 1651, she was two months short of her 26th birthday.
When William Thornton wrote to Alice Wandesford, before his marriage to her daughter, he explained that his stepfather would not join in a 'fine' guaranteeing that his mother’s jointure could be used as stipulated in the draft marriage agreement; as a married woman, Elizabeth Gates could not make a legally binding agreement regarding this land. See 'Mr Thornton to Lady Wandesford, 11 November 1651', reproduced in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 62 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 287–88.
William Thornton wrote to Alice Wandesford on 7 August 1651 and again on 11 November 1651; the latter makes clear that his step-father had still not agreed to this use of his mother’s jointure. See 'William Thornton to Lady Wandesford, 7 August 1651' and 'William Thornton to Lady Wandesford, 11 November 1651', reproduced in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 62 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 286, 287–88.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
Alice and William Thornton married at her mother's home, Hipswell Hall (Book 1, 124). Marriages took place in both churches and secular environments during this time and might be conducted by a minister or a Justice of the Peace. See Christopher Durston, The Family in the English Revolution (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), chap. 4.
Thornton here seems unclear as to what time she became ill..
Book 1, 119.
Changes to humoural balance were seen as a cause of violent purging. See Andrew Wear, 'Puritan Perceptions of Illness in Seventeenth Century England', in Patients and Practitioners: Lay Perceptions of Medicine in Pre-Industrial Society, ed. Roy Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 55–100.
Sarah and Rebecca, the first two matriarchs of the Old Testament. See Carol Meyers, ‘Rebekah: Bible’, in Shalvi/Hyman Encyclopedia of Jewish Women, 23 June 2021, https://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/sarahsarai-bible; and Tikva Frymer-Kensky, ‘Sarah/Sarai:Bible’, in Shalvi/Hyman Encyclopedia of Jewish Women, 31 December 1999, https://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/sarahsarai-bible.
The 1650s saw extremes of weather with several harsh winters, however, winter 1651–52 is noted as having been especially mild with a hot spring and summer following, leading to a drought. 'Weather in History 1650 to 1699 AD', Weatherweb, https://premium.weatherweb.net/weather-in-history-1650-to-1699-ad/.
The total solar eclipse of 1652 was known for years afterwards as 'Black Monday'. See William E. Burns, '“The Terriblest Eclipse That Hath Been Seen in Our Days”: Black Monday and the Debate on Astrology during the Interregnum' in Rethinking the Scientific Revolution, ed. Margaret J. Osler (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 137–52. On Thornton's recounting of the eclipse see Joanne Edge, 'Black Monday: The Solar Eclipse of 1652', Alice Thornton’s Books, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2022-10-25-black-monday-solar-eclipse-1652.
Thornton's first child, an unnamed daughter, was born on 27 August 1652 and died the same day. In March 1652, then, she was about four months pregnant. See Book 1, 129.
It was common knowledge that looking directly upon an eclipse could cause blindness. Several popular works of astrology included guidance about how to watch safely, e.g., Edward Pond, An Almanack for the year of our Lord God 1652 (Cambridge: the printers to the University, 1652), sig. C1v.
Thornton's reference to the 'bridegroom of her soul', from the Song of Songs, relates to Christian bridal theology: the notion of 'marriage to Jesus'. On this practice, see Rabia Gregory, Marrying Jesus in Medieval and Early Modern Northern Europe: Popular Culture and Religious Reform (London: Routledge, 2016), 28.
Thornton was likely preparing food, sewing or some other domestic duty.
Medical literature advised against letting blood in pregnant women unless absolutely necessary. See, e.g., Nicholas Culpeper, Directory for Midwives […] (London: Peter Cole, 1662), 159.
Mary and Ralph Crathorne, William's sister and brother-in-law, lived at Crathorne. William Thornton's uncle, Richard Darley, lived at Buttercrambe. William's sister and brother-in-law Anne and Philip Langdale lived at Langthorpe Hall, Ellerby, in the East Riding, not far from Beverley and Hull. And William’s mother and stepfather were living at Burn Park, just outside Hull.
Bloodletting manuals often included regimens for patients after bloodletting, which involved careful management of diet and rest, and possibly further bloodletting. See, e.g., Nicholas Gyer, The English Phlebotomy […] (London: Andrew Mansell, 1592), 265–66.
According to Thornton, East Newton Hall was rebuilt during their marriage, c.1656–62. Book 1, 191–92.
In the seventeenth century the ‘great chamber’ in the gentry house indicated a dining room, and seems to be interchangeable with ‘great parlour’. See Nicholas Cooper, Houses of the Gentry, 1480–1680 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 293.
On corrupted blood in early modern medicine, see Michael Stolberg, '''You Have no Good Blood in Your Body": Oral Communication in Sixteenth-Century Physicians' Medical Practice', Medical History 59, no. 1 (2015): 63–82.
Medical literature advised against letting blood in pregnant women unless absolutely necessary. See, e.g., Nicholas Culpeper, Directory for Midwives […] (London: Peter Cole, 1662), 159.
See Book 1, 127–29.
I.e., a stillbirth. On this meaning, see Jennifer Evans, ‘“It Bringeth Them into Dangerous Perill”: Management of and Recovery after Miscarriage in Early Modern England, c.1600–1750', Historical Research 96, no. 271 (2023): 17.
This implies an excess of humours in the womb.
Thornton's first child, an unnamed daughter, was born and died on 27th August 1652. See Book 1, 126–29.
I.e., pregnant.
Thornton fell ill during her first pregnancy, which she thought resulted in her newborn child dying almost as soon as she was born. See Book 1, 126–29.
Medical literature advised against letting blood in pregnant women unless absolutely necessary. See, e.g., Nicholas Culpeper, Directory for Midwives […] (London: Peter Cole, 1662), 159.
During pregnancy, women were thought to retain the blood they would normally expel during menstruation to nourish the foetus. Blood was a hot and moist humour and so this excess of blood in the body was seen to cause greater heat in their bodies. See Wendy D. Churchill, Female Patients in Early Modern Britain: Gender, Diagnosis, and Treatment (London: Routledge, 2016), 156.
I.e., a stillbirth. On this meaning, see Jennifer Evans, ‘“It Bringeth Them into Dangerous Perill”: Management of and Recovery after Miscarriage in Early Modern England, c.1600–1750', Historical Research 96, no. 271 (2023): 17.
Bloodletting was a standard treatment in the premodern period, thought to rid the body of an excess of blood and restore balance. See Michael Stolberg, Learned Physicians and Everyday Medical Practice in the Renaissance (Munich: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2021), 189–200.
While Thornton saw it as her Christian duty to breastfeed her own children, she did on occasion employ a wet-nurse. On the maternal duty to breastfeed, see Rachel Trubowitz, ‘“Nourish-Milke”: Breast-Feeding and the Crisis of Englishness, 1600–1660’, The Journal of English and Germanic Philology 99, no. 1 (2000): 29–49.
Rickets may not refer here to a vitamin D deficiency, although rickets was recorded as a cause of death in the seventeenth century. See Gill Newton, 'Diagnosing Rickets in Early Modern England: Statistical Evidence and Social Response', Social History of Medicine 35, no. 2 (2022): 566–88.
Wet-nurses were advised to abstain from sexual intercourse for fear of becoming pregnant and polluting their milk. See Alexandra Shepard, ‘The Pleasures and Pains of Breastfeeding in England c.1600–c.1800’, in Suffering and Happiness in England 1550–1850: Narratives and Representations. A Collection to Honour Paul Slack, ed. Michael J. Braddick and Joanne Innes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 236.
Rickets may not refer here to a vitamin D deficiency, although rickets was recorded as a cause of death in the seventeenth century. See Gill Newton, 'Diagnosing Rickets in Early Modern England: Statistical Evidence and Social Response', Social History of Medicine 35, no. 2 (2022): 566–88.
On the maternal duty to breastfeed, see Rachel Trubowitz, ''Nourish-Milke': Breast-Feeding and the Crisis of Englishness, 1600–1660', The Journal of English and Germanic Philology 99, no. 1 (2000): 29–49.
Seventeenth-century physicians advised that babies were weaned in their second year, at around the age of 18 months. See Marylynn Salmon, ‘The Cultural Significance of Breastfeeding and Infant Care in Early Modern England and America’, Journal of Social History 28, no. 2 (1994): 256. Thornton therefore weaned Nally early, likely because she gave birth to Betty in February 1655.
On the maternal duty to breastfeed, see Rachel Trubowitz, ‘“Nourish-Milke”: Breast-Feeding and the Crisis of Englishness, 1600–1660’, The Journal of English and Germanic Philology 99, no. 1 (2000): 29–49.
On the maternal duty to breastfeed, see Rachel Trubowitz, '"Nourish-Milke": Breast-Feeding and the Crisis of Englishness, 1600–1660', Journal of English and Germanic Philology 99, no. 1 (2000): 29–49.
Wet-nurses were advised to abstain from sexual intercourse for fear of becoming pregnant and polluting their milk. See Alexandra Shepard, ‘The Pleasures and Pains of Breastfeeding in England c.1600–c.1800’, in Suffering and Happiness in England 1550–1850: Narratives and Representations. A Collection to Honour Paul Slack, ed. Michael J. Braddick and Joanne Innes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 236.
See Book 1, 142–47.
I.e., her midwife was good, in part because she had a mother and grandmother who were also known as skilled midwives.
Rickets may not refer here to a vitamin D deficiency, although rickets was recorded as a cause of death in the seventeenth century. See Gill Newton, 'Diagnosing Rickets in Early Modern England: Statistical Evidence and Social Response', Social History of Medicine 35, no. 2 (May 2022): 566–88.
A wet nurse's character needed to be good, otherwise it was thought the milk would pass on bad traits or illnesses to the baby she was breastfeeding. See Alexandra Shepard, 'The Pleasures and Pains of Breastfeeding in England c.1600–c.1800', in Suffering and Happiness in England 1550–1850: Narratives and Representations: A Collection to Honour Paul Slack, ed. Michael J. Braddick and Joanne Innes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 236.
St Mungo's Well was considered especially effective for treating rickets, as recommended by the Thorntons' physician. See Robert Wittie, Scarborough Spaw […] (London: Charles Tyus, 1660), 141–43.
It was usual for midwives to discern the position of a baby in the womb by observing external signs. E.g., see John Pechey, The Compleat Midwife's Practice […] (London: H. Rhodes, 1698), 111.
Medical literature advised against letting blood in pregnant women unless absolutely necessary. See, e.g., Nicholas Culpeper, Directory for Midwives (London: Peter Cole, 1662), 159.
For visual guides to the different positions of foetuses in the womb, see Rebecca Whiteley, Birth Figures: Early Modern Prints and the Pregnant Body (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2023), 21–50.
On the use of birthing stools, see Amanda Carson Banks, Birth Chairs, Midwives, and Medicine (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1999), 1–32.
I.e., the baby was born breech. Sharp discussed how to deal with breech births in her midwifery manual: Jane Sharp, The Midwives Book […] (London: Simon Miller, 1671), 191–92.
Thornton placed meditations and prayers on the births of her children Elizabeth and Katherine in Book 1, 136–47.
The waters at Scarborough Spa, a healing remedy advised by the family physician, who wrote a treatise on the virtues of this spa: Robert Wittie, Scarbrough Spaw […] (London: Charles Tyus, 1660).
See Book 1, 154–55.
November 1659 was when the surviving leaders of the Long Parliament (the so-called 'Presbyterian Knot') agreed on the Restoration of Charles II. See Ronald Hutton, The Restoration: A Political and Religious History of England and Wales, 1658–1667 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 105. See also Book 1, 155–58.
See Book 1, 166–77.
Thornton likely means the Richmond area here.
Christopher Wandesford submitted a bill to Chancery in 1659, against Richard Darley, William Thornton and Alice Thornton, which mentioned ‘the supposed last will’: 'Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659', C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
In Alice Wandesford's will the residue of goods not allocated was given to Thornton and her children. See 'The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660', Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58.
This likely hints at Sir John Lowther’s influence. See also Book 1, 220, 290.
John Frescheville and Francis Darley are named executors in Alice Wandesford's will. 'The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660', in Hardy Bertram McCall, Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58.
This sum is not specified in Wandesford’s will but when George died, Christopher became the main heir. 'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. £4,000 in 1659 was the equivalent of £715,000 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Alice Wandesford's will opens with a plea to her appointed executors to 'shew their special love and care to my daughter Alice Thorneton, wife of William Thorneton of East Newton, and her children': 'The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660', Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58.
The will was proved at the Prerogative Court of Canterbury since Alice Wandesford held lands in multiple jurisdictions. See Nigel Goose and Nesta Evans, ‘Wills as an Historical Source’, in When Death Do Us Part: Understanding and Interpreting the Probate Records of Early Modern England, ed. Tom Arkell, Nesta Evans and Nigel Goose (Oxford: Leopard’s Head, 2000), 40.
The realty (i.e., land assets) of intestates in the seventeenth century passed directly to their heirs. See Roger Kerridge, 'Intestate Succession in England and Wales', in Comparative Succession Law: Volume II: Intestate Succession, ed. Kenneth Reid, Marius de Waal, and Reinhard Zimmermann (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 325.
‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford’, 10 January 1658, PROB 11/298/624, TNA, London.
£200 in 1659 was the equivalent of £35,750 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£1,600 in 1659 was the equivalent of £286,000 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
According to Thornton, Sir John Lowther, Christopher's father-in-law, encouraged him to take out a lawsuit against the Thorntons over the Wandesford estates in Ireland. See Book 2, 135.
£1,500 in 1659 was the equivalent of £268,100 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£160 in 1659 was the equivalent of £28,600 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London. Nettleton's dispute with the heirs of Christopher Wandesford had been ongoing since 1652.
The practicalities of daily life meant that ways had to be found around coverture, which meant that a husband owned all movable goods, such as allowing wives to make contracts 'for necessities'. See Joanne Bailey, ‘Favoured or Oppressed? Married Women, Property and “Coverture” in England, 1660–1800’, Continuity and Change 17, no. 3 (2002), 356–61.
This is a slip; 30 years later would be 1689.
‘Lying in’ was when a pregnant woman was ‘withdrawn from the outside world, absent from church, relieved of most household tasks, and excused sexual relations in the weeks immediately preceding and following childbirth’: David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 35.
Christopher Wandesford submitted a bill to Chancery in 1659 against Richard Darley, William Thornton and Alice Thornton, which touched on earlier disputes about the Wandesford estate. 'Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659', C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
With no space remaining at the bottom of the manuscript page, this last clause was written vertically in the left margin (see image).
On women and dreams, see Patricia Crawford, ‘Women’s Dreams in Early Modern England’, History Workshop Journal 49, no. 1 (2000): 129–41.
‘Lying in’ was when a pregnant woman was ‘withdrawn from the outside world, absent from church, relieved of most household tasks, and excused sexual relations in the weeks immediately preceding and following childbirth’: David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 35.
For reformed protestants, the sacrament of baptism represented ‘the seal of the Holy Spirit on a Christian’. See Alec Ryrie, Being Protestant in Reformation Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 330.
Blessing of the breasts was the the production of breastmilk and blessing of the womb indicated a reasonable flow of post-partum blood. See Sara Read, Menstruation and the Female Body in Early Modern England (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 155.
Gascon's (or Gascoigne's) Powder was a popular household remedy from the mid-seventeenth century. See Elaine Leong, Recipes and Everyday Knowledge: Medicine, Science, and the Household in Early Modern England (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2018), 169.
See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Smallpox in Seventeenth-Century English Literature: Reality and the Metamorphosis of Wit’, Medical History 33, no. 1 (1989): 72–95.
The Commonwealth halfpenny, in circulation from 1649-60, was the smallest coin of the period, with a diameter of 9.21mm. This suggests that William's spots had a diameter of about 1cm. 'Coin: BUC-688073', Portable Antiquities Scheme,
https://finds.org.uk/database/artefacts/record/id/163228.
Early modern medical writing held that small pox poisoned the blood and this was purged from the body by the breaking out of pustules. Those which were 'struck in' were extremely dangerous, so when they ‘struck out’ it meant corrupt matter was being released: Thomas Willis, The London Practice of Physick […] (London: Thomas Basset and William Crooke, 1685), 615.
Cotton and linen garments seem to have been preferred for nightwear. See Sasha Handley, Sleep in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), 53.
See Book 1, 179.
Thornton's first child died soon after her birth on 27 August 1652. See Book 1, 129.
Charles II's coronation actually took place on 23 April 1661. Thornton here is noting his date of restoration. See Cordelia Beattie, 'Alice Thornton on the Coronation of Charles II: The North Remembers (sort of)', Alice Thornton's Books, 23 April 2023, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2023-04-23-coronation-charles-II/.
See Book 1, 180–81.
Thornton moved from the Richmond area, where she was born and lived for most of her adult life, to Ryedale.
Charles II's coronation actually took place on 23rd April 1661. Thornton here is noting his date of restoration. See Cordelia Beattie, 'Alice Thornton on the Coronation of Charles II: The North Remembers (sort of)', Alice Thornton's Books, 23 April 2023, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2023-04-23-coronation-charles-II/.
On the medicinal uses of amber, see Rachel King, 'Objective Thinking: Early Modern Objects in Amber with Curative, Preservative and Medical Functions', in Amber in the History of Medicine: Proceedings of the International Conference, ed. C. Duffin, I. Polyakova and T. Surova (Kaliningrad: Kaliningrad Regional Amber Museum, 2016), 80–94.
On the medicinal uses of peony seeds, see Ashley Buchanan, 'The Power of Peony', The Recipes Project, May 12, 2022, https://recipes.hypotheses.org/18635.
Rickets may not refer here to a vitamin D deficiency, although rickets was recorded as a cause of death in the seventeenth century. See Gill Newton, 'Diagnosing Rickets in Early Modern England: Statistical Evidence and Social Response', Social History of Medicine, 35, no. 2 (2022): 566–88.
Thornton gives dates for the rebuilding of East Newton Hall of c.1656-62: Book 1, 191–92. Pevsner had c.1620–30. See Jane Grenville and Nikolaus Pevsner, Yorkshire: The North Riding (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2023), 261.
Leeches were one method used to let blood in early modern England, along with lancets and scarification. See Hannah Newton, Misery to Mirth: Recovery from Illness in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018), 55.
Thornton uses Lady Day dating here, which began the year on 25 March. Shrove Tuesday fell on 11 February in 1662, as Easter Sunday fell on 30 March. See A Handbook of Dates for Students of British History, ed. C. R. Cheney and M. Jones, rev. ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 230.
Pew-rents were introduced in the early seventeenth century as a way of boosting church income. See Christopher Marsh, '“Common Prayer” in England 1560–1640: The View from the Pew', Past & Present 171 (2001): 66–94.
Humoural theory held that extremes of temperature provoked an excess of humours and caused illness. See Mary Lindemann, Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe, 2nd edn. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 19.
Thornton uses Lady Day dating here, which began the year on 25 March. 1661 should read 1662.
Bloodletting was a standard treatment in the premodern period, thought to rid the body of an excess of blood and restore balance. See Michael Stolberg, Learned Physicians and Everyday Medical Practice in the Renaissance (Munich: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2021), 189–200.
Thornton is here describing being constipated.
I.e., she had not menstruated for about two months.
This refers to Holy Communion,also known as the Lord's Supper.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord's Supper.
See Book 1, 186–90.
This suggests that Thornton wrote a 'Book of Meditations' which has not survived alongside her four books.
See Book 1, 192–93.
I.e., the devil.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
This refers to the incident at assize week in York when Thornton was told by her husband that he had sold the land at Burn Park, intended for their daughters, to pay debts. See Book 2, 250–51. It seems that Thornton has the name wrong here as Thorpe was not the judge on the Northern circuit in 1656: Book 2, 256. Thorpe was the judge on that circuit in 1659 only: J. S. Cockburn, A History of English Assizes 1558–1714 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 273–74.
‘My heirs and’ is written in a different ink, in Thornton’s hand, and was probably inserted at some point after the main text had been written.
This phrase is written in the same ink as the other insertion on the page and so was probably also added later.
While Charles II was not officially restored to the throne until May 1660, November 1659 was when the surviving leaders of the Long Parliament (the so-called 'Presbyterian Knot') had agreed to it. Ronald Hutton, The Restoration: A Political and Religious History of England and Wales, 1658–1667 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 105.
On the Thorntons’ disagreement over the naming of their son see Cordelia Beattie, 'A House Divided: How Did the Thorntons Feel about the Restoration of Charles II?', Alice Thornton’s Books, September 12, 2022, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2022-09-12-a-house-divided.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
£1,500 in 1660 was the equivalent of £284,500 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton seems to use 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document; see also ‘paper book’ below. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
‘As may more appear’ is written in a different ink and appears to have been added at a later date in Thornton’s hand.
Thornton seems to use 'paper book' here for a legal document written on a paper, probably in booklet form. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
See Book 2, 240–44.
I.e., he had fathered a child outside of marriage.
The stigma of illegitimacy was not uniform but Fisher's purported illegitimacy and fathering of a child outside wedlock made him an unsuitable spouse, in Thornton's view. See Richard Adair, Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996), 89–90.
'Brothers' and 'sisters' here includes siblings-in-law.
Anti-Scottish sentiment intensified during the reign of James I, and continued through the Wars of the Three Kingdoms with many Scottish soldiers fighting for the parliamentarian cause. This was especially strong in Yorkshire and other parts of northern England where Scottish soldiers were quartered. See Mark Stoyle, Soldiers and Strangers: An Ethnic History of the English Civil War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), 75–90.
Anti-Scottish sentiment intensified during the reign of James I, and continued through the Wars of the Three Kingdoms with many Scottish soldiers fighting for the parliamentarian cause. This was especially strong in Yorkshire and other parts of northern England where Scottish soldiers were quartered. See Mark Stoyle, Soldiers and Strangers: An Ethnic History of the English Civil War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), 75–90.
Running gout was thought to be caused by humours moving around the body. See Richard Blackmore, Discourses on the Gout, a Rheumatism, and the King’s Evil (London: J. Pemberton, 1726), 115–16.
£5 in 1661 was the equivalent of £893.80 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
It is possibly a variant of ‘tode’ (the MED has ‘tod’) for toad: ‘as a malevolent, loathsome creature of hell, a creature of torment; also, a symbol of the devil; …
We have not been able to trace William Thornton in this role.
Thornton may have realised her error in that the fright concerning a bond was at East Newton, covered under the next heading (Book 2, 229–36), and that is why the rest of the page is blank (see image).
Thornton gives dates for the rebuilding of East Newton Hall of c.1656–62 here and in Book 1, 191–92. Pevsner had c.1620–30: Jane Grenville and Nikolaus Pevsner, Yorkshire: The North Riding (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2023), 261.
Thornton notes a great illness that befell her in February 1662 after becoming too cold in church at Oswaldkirk (Book 2, 114, 192–93, 193–98, 266–67), as well as a house fire in 1661 (Book 2, 223).
The distance between East Newton Hall and Holy Trinity, Stonegrave is 1.2 miles.
Thornton gives dates for the rebuilding of East Newton Hall of c.1656–62: Book 1, 191–92; Book 2, 229. Pevsner had c.1620–30: Jane Grenville and Nikolaus Pevsner, Yorkshire: The North Riding (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2023), 261.
The Thornton family of East Newton can be traced back to at least the fourteenth century. The family established a private chapel at East Newton in 1397. See George R. Keiser, 'Robert Thornton: Gentleman, Reader and Scribe', in Robert Thornton and His Books: Essays on the Lincoln and London Thornton Manuscripts, ed. Susanna Fein and Michael Johnston (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2014), 67.
See Book 2, 174–75.
For more on the cattle, see Book Rem, 55–60.
See Book 2, 31.
See Book 1, 192–94.
Thornton here means £100, as she states below.
£100 in 1662 was the equivalent of £17,640 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£800 in 1661 was the equivalent of £143,000 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
The records of the Chancery case in 1661 state that Nettleton wanted his £500 returned plus damages; he asked for £800. 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
Thornton discussed her husband being ill-advised on this matter in Book 1, 192–93.
On dreams, see Janine Riviere, Dreams in Early Modern England (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017).
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
Thornton’s orthography is unclear here but she may mean ‘tourne’, which the
It was not common practice to lock someone in their bedroom during the seventeenth century so perhaps this was due to Thornton’s fear of bailiffs. See Sasha Handley, Sleep in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), 140–41.
On dreams, see Janine Riviere, Dreams in Early Modern England (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017).
See Book 2, 174–75. £100 in 1661 was the equivalent of £17,880 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£200 in 1661 was the equivalent of £35,750 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
See Book 1, 194.
See Book 1, 194–97.
The gentry were expected to be – and were regarded as – extremely generous hosts to their neighbours. See Felicity Heal, 'The Idea of Hospitality in Early Modern England', Past & Present 102 (1984): 66–93.
I.e., Holy Communion, also known as the Lord's Supper.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
See Book 2, 206–10.
£1,000 in 1661 was the equivalent of £178,800 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
See Book 2, 206–10.
£1,000 in 1661 was the equivalent of £178,800 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
In her father's will, Thornton was left £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon becoming married from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave (her 'English portion'). 'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct
Thornton seems to use 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document; see also ‘paper book’ below. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
As the OEDO notes, this method of conveyance was used by married women. In this case, Thornton would not agree to any more of her husband’s land transactions (until provision for her younger children was sorted).
Thornton seems to use 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
See Book 2, 250. Thornton perhaps has the name wrong here as Thorpe was the judge on the Northern circuit in 1659 only: J. S. Cockburn, A History of English Assizes 1558–1714 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 273–74.
Thornton seems to use 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
Thornton seems to use 'paper book' here for a legal document written on a paper, probably in booklet form; she uses 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
This refers to the incident at assize week in York when Thornton was told by her husband that he had sold the land at Burn Park, intended for their daughters, to pay debts. See Book 2, 250–51.
Thornton seems to use 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
£3,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £529,200 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton seems to use 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
Thornton seems to use 'paper book' here for a legal document written on a paper, probably in booklet form; she uses 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
£6,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £1,058,000 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton seems to use 'paper book' here for a legal document written on a paper, probably in booklet form; she uses 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
Thornton's Irish portion was £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. £1,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £176,400 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
This refers to the incident at assize week in York when Thornton was told by her husband that he had sold the land at Burn Park, intended for their daughters, to pay debts. See Book 2, 250–51. Thornton possibly has the name wrong though as Thorpe was the judge on the Northern circuit in 1659 only: J. S. Cockburn, A History of English Assizes 1558–1714 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 273–74.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
Under coverture, all of Thornton’s movable goods (including money) were legally her husband’s property. On coverture see Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring, ‘Introduction: Coverture and Continuity’, in Married Women and the Law: Coverture in England and the Common Law World, ed. Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2013), 7–9.
£20 in 1662 was the equivalent of £3,528 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£300 in 1658 was the equivalent of £57,230 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton was left £1,500 in her father’s will to be paid at the age of 21 or upon becoming married from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave (her 'English portion'). 'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
One William Parkinson described Wandesford's Irish estates being ransacked by rebels: Deposition of William Parkinson, 11/2/1643, 1641 Depositions, Trinity College Dublin, MS 812, fols 190r–192v, https://1641.tcd.ie/index.php/deposition/?depID=812190r162.
£3,548 16s. 11d. in 1659 was the equivalent of £634,400 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
William Foxley was Mayor of Hull in 1657–58 and so it is likely that Thornton has made an error with the date as well as his forename: 'List of Mayors and Lord Mayors of Hull, 1331–2019', Hull History Centre, https://hullhistorycentre.org.uk/research/research-guides/PDF/Mayors-and-Lord-Mayors-of-Hull-1331-2019.pdf.
Assize week was generally held twice a year in county towns in England and Wales, at Lent (usually in March or April) and Summer (usually in July or August). See 'Civil Court Cases: Assize Courts 1656–1971', The National Archives, https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/help-with-your-research/research-guides/civil-court-cases-assize-courts-1656-1971/.
Thornton possibly has the name wrong as Thorpe was the judge on the Northern circuit in 1659 only: J. S. Cockburn, A History of English Assizes 1558–1714 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 273–74.
Nettleton's dispute with the heirs of Christopher Wandesford had been ongoing since 1652, with a case against Christopher Wandesford, Thornton's brother: 'Nettleton v. C. Wandesford et al.', C 5/379/135, TNA, London.
I.e., consent to the sale of this land in which she had an interest.
Thornton seems to have the name or date wrong here as Thorpe was not the judge on the Northern circuit in 1656; he was the judge on that circuit in summer 1659 only: J. S. Cockburn, A History of English Assizes 1558–1714 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 273–74.
Nettleton became a creditor when he inherited a debt due to his sister, Lady Osbaldeston, via her late husband, Sir Richard Osbaldeston. Osbaldeston had lent Christopher Wandesford £500. 'Nettleton vs Wandesford', C 5/402/105, TNA, London.
Nettleton became a creditor when he inherited a debt due to his sister, Lady Osbaldeston, via her late husband, Sir Richard Osbaldeston. Osbaldeston had lent Christopher Wandesford £500. 'Nettleton vs Wandesford', C 5/402/105, TNA, London.
In summer 1656 (Book 2, 250), Thornton had three children: Nally, Betty, and Katherine.
£100 in 1656 was the equivalent of £21,140 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton seems to have the name or date wrong here as Thorpe was not the judge on the Northern circuit in 1656; he was the judge on that circuit in summer 1659 only: J. S. Cockburn, A History of English Assizes 1558–1714 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 273–74.
In cases of land transfer, it was customary for married women to be questioned separately to confirm they consented willingly. See Sylvia Seeliger, ‘Hampshire Women as Landholders: Common Law Mediated by Manorial Custom’,
£100 in 1656 was the equivalent of £21,140 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£3,000 in 1660 was the equivalent of £568,900 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
See Book 2, 245.
On gambling on horses, see Mike Huggins, Horse Racing and British Society in the Long Eighteenth Century (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2018), 79–121.
£100 in 1666 was the equivalent of £21,310 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton's 'English portion' was £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon marriage from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave. 'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
£1,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £176,400 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton's Irish portion was £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. 'Probate Copies of the Will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; Copies Made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
£1,500 in 1666 was the equivalent of £319,600 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Many gentry houses contained a ‘great parlour’ and ‘little parlour’. While the former was used for entertaining guests, the latter tended to have been reserved for the family’s day-to-day eating and drinking. See Nicholas Cooper, Houses of the Gentry, 1480–1680 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 291–92.
In Alice Wandesford's will the residue of goods not allocated was given to Thornton and her children. See 'The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660', Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58.
Thornton refusing to attach her seal effectively rendered the document unauthenticated.
£1,000 in 1661 was the equivalent of £178,800 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
A bond for the performance of covenants (to ensure agreements in, for example, a deed were kept) survives between William Thornton and Henry Cholmley: ‘Bond for the performance of covenants’, 14 May 1662, Tong/3/272, West Yorkshire Archive Service, Bradford.
By 1662, the Thorntons had lost four of six children.
See Book 2, 193–95.
Thornton is referring here to when she became very ill in February 1662 and Dr Wittie thought she would lose the pregnancy: Book 2, 193–95.
See Book Rem, 59–60.
See Book 2, 231.
On dreams, see Janine Riviere, Dreams in Early Modern England (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017).
Syrup of cloves was an aromatic which was added to medical recipes to make them more palatable. See the 'Edinburgh Pharmacopoeia' of 1699, trans. A. Duncan, The Edinburgh New Dispensatory […] (Edinburgh: Bell and Bradfute, 1810), 265–67, 628–29.
This suggests that Thornton wrote a 'Book of Meditations' which has not survived alongside her four books.
See Book 1, 201.
See Book 1, 206.
See Book 1, 209.
See Book 1, 212.
See Book 1, 213.
See Book 2, 255–60.
In this instance, a miscarriage.
See Book 1, 214.
£1,400 in 1665 was the equivalent of £283,800 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton's ‘Irish portion’ was £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. 'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Anthony Norton was more properly an administrator as William Thornton had died intestate. See Book 3, 119.
See Book 2, 262.
£1,500 in 1665 was the equivalent of £304,000 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
In this instance, a miscarriage.
Taking the waters at Scarborough Spa was a healing remedy advised by the family physician, Dr Wittie, who wrote a treatise on the virtues of this spa: Robert Wittie, Scarbrough Spaw […] (London: Charles Tyus, 1660).
I.e., she was not convinced she was pregnant.
I.e., the action of riding had left her sore.
Thornton's ‘Irish portion’ was £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. 'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. £1,000 in 1652 was the equivalent of £194,700 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£800 in 1666 was the equivalent of £170,500 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
See Book 1, 214–18.
This may be a reference to a ‘Book of Meditations’ that has not survived alongside her four books.
This appears to be a Thornton neologism for the woman ‘diseased with an issue of blood twelve years’, cured by Christ in Matthew 9:20–22. Although the earliest example of ‘haemorrhage’ as a noun dates to 1670, as a verb (‘emorosogie’) it is c.1400, OEDO.
Comber graduated from Sidney Sussex, Cambridge with his Masters by proxy in 1666 and then went to London for some time. See The Autobiographies and Letters of Thomas Comber, ed. C. E. Whiting (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1946), I:6.
Thornton's ‘Irish portion’ was £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. 'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. £1,000 in 1652 was the equivalent of £194,700 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
This insertion is in Thornton’s hand but in a different ink and presumably stands for Thomas Comber and Alice Thornton, although likely the latter was Thornton’s daughter, also named Alice.
This document survives, 'Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667', CCOM-84, DCL.
Women who had given birth were advised to stay in bed for at least one month to help with their physical recovery. See Leah Astbury, 'Being Well, Looking Ill: Childbirth and the Return to Health in Seventeenth-Century England', Social History of Medicine 30, no. 3 (2017): 500–19.
Thornton's last child was born on 11 November 1667.
In 1667 Nally was thirteen years old. Legally, girls could marry at fourteen with parental consent.t See Christopher Durston, The Family in the English Revolution, chap. 4; K. J. Kesselring and Tim Stretton, Marriage, Separation and Divorce in England, 1500–1700, chap. 5.
Comber’s letters to Nally are noted in Book 3, 186–87.
£300 in 1667 was the equivalent of £64,780 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
I.e., the week beginning Sunday 13 June 1666. A Handbook of Dates for Students of British History, ed. C. R. Cheney and M. Jones, rev. ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 225.
Thornton presumably meant £100 per annum. In 1696 the average household income of ‘eminent clergymen’ was £72 per annum and £50 for ‘lesser clergymen’. See G. N. Clark, The Later Stuarts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1940), 26. £100 in 1667 was the equivalent of £21,590 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£100 in 1667 was the equivalent of £21,590 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
A ‘standing ministry’ is an open-ended position (derived from Numbers 3:1–4), which is the living that the Thorntons wanted to procure for Comber at Stonegrave.
The Thornton family of East Newton can be traced back to at least the fourteenth century. The family established a private chapel at East Newton in 1397. See George R. Keiser, 'Robert Thornton: Gentleman, Reader and Scribe', in Robert Thornton and His Books: Essays on the Lincoln and London Thornton Manuscripts, ed. Susanna Fein and Michael Johnston (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2014), 67.
I.e., the lies that were being spread about Alice Thornton's affair with Thomas Comber.
Thornton names Barbara Todd and Anne Danby as the main spreaders of rumours within her household (Book 2, 16), and Charles Tancred as an external rumourmonger, though there were very likely more. Barbara Todd (later Pape) died in 1675; Anne Danby died in 1695, and Charles Tancred in 1711.
See Book 3, 95.
£100 in 1668 was the equivalent of £21,680 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
£1,500 in 1667 was the equivalent of £323,900 in 2023. ‘Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
This document survives, 'Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667', CCOM-84, DCL.blank