216 quarto pages, in old calf gilt.
Small amounts of text in hands other than Thornton's have not beeen included in main text of edition but are noted in editorial annotations.
Year starts 1 January.
Year starts 25 March.
Year start date cannot be ascertained.
Dates written with two years separated by a slash.
Courtesy of the British Library Board. British Library, Add. MS 88897/2, flyleaf.
O Lord, I know that the way of man is not in
O Lord, correct me, but with judgement; not in thy
1.
In thee, O Lord, have I put my trust
be put to
me in thy
thThrough thee have I been holden up ever
since I was
womb, my praise shall Thou
forsake me
in this distressed
notwill I tell of
that the
all thy
born
name
not thy face from my
trouble
strength
.
O Lord Godour house of defence and our
who by thy
me in thy
the conduct of thy gracious
, and
and
Jesus Christ
a
and long for thee
go along with usCast us not away
in the time of
give us grace
that
from us
thee
ceive the
through the
with thy favourwhen thou
of the
and
Jesus Christ
9.
The
the judgements of the Lord are true,
fine
Moreover
of them there is great reward
Who can tell how oft he
shall I be kept undefiled still
from all those great offences
thy
.
But
of my heart
directed in thy sight that they may be acceptable in thy
from my
trouble
brought me to the
nor wasgates of death
God of all the
before
thy majesty,
my mouth
thy servant from my
O Lord
for thou
healings under thy wings
. Oh
from those wounds that
my
from my
thou who art the
.
For thou
.
me not fall into any sin or
frailty I
-mage
unto me
hand
true
And that
all thy
by thy
I may, with all mine thou
may
thy glory
be I humbly beg
in the name
Lord
in whom thou
art well
taught us Our Father which art in Heaven
Courtesy of the British Library Board. British Library, Add. MS 88897/2, 21.
I
of my virgin
of with much troubles
in the flesh
to the great God of
favours towards mewho has mixed
. And bestowed on me that
his
to make
great blessing, above many others
and
the most desolate
in the
the Lord
.
Reflections
for us all to
together with him
with many
world
furnace
, drew our hearts to him
of our
hope
in a glorious
God
might be good in the sight of our gracious Father in heaven who
made
his
patiently
stay
the time to
service on
Earth
be ready at
his call
to him but submissively
for him
and unreasonable
death
me for doting
too much
him or any
Creature
comforts
but to
my affection
only on God
freely with him to God if he called for him
be preserved and
good
to
the wise disposer of all
land of the
a bitter cup to
, both in his death
mercy
me to of
humility,
And to a
of what he has
I may be assisted
for
to
from all my
For I am
my duty,
I am
desolate
Grant that my
sore smitten.
liverd
more peculiar property to be for thou art the father of the
stranger
I have no strength against my
O dearest Jesus
. Oh
time to devour thy
me not over into the will of my
no occasion
deliver my
For
the God of
guidemy
so will I bless
Mr
Death
1668
d
God to spare my
marriage Estate
Months:
was
which I lived in this
What
willing to have
for a better place
this world of his great
follow the same.
my Son Robert
of
the
he was
th
much
19 1662
Newton
and
sufferingsa desolate
make me
Thornton
Eldest
D. born
she
in her
1668
For which great mercy
for
God of heaven
to thy glory
Thornton
d
12 1656
the 12th
death
dangers
hearty praise
livered me out of all tribulations
this day with Oh
. Amen. (About
up in the
the Slanders.
fallen into a very great
weakness of body
in my
that sad
his
faintings. And was most desirous to have
comfort in this sad
his death
I had the testimony of a
of my
given the world testimony of in all my life
Comfort from
vindication of
my Innocency
I was
towards me,
of me,
in that
knew best my fidelity towards him
could not be
my cause
who
Norton
sake. He then did protest
tell me of it for the
This account of
husband
and
Besides
he fell
and many weakness on
much
inducement
to
Comber
Alice
some
man
say, if he livedwould be a very great man in the Church
marriage
before
Th.
made with
Comber
Daughter Alice
with this motion
of
&
reasons
And he
of comfort
in my
by
in my distress
me did
who utterly
in
that they had not
And that they never
that
juncture of time
expressed
for my
from my
of thy grace
things amiss
provoke thy displeasure against us
of his
the good
To thee,
mercy for
meand enter not into
by any
shall
do my duty in my
as I could
which thou
and out of this
laid for me
theemy
wickedness
making my innocency to by thy
over
all my actions,
hoped for
all times
giving me sufficient grace
for Jesus Christ
me
be a generation
great name in this
of my
ge
taken by my
increased my
with
true
of my honour
and
came to
to those who would make a
which fell on me by the change
of marriage
my
dearest
such
my
or
of the
to
-kirke
happy assistance of
come and
first
-ment
my house
at
newton
1662
in the great
daughters,
This was the
since my
of
sad oppression of a
being
for the
Sacrament
afflictions on
me
kirke
D.
Death.
the troubles of the family, by suits
which
All these
comfort for my
in
Which wrought very ill with me, still fearing my
death each
v. 28. 29. 30.
cause me to
two last Come unto me
of God
of my
of the Long
-ment
the first
Long Parliament
for his faith
Courtesy of the British Library Board. British Library, Add. MS 88897/2, 30.
and
The
Moore
in his
of
Years
moore
the
Army in all
20000d
was under the misfortune
was
was
them
d
but found him in the way
which was
deliverance
from that
to fly from the
where
both
by which they were preserved
We
for
selves
hid at one
Thus
cause to render humble thanks to God for our deliverances in the times of
when the
in order to the better education of my
of the
liverance,
John
by
came
fight at that time
family, had sent
to
the day. And
of that day, with
was shot to death with a
while we by this
prevented our
glory of our God
deliverance from this
the
Praise the Lord
,
who
.
with mercy
for the right instruction
and the true
against the
which
great happiness
with his holy
of the mists
Which next to the holy instructions
exemplary
much of my true
the
wavering
But
like
swallowed us up
degrees
of his
great a patience
discourse for
Text
Text 1 The.
4: 13 v.
But I would not have
.
He had
nother part to play
had of holy
had made ready to
to bring him to this bed,
time was almost death to us
lifted up
Prayers,
for his
station of ministry of his holy word
St
no offence, to keep a
.
and man
And that he thanked God
was not ashamed to live
and
to restore truth
out of this miserable life to
at the
hand of himCome
.
my Father;
And
of this
way of
he departed this life
Blessed are the dead that
; for they rest from
But now
word, there fell
many troubles
into that province
Preached his
Sermon.
name was
man
it
great
Wandesfords
ton
belong to
Father
the
to present
appointed by
In pursuance of
to that living
according to
Presented
to it by the
of
George
but
without the
power
in
but added
making all manner of
the
or
Rob. our
of this Right
rest
In former times
with
and the
she begged that favour of his
the same accordingly.
But
of
to send one to it
the
nor did they ever
against the
were all damned that used it
Blasphemy
against the Lords
was spoken
was on the
to
shame.
But
forced to
applied to
as his
the Present
On him, by
of his
very intimate
was a great
name was
an
through
him
he might
assured that he could
have
that he could
he rested a long time
for a
to
as to
by
Siddall
Living; from
the Parliament
that
any have the
be
was in
about it
trouble to
nor
not to
Thus
by
in him, both as to nation
who
for him
for
it for himself
in his
information
Which was a
a
who
sold him
of this guilt of the
consent
was never quiet, night
follow him
sometimes looked
as we were truly informed
was about him. God
hanged
selfe
himself
against
against this guilty
Living of
a sad distemper in
very
the
to be
be a
only
was an undeniable argument to
formation
Christopher
Sequestration
against the
family of
by
the face of the
but lately fled from the horrid Irish
designed to have
under this second
may be accounted
a
in a capacity to offend them
of our
But,
they followed
for our deliverance
God
Irish
at that fight,
did
proceeding
by A
the
they saw him fight
but the
to a
world
was on
the
by the
(which would have
they would not perjure
his
would not
against
was
in displeasure
--------
1651
them, was in great
never come to them
was very remarkable
found the body of
was drowned
to
But the occasion of his
for
B. G. W
sent in to
Education.
was
turne
longer in
his maintenance
home for
want of
for
mother
cast
of any
For
which followed, no man in his
his
men against him
fought
obtained
present to the
and the
Sequestered
Thus
our
compelled to fly into
matter to take his life
Remove the
what remedy he could
relieve this
the rest
for the family
his
selfe
Eye on
match with
good
make a good match for me
assure him of the clearing
Thus
When as it most
my
for the clearing the
certainly be
Darley
my
to marry or
change the
Single Life
hand
a free
happy
clination
could
nearer hand to
with
to
these two
Considerable
Persons of
Quality
deemed
much below my fortune
give me
to very great trouble; wished me to consider what I would
not to impose
this great
my
have granted to dispose
my bring forth
of my Relig
of the faith
of the Church
of England
in
Church of England
so that
I would not for all the world match
Nor could he have any satisfaction
with such which was more
owning himself
to be of the Church
of England
him, I
was well
owning
I desired
the same faith, he did
I was the less
in God I might
might never be taken from me
to change my
happy single Life
and
to live with
And which was more
to
or
And
am greedy
which watched for his
much of my
To
d
not foresee
very uneasy
much of my fortune to
my Change
on my Estate
to provide
time of
bore
or
word of God
to want
for
Sacrament
in the house at
1662
house
the good
Browne
Portions.
Thornton
to
by
had
uncle Norton
Cost
1662
came to live
at the house
at
a great motive to much of our
was made by
the
blessed mother
according to the Church of England
consolation
did
the
whered
the
to live at
of
Prayer
had
I was seized
was
with A desperate
--------th 1661
added to the rest
with a
Robert Thornton
in full
wanting A
uall
Comfort
our grand
weakness, sickness, troubles
forsaken me
of the
the
I brought to this
Leave
Daughters
unsettled Estate.
me
(which
the writings
from my
Nor had I any of my
two young daughters
In my great
prepare for it, I was
me, in going out of the world
of
2d
1660
d
name with him
-band
with him, I desired to know what was the reason
him called Charles, if I had a
have him
to me
would be
was
Thornton
please God to
and to that of my
and leave
or
on their fidelity
had
to destroy the
my Issue
who understood the
me
of the
inheritt
to
And
Bond for
to secure to
my death
the whole
These
was then more like to
if I
of England, which did much
for
burden for me
leave
For I found
very much
Education of my
Children in the true
Faith
faith
to me
effect of my
they lived) to be brought up in such a way of ignorance or
any
me reflect
My
selfe
Comfort from
St matt. 11: Cha
30 against
-------
cannot sufficiently mentionCome unto me all
weary
Thus was the
was like to
grace was my
his servants
But
and save all those that
he was not able
to flight, by the mighty
that
and day
mercy through instigations of the
And caused the
when Satan would have had me to run from him
giving to
my God for
this
deliverance
from the
of hell
Satan
Lord God Almighty
by the
making
. This gracious
for
was miraculously pleased to
drew my
Father of
holy wordwhich thou did
, for my sake did thou
suffer to tempt thee
give me power
for
Thou called me, I was weary
.
for them
Jesus. And as thou
by the word of thy
against the
that thou
thy
.
of
humbling my
holy Jesus with
confessions of Sin
in him for salva
tion Amen.
who
I am heavy
mercy
come
which I
mercy, Lord
of theeto follow thy holy example
lowly in heart
forgive them for thy sake, who hath
Make me to take thy
.
condition I am to be content
Oh
thee
will I never forsake thee
For thy
thy burden
away the heavy
And
deliverance
me at this time
to thy glorious name for this
and mine, making me to
come
my sins
and heard my complaint, has accepted my
last
Therefore
into my heart,
vine
his
to come into my
to comfort
to make me hope in his mercy
that he was pleased to be
for
he was the way
.
to flight by
power of Gods
word. St matt
11: v. 28, 29,
30 overcome
He
as he
viour
to forsake his mercy
the mighty power
ously
hearing prayer.
not despise the
him in his
he said God had forsaken me. For God forsakes
.
not forsake him
me when I was ready to Lord
he did to St Peter
.
be to our great
God for Ever
sing of thy take
, to be willing to
to be
For I
make me to forsake my God who hath
. Therefore
that he gave his only
thy abode in my draw me
.
.
Satan rejoiceredeemed
with thy
come Lord Jesus
.
never
for thy to
for the
and
my Life
gth
Body, as well as
Comfort to my
Lord o my
me Praise his holy
name for Ever.
the
he could
he used
I did most
which God did please to
full time
to my
who I bore at
God to give me strength to bring him forth and this was
my
him to his service
th
as I mentioned before
it ought to
So that
death
two only daughters living
the same to them
settle the whole
by
by the
to come on
in order to an
Paper books
by
Issue of a d
venture be
fore
in the
designed by the
a second wife
-heritt
Almighty God had given them
of which
to
selfe
defraud my
might be a
males
did not
grant
for his younger
have
27 v 1t
they
made by Almighty God
t
to Art. of
my
in the case to have advice how to have the writings
to them
Besides this
in
of my body
of a
of
or
said goods
and to have
of
Estate which she
to me by her will
hands. to dispose of
Children but drawn
by
defeat them
so full of
with dangers
according to
given me:
or
For she
thus
not
I read the
hood
contrary to
mot.
those
me
grossing
Thus
at this time
the Lord
mine,
for assistance to
the right settlement
of the whole Est
of
Issue,
for th
of
not
to draw the
not have my
humbly begging of God his assistance to direct me to some
good,
such writings
(might) make a
as well for the just inheritance
was left as a
Colvell
Counseller
Roger
us
his
To him I
good and
settled
manner, with such
two
before
of
made of the
Estate, accor
ding to Ar.
of marriage
Dated
the 3d 1662
them
This
the
-wes
to
befell me on such occasions
stated
was
before my marriage
which was secured by him
A
for the
out of
fortune was for him to dispose
considerable
And this I &
his remaining
and out
the
was
he did make it
my right
of the wood, Reserving
all wood
for my use during
Life:
and my
and
and
to
have had sufficient cause to repent my kindness,
a
th
death,
I
to take
to
would follow for which I did them
use made of all these
For
great detriment
all his
I had hopes to
kept
that I might con
sent
charge
Cholmly
I
what occasion
not grant
to be made liable to secure a little debt he owed to
I
and
and my
the
And I was assured he could not
consent, which I never would
and
and I hope he would not desire such a hard thing against my
But I
me,
whether
because
would destroy the
betraying
his Trust,
Thornton
pretence of
a flaw in
Deed. his ad
vice to
of
except
of him
relation
He
had power to destroy it
to have a
not for
tell him of it, for if he knew his power he would certainly cut
it
I said
Covill
in
cover it to
And
sure for
them
never acquaint
up
assured by
the way
and
Settlement
Possession to
of the Land at
by a Deed dated
th
th
to
Darley
Thus
-ly
to the utter destruction of
this
them, either maintenance or
years was to give
Possession,
of the L. But the main
Deed was
65
before his sickness,
which followed in
first Deed of
th 1665
settling
make
for her
of my
had given me
the payment
out of
was about
made
But it was
for a d
which was all cast out
might have
There was
that
whether he knew
to see the new
Deed
of it
not
mother
I
desired that
find
great
-erations
my
unpleasant a
brought it to me
very ill
teration
humble
to Heaven
to let me
find
grace
graciously
me those requests
And to provide for my younger
who granted
my
for my poor
Children
Father of all in distress
move
if
was stated as
decease. The
for
my
to Debts, was Date
so ill by them
by the
taken. to secure
the
remembrance the
first was: 1500)
out of
have
male.
Robert
old.
1668
was not mentioned in this latter
the
a
that time
it could not justly be said
male
was to make
so
before
before I did
out of
And now
time to save
And in case of my decease
they could not be defeated of a fixed
just to
Nor could this
expressly made for those ends mentioned to be a security for them
which he makes a contingency
to
The to
of
Deed was
too unjust
To defraud
my Issue
--------
for a d
wife
provide for that which
d
d
hers came in
with me
had
Fortune
with me
and rights I had from her
above
by
by which he not only
by
was
on
husband
for
ends. for he
Children.
Therefore
of my life
heard it was
which I fell into
1666
Courtesy of the British Library Board. British Library, Add. MS 88897/2, 59.
of prayers
meditations
on this cure
1666
on my
of
for cutting
of
Deed
miraculous
Lord Jesus Christ only for
of scripture into my
and desired the
saying prayers, it was the
Page of
Book Three, showing extensive authorial marginal glosses relating to the woman healed by Christ in Matthew 9: 20-22 and Mark 5: 28-29.
his if I may
.
but touch the
and
healed of her infirmity
Christ St
the Bloody Issue
matt. 9 v. 18
----------
that cure he
the woman of the bloody
Issue.
If I may but touch
his cloths. I shall
be made whole
And
Blood was
up:
body that she was ma
whole. that she was
healed of that Plague
languishing
selfe
heard this holy
what a mighty
her,
Thus
time
heart by his holy word
earth
gave me grace to
me now he was in heaven
she had spent all
she had on
neither could she
be healed. she cam
behind him
the border of his
made whole,
Issue of her blood
stanched.
in all time of my distress when I called
me out of this sad
Lord
. by
caused this
thy
at this time
great
health
. And that I may
finish that
Then will I
thy
for I
troubles
.
Glory be to the God
of Heaven for this
great cure of me
thy
made
who did
to the holy Jesus
and my
never more returned to
for
Darley
before
narrowly then
for 99
or a
of
dated
months after
at
of the
heard. And the
of the
ness to
in case of his
of
of
sickness of the
Palsy: on cold
Taken when:
he went to
borrow
to buy Land
for
Thomas
tons
the
And this sad
husband
his
by
that
it highly
to
humble
ons
direction in
the
my Eldest.
by
be the
good man
deserved
-ment
Daughter
Alice
young in
marriage.
was the motives
on this subject in my
I humbly made my
direct
marriage
brought her out into this world
large)
provide such an one to be
be a happy wife
to the
otherFor Jesus Christ
gratitude
-sgiveing
to the gracious God
of Heaven in hear
ing
to his holy Name
for Ever. Amen.
I hope he did
happiness
reward of
riper
And since I have
for the
Father
not suffer him
A
of Gods late,
the
men, with expressions
of my gratitude
of Gods
After that
advice of my
A
comfort of my
the
by which I good name
defiled with the least unchaste thought, or word
grace
good name
wound my
murder my
Judge which delivered
me from this Death
which he
had laid for me
and admiration of the fathomless goodness, mercy
Father of
answer my humble requests,
of all my troubles
granted
my great
God of mercy
for his
to me for
Ever Amen
in his good
of
distress
of this
And more firmly
any more
life time; nor did he withhold his great mercy from me
by
for all those bloody
-yes
away from me
Husband
was more
deared
affection to me
for all my
wrongs indeed
for the sake of
his Children
of my chaste
with an unspotted
for which I humbly
both made me
the least
by my severe
others that I
or behaviour
my
by my strict
walking with
God in a holy
heart
whole life could afford
prevention
full
my Family
his holy name
over
The full confidence that
faith
and odious
heart from me, I
thought
me his
his great anger
was actors, or
of my
nys
ry
Innocency,
Danby's
to
she knew in her
but he would
me for my
body by excess of
my
had such a
with) of the great sin
of ingratitude
being the first that
make the motion
of
match with
ghter Alice
know in your
a match intended amongst us betwixt
Alice
made the motion in it
match for us
And would you now be
not to stop
thus wrong us
defence of the truth
gainst her
my slanders about a
with
would she not be
have had my wronged
was charged with treachery towards me
knew in her
knew of that intended marriage
she not tell me
Aunt Norton
her rebuke
of
hoped God
would right
me.
my cause
me
wickedness towards me
out of the house
she had
had heard.
who was examined strictly by
turned her
Tod
house
myself
those horrid
and so said they
was laid on her
never heard or see
her
hate all
I
and
was wounded in my
full
me
death
have
ease, or
and sufferings and gave me
and
could
Compassion
for me.
To him
in this
great good name
judge my
According to the I
Lord
thou my cause
The Lord
bitter
which thoumy
.
rise up
tion of thy
defend thy cause
and guide thou
thy servantthe
. And
not thy for I
trust in thee
hath risen up
my sad complaint and
.
the
Oh
hide not thy face from my
in thy
body that I may
good name
. And my mouth
to thy great
This humble prayers
gracious God did he graciously
grant which way he
her instrument to publish my
heard
selfe
which fell sick of the
had them come forth all of one side of all the body
to
After it was cured of them on the one side
well
Pox
But
a manner abused
being one
wrong
had reported them
And she was now damned for them if we did not forgive her
And begged of God and us to forgive her
forgive her
which
he would forgive her
my gracious Father of
glory to the great
to this
of repentancemiserable
with a high hand against us by which God was
and our good names
wronged
his mercy
tongue she had slandered us to make a
and acknowledge her guilt in our
Which was by the mighty
her
accusation,
her
by this
out of this world before she had cleared our wronged innocency
Acknowledging that she was
her
Therefore
forgive her
she deserved
When I was
which the Lord chose to punish her
it could not but
great reward of sin
And that the Lord would
makes me call to mind the Lord God
Job
by Satan to try his faith
by his
mityesCurse God and
called him a
a dissembler
one that had forsaken God
many more
ganst
provoke his God against him to destroy him.
And of all the
more
had To the first
.
of the
and shall we not
To his
sweredhave
God is
. Thus
charged God foolishly
servant
anddid bring him out of all his
and caused them to make
of to beg
.
of Job to pray for them
Oh
shall
with Godor the
dust and
contend with his Creator
Thy
out
and dust and
so
I live
And to the
glory for evermore
manner commanded her to
and to cry out earnestly for
them
Oh
this grace of conviction
she did so wickedly against us. And I humbly
for the forgiveness of all those
wrong
that
grace to
all my impatience
of my holy good name
I
and precious
my other afflictions
But this
any cause or more bitter
I had much rather have chosen
my heavenly Father undefiled
or immodesty
God in what
, for which grace I humbly
deavouring
man
Oh
by restoring this
ration
And
both those
then was turned his
But blessed
him in his caused his
confession to that servant
him forgiveness, to
they had
dishonoured thy name in him who had not spoken
So
me thy
me to
of the wicked against my innocency
make
fession
thy severe And that she was then to
.
And to by her true and
And not only confessed her
who she had
would forgive her
forgive her,
Oh
thy
mercy to
severity of thy wrath
by the making such a public confession.
Thy mercy is
to me,
the same
Andsons of
menknew our integrity as thy servant Job
confession of thy truth. Oh
in this great
innocency
to the comfort of thy
I see it is not in thou art
. Oh
a God that
servant
who thou
wicked
might
, be instruments of thy glory
me
in this
land of our
.
Oh
of thy
For
strive
sufferings
good hitherto
has raised
upheld me from sinking under the
has defeated all those ill
in my great
to
whole world
accusations of the the
.
Oh
through faith to
thy name to all hold fast that faith that
. And that for his sake
was once
suffered for the Lord Jesus Christ
sakethy only
name I humbly crave pardon for these
to bring us to thy
in that absolute
Our Father which art in
Amen
in
whereby I might be in a suffering
I was
of those factious
As for
daughters carried
the best gentlemen of the
of
Crathorne of
at
All
had more
had not married
on her death bed
advised by his
Darley
All of which had
about
of
All these were brought up in the way of strict
-rians
the way of the
hand in the
to
them,
a full relation before
in
But
to stand my ground, in a strange place
assistance
And
the
the
but
of my marriage
the danger I should leave them in, in
not be any way acceptable to any of the other
first came hither to
we
who was a very good man and a good
ordained by the
ture to
this
I had the happiness to
by
gratitude to
and gave me it the first time in that
So that I wanted the
strength my faith
variety of
of my
then our minister by the
it
who constantly
of his
with a very high
ably as those which was much
-on
which he made an
whole
of him.
The time which
both ends of the day
in the whole
from thence
love with his
which was a great
to
hinder
a
for him
be in that house
Besides
him in his
naturally troubled with
it was concluded
be kept winter and
live with him
Which motion was accepted of
concluded on
of the matter
But I hope
that those good offices was performed by his
an occasion of a
and
diverted him
good Christians
Thorntonth
way of
this
his
Church of England (The Compannion to the Temple and
and has
our
would forsake our communion, nor by
calling the whole service
perstition
and substance of our devotions compiled into this
I hope as the
of
ds
by converting of
given by his
This was
of the
well by him
by way of
so great
of our
And from
and
my sicknesses
Which we never omitted
-ceave
only
of the
fruits of the earth
blessing of God bestowed
I live
which I owe
has
best
his holy name for while I have breath.
He saw my distress, my
instructed in the
the
mine,
And by an unexpected
right instruction in the true faith of the
in
of our most
the Lord Jesus Christ.
instruction
before the
gent in private
So that my husband
and
would say to me
such delight in his
-mence
being of
come
by some of
for his
There was much
and give about
the
him
him
ministry
order to
him to assist him in that
before expressed
Denton
deliberation
for his
husband
They came
in order to have the
of the
over to
But
not d
which
Bennett
end to
this th
by t h
granted of the
Charles d
was many obstacles
it
But
being then
home, he called at
his great
inclined to
dated
happy man in a wife
for
she was a little too young,
very advantageous for him to settle
where they would be
(which she had conjectured by
She
to begin this
my
frequent letters
of
husband
signe
sit as a judge against us in hearing
against all such
by declaring the truth of her knowledge or to have
and
-ching
further desire to dispose
band
the comfort we had from his
future
And I did not only
first rent due out of
did allow that in the
pay him of
one
grant to
other
or of that
to
good
many
For the first cause
great
in this
And as I have mentioned formerly
blessing
desire to have
of
would be changed
But we were
into the way
to my
which he pleased to
his
daughter
the
so afflicted with th
him every month with new relapses
did use
I could not hope to recover
had
hopes of my
And then
and
to follow
These afflicting
of my
formerly begun
young
of
it
her
kind
These proceedings in this match
make
did send him
new
fell
did
of against me
God
maginations
of these
And knew what
length bring me forth
desperate scourge of malicious
the discharge of my duty to
with my
many letters of
unjust
this opportunity
and scandalous way
the
about
Danby
under
did utterly forsake her
forever
by this horrid way of slander
her to
Her
to me
ced of in her
her with all things out of my
Danby
ton
would
could and would vindicate my
of gaining her
me
forged those
me against them
me like a dog before her
And
I did not doubt but my gracious God would vindicate judge my
cause
And hoped in God
her
as it
our
But I the old
this
by my entertaining her
made out my innocency without bringing her in to
who was the
have by her d
her
me
by
And
that
a sort that she would resolve to have
confirmed
But this
gave me speedy notice
I had for 20
was forced to give of my
the space of 20
in
her occasions
out of my
with
clothing
did
gotten the
her
which by my great
and them to
to pay me all that ever I had
and
his fidelity
him to have given
for some
his
to
for
for it
would not
Comber
to borrow
which
Nor had I repeated this
ingratitude whereby I am requited.
reward I had from
-nessgood name
I had
with
other
were
But while I am relating my
ingratitude of
must not
most humble
most gracious
out of this miserable
these
which I am ever
And in the first place
to render the Lord praises due
his
from
to direct
my youthto be a light to my paths
but
all by
be revealed
all my actions
grace, I was innocent of all those
Which is my greatest comfort
-itys
to
my great
temptations to make me
But
odious to good
fall as if I were one of them who had forsaken the guide of my
youthGod of my
will
In the second
me by malicious
heavy slanders was proved. Nor did ever
of my
any cause of
they invented
abuse
dealing with me
her out of his house.
And when I had
servants
why doest thou thus lament
to see thou wilt not be comforted
blood to right thy cause
And I have examined these
or
out those
severely
those miscreants who has abused good
name
have made
which you have had many occasions to
these things
And since you know my
thee
love to thee
The
was that
all the
of any
spoken against me
they had
and was all
they was confident all
Thus
me this
which was my slanderers
tion of
from my service as her time was up.
one word of
not
To this
that
to
was an odious
she had
and
she was
Thus
all examinations
inveterate
Father of
who caused this
to be a
more
all did beg my pardon
of my wrong
they did not give me notice of it whereby I might have
sooner cleared of those slanders.
I was moved
I have great cause to bless my gracious
for his
these
that noble
that she
raised up against me
I was
her with some
I had
of a contrary
Indeed
any pretence to make me not
with
that was
But then
how I was wronged
me still to
er
my
should please God I was
When
prepared for me
use her
me
house of
understand the wrong I had
against all opposers.
Thus
my
The
by
I
Father who sent me such
a
stresse
to
her other
which made up the
Beside all the attendance of my
wanted for nothing I could
to
to
But the
to perish in this
her
keeper
but
as to
actions
she observed
or magnify his holy name
or my innocency to be too long wronged but sent his servant
to will I
Lord
who has
to me
his grace never to
falling into a flood
went home
Nicholson
her
to see me
the same
God
Thusthat mighty one
of
in me
Then did his
suffer my good name
to
places where I had
was wicked and
Blessed be the glory of his great name
-ring
the
Thou
has now made thy power to
by thy truth
whole life
has
from the
of hell
glorified in me and
our
Lord
107
the
God
consider of
have all the
to keep in
of my
And before I fell
little red
in
God I was recovered of
But
my relations
a
said
with all the writings, into his
them for me
to restore me
way
I begged
the writings
I
these
about
use of
may
belong to
as by her will
To which request of mine
hand
the
times more for thee
them found with me because they
thy
to them.
Then
if you would not
would
But
he did not
writings and the
of
shall please God to
I recovered
But
Comber
When
to have me,
but he ordered it to be
charge about it to
desire he would
of writings, which
in
and
according to
And I had
how to dispose of
dispose of them to such
as she
According to
he
and did
I should recover
which I had
I sent them
locked them both in his
And did there
and
me a safe recovery out of my
bearing
unexpected in many regards
by the too much confidence of
said
infant to
and left me in a
of falling into a
gnashed his
glory
for
his holy name
bringing up my in the
.
a
It pleased God
wronged innocency
my
to
chance left in
where he laid
called
kept in
That
it
of his
what
little
with the writings
I had given them to
me
what she had
And from hence did
I had
which horrid report had
a
whereby
For the
both thought
not
for
-sons
of these writings
the order of
me, to
servants in
my
was but to
If there had
was by malicious
him
But
all my
me
world
make a way for me to
comfort.
to thy for Jesus
Christ
But
cast
tion
God
me that they might make
of
husband
this against her
ing of him
to
livered of
with
husband
And
could wrest of it
truth, did in mercy
slanders to be confuted out of
repent many of them
And that very money which
for which I was
his use and occasions
freely
his
I had disbursed for his house building
other occasions
Nor did I
Danbys
of
of
that was
assisted me to do what I did for the Danbys
besides my constant
Therefore
to tax me with the wronging
had given me from
and
I
wicked
that stood in need
hath none
Therefore
integrity from all such
mesay
while I live will I not part with my integrity nor can I justify you
And blessed which sees not as man sees
who did
his
I hope in these things all Christian
but to do to
judge
and
And
good name
to
all my
to make it pure in
sight but not to be
did to Peter
who prayed for
all thy
Oh
them grace to repent that thou might convert them
on her
wronged but
it
I might have had them
have
grace thou
This
together with my late
of
the world
sole comfort to me in that distress
that I can never
Joy to me
towards me
cause to my
And cause of very great sorrow
my
I would be married within a month to
much
But my
of my honour should be the
my cause in his good time against all such
least of this intention of my dearest
earnest
him.
against his
cured him
But for all my earnest
for
order by
which would prevent the
I
and
with him but to stay one day
And I used
My
cover
would he
call for us both
But he would not
too much
love any creature
with him freely to my God, for he would call for whom he
would
then he could be.
Then he begged that God would please to take both
which
But we must not
but leave our times to his
had taken his
I could not grant when his
heart
resolved by
on
Thus
well of me
leaving a
But he
of my
comfort me,
then live
it is for
For
will be revenged of that wicked man
hates me
innocent wife
He had
had
be revenged of them all
abused
put it up nor would he be
however
How can I
to
a
he left behind him
and opportunity to testify to the end of my
As to the passages in relating
I could devise to comfort and assist him thither
there with the
of
faith
of
to
anding all
as the
to call him to th
And thus
sweet
for
and
in his
maine
mine
changes that befell me, together with many great and
O dust and
to humble
my prayers
thy
the
O my glorious Lord God
of thy
to
and Jesus ChristO holy, blessed and
glorious
thee
holy word from God
the worldGod
and Godthe
people of God
Three
the Trinity in unity
.
unity in TrinityO thou, most holy
have mercy
.
I know thou
art a
thee
approach before thy glorious majesty
But oh
art there
and
to hide
But I
before thy face
and cry out
.
ThereforeI lay my mouth in the dust
of sin
But if thou
O Lord
.
art thou fearedenter not into
for in thy sight shall If we say we
have
our Lord Jesus
And only in the
Christ
death
for our
sinned not
Lord
.
to
I acknowledge
thy face away from my
I am of
God
I will lay my hand on my mouth
I have heard of thee by the
dealings with me but
made to adore
But
me breath
erable
have Enter not
away my offences
my offences
Oh
Thou
of them
not brought me to land of
the living
given
and perfect that good
I knowthat
I may not be condemned with the wicked who thou
the Lordgive
beseech thee
my
up
this life
to thee as I ought troubled
with
thing
Oh
tormented with the first but
that shall never be taken from me
world to take away from me most of that
thou good name
under
thou had graciously
of the one
thy
but
that I may not be cast away out of the sight of thy
.
and a desolate
O Lord
oppressed with wrong. I am now
, has
ted
and oppressed,
I Father of
leave me not
through this
my guide, my
leave me not
to be or Satan
of his instruments
O thou
not the death of the wicked but
in thy holy as I live
death of
wickedness and live
yea
him grace to repent
could have
above has killed
thy holy wordHe
all by
my
of thy
what is
I
mercy Christ Jesus
that thou
give me a true
as St
what is goodthought
and deed
I may
in all my
become the servant of the living God
versation.
And to that end
He
. Oh
as thou
afflictions for my
to
and afflictions
to thee shall all nations come
for thou
under thy wings
from those wounds that sin hath made
deliver me from my
that
who
.
For thou
weary
me to repentance
And that by thy grace
through them all in safety by
thy
so that I may
In whose name
to be
knowledge make them instruments of thy glory
that we may
us for the Lord
. Amen.
The words of our Lord and
In the world you shall have
.
Blessed are they which
Who the Lord
those he
Be
.
How can I begin my
in the
, which has
that I might
caused the Lord to
he not made a full end of me
in the
may
, if we will
God of mercy,
obedient servants
in abundant mercy
And that
or
remove
thy candlestickfor Jesus Christ
sake
comfort
to
great a disturbance of
and
heart of any
saddest blow came
But what could I
bitter case the Lord gives
.
away from me
and now he hath taken him to
glorify thy holy name for all thy gracious dispensations
both in his
his
great mercy in giving him true faith to
thy gracious mercy body of sin
to live with thee
all the
shamed
Oh
God which had compassion on me that I did not
Praise the Lord
nor
thy faith to
me
the
heavy hand of by thy
and
to the Lord for all his
in this
please to bring
me to assist my
my
Christian love
My
was
and
In the
to
pleasure was to call me to this dispensation of a
would
not to suffer the
I shall have
bring up
in his last
brought to th
17
to
The manner of his interment with all
which my tender and
the
good
in by the
the
all which I disbursed
his
besides what was given in charity on that
the wages due to all his servants and all other
I have
soever that I could
his death
before his death
right to be due
I
the same over and beside the
bought with
he
and will
was
and
They
as his
goods
As to the making of his
in
those
his
All the answer
me was
it to
his
I
nothing to
many and
had said of
But
take
of the goods
to me for to
I
of right belong to me
husband
I would very willingly performed that office for
husband
for the
heavy
my body
husband
knowledge in such things
And besides
up and
was my nearest
husband
of them and to take the best
the
God pleased to bless me
some
to be
great
might be proper for to take that
the
of
and
If he would please to
ticuler
But
said he would serve the family in
but he could not
as well in
Then
as much as
I should desire he would please to
he had
how or where to
which had not much
an
manage the
an one
would not be advised.
So
who
who he had caused the
him to
me about a great
selfe
since my bitter
And to please
house
was my great
destruction to the
This man could neither write nor read and was
as I could and
neither
nor
did pray me to
.
The
in the house
put me to a great trouble
But behold the gracious goodness and mercy of my God
when
to.
to assist
you a good and honest man as you desired to
the name
way
his
like him
When this good man
request
my desolate
truly
understand these things very well.
he directed me in all things
and finished that
And if you will give me your orders how to
serve it the best I can or
my desire in this
for his mercy to me in granting my humble
this was ordered by his
I acquainted
his assistance in accepting to be
which
his
full agreement about this
to take my
And
according to
court for
both
which I willingly
a
bringing them forth by
bearing
As to
more
I brought to the
by reason of the heavy
under to the
Besides
younger
for
to
But the
they
should make over
his
He did then make over
was
and it was
by
which did take up a
was a very
As for the
be educated
was to be paid
was ordered by
or for her
had
But I did
of
Robert
All which was
I was forced to contract
that I had great
death
and to
I
th
was mourning for
drd
As for
each
was the great
was very little to be had
as well to
Which cannot be
and my
but
grounds in my
best
health
was
good
it my duty to serve him in the
affection
in all
of the
the
being a stranger to them
not desire more
too well knew who was to
pleased to be one to stand for me
whom he would.
Garbutt
I named
Newton
was
will
she would
which they
to
Denton
her
the best where she would, and if I pleased I should have one
I thanked him for his advice
my right
there was
could not be scarcely
right
me
but in a sad
me in that
Besides I had taken advice of
unto the goods, nor undertakes or
in my
liable to pay all the
worth of the goods
gracious God
danger of utter
and thy
and
I did not know as much
and goods by her
given to the wife but did fall due to the husband
and
fall due to be
sad
deed
but now the bottom was laid
debts
selfe
kindness in acquainting me with the matter of
and goods to
rather
my
to me
she has
pernicious for him
of such a
knowing that the
secure both his
But that
not to
but by
and
ill consequence it would be of
way she had best to take by
as well as
that
involve
he owed
This made her
to fall
dangering
why should I want a bed to lay my bones in
which she
by
purposes
liable to any other use
John Lowther
hearing
But
take the
was quite lost from us by this unfortunate
Charge
my
never
when
them how
And then
touched
be made
not
say
mercy
selfedesolate
But I will
his good
heart thus to provide
to all her great
truly
for this
O Lord
for Jesus Christ
his sake
only was
to
to have bought
bought those of the great
them with
For when the goods was to be
that
to be
paid for of her
her
in her will
and
Which goods I
have stood
things must not have
hand
that
know which was
she.
was
for she knew all the
And for the
on them before her death who
thus to prevent any disturbance might fall out afterwards
be
for
To which
is true
them was
after her
this house or
had from
pay
they come to the
the hangings of
bought by us
of
bove
so fine a
said he doubted they had
-let
but doubted it was too much.
much
rather
a
of that bed
And I could make
bought the goods
but cost
before of
to answer the objection of
knew it
silke
all
it was an
But mine was but a
a light
when they heard I could not
was very unreasonable
before
I was content to
his
account of a very
had
by
to
long
Which I did
Lady
he was
it was
in his head
made him sell all his wood he had
heard.
to
I
comes to
he was
And he now came to have his
one of the
it should be performed by me for all the rest.
Thornton
was sure I
the wood should be destroyed.
for what he had
When
mind what my
too true
with him
his
I loved it and had
him into a
In conclusion
he had
to give him the 20
quit
me a discharge
this
Thus
was I
by
as well as I would
or
in the orchard
of
many hundreds
For I ever
it as well as the
Therefore
great mercy in preventing so great a
mine as this would have
prevent such a wickedness as
would have
I will never
all the
Amen.
to
with what was bought with
it came to
towards me to judge that the
some others in
which was
did
which was
I would give more
dismantled
of
much
them for his
two first
great
unpaid
I did out of a good
many
First
The
Then
second review
Charges of the
Charges in
Charges of the
the
and
The
continuance
names in a proper
and
they came
As to the
perhaps may not be
of my
out
to which he was designed by
clination,
to grant my humble
dedicated
Even
if he would
to my God to serve
and
say
to
of Lord God of heaven
for his
of
out for me to act in this world
great
order as they
to take
For
mentioned
many
lent me
to assist me
of without
have a
Hicke
security which is all paid with due
forced to enter the first
considerable a fortune
but what I had
and grace to
owe
but love which is the
for Jesus Christ
Here
with the dates
with the rest of
All the time of my great
I laid in my
trouble
it was next a miracle that I could be supported
cast
And
was not enough
gers
and
my sufferings
of my
and his instruments in the
blasted for the
Added to this
a
under
all the dearest
of
but Christ could who hath healing
under his wings
he has
for Jesus Christ
But still I must
and
either by
to
of the wicked. And I hope his holy majesty will see
good time
to
of this
affectionate letters written to comfort me in my
good
d
in my most heavy
called to him
my great affliction on the account of
letter dated
th
dated
me in the
tells me she will come over to
home
the Lord and he would take
In this letter of
away from me
was a
Norton
heard how all my troubles increased by the envious
his death for her wrongs
she had never
her
nature she had heard from others but would vindicate my
husband
that she had made abundance of
against him
match with
that
and have
She
had
good man
my
Alice
him
knew of all things if she saw any motive in him that he did
not carry as a wise
other cause to
which might
come to pretend to have
have prevented the match to
and said all those which was my
well did advise me to
which would make them
And she designed to come over to
be very
her away
Thus
comfort in the
in the true faith of our
deavour
If
why then was she
that had
most
mine to betray us to such an one
made us most miserable, when it was her duty to have
me
could be sure he was guilty of any such which the slanders
had spoken
enquiry of
I did
hate all
which was guilty of such odious things
To which she
never see or
to me
she was accounted
end to blaspheme the
and
both to me
ends out of others to abuse such good
and bring an
good name
all the as he followed up against Job
doth still raise
make them be turned my
as he ever did
to it
now Satan
and rest in a good
by
only speedy
good
sorrow to be beyond the bounds of what I ought
me to be
since my
for
to his elect
give me some comfort in my great distress now
to
and that she heard
she heard
Thus
as our
my
ever see to him in his behaviour since I knew him
I should not
any
consideration
my family. And this is my
inventions
But I trust and rely only on the mercy of our gracious
as I have very
d
I was
all kinds
and had brought me into greater
Darcy
not
But my
to
prevent it, but
So
sake to have
that by too much pressure on my
to take
take from me by stealing her from me, and when she came
by
to my
that she would not be
and acquaint me with what was informed against him
but rather to take this
and
But when
was invented to
not a
of hell
doer which has hatched all this wickedness from hell
those wicked
our endeavours for thy
bring forth
that might
for Jesus
Christ
and found me
woman
with
from such
the same
who solicited him for
wronged
concluded
knew the state of all things amongst us.
And by the
what
not doubt
his life and conversation to confute all those odious scandals
against him.
that she should live as
great
the grace of God
I
he asked his consent to have
other and there was
not
while longer
And it was not my judgement to bring her too soon
she should have her
saddest thing that could befall me
To which my objection
indeed to me
for
not for his
it by all
And
had
he had
which had
never should
And he saw under what affliction I lay in
doubt very much my illness should prove dangerous
begged of me to grant his request.
I
as the
to direct me for the best.
And
ment
fortune
To which he
the best assurances I would, or he could of her
settle all he had
And this very
brother
him he did
you to a great disadvantage to her
brother
To which
would
did
of God
as well to
that
Besides
those
was a
other I might hope for would be taken
up in our
and riper
my humble
All these great things considered
inclined to grant to
see this good
to prepare for and
raised against me to cut my
ing
from me
first motion
Comber
had first hopes of this marriage.
Therefore
imputed by hell
marry
Butthou
truth
and
my chargeall the
who has
nothing
this death scourge of the
scourge who thou canst
to thy glory and
to thy
the good name
before I
more
thee for the Lord Jesus Christ
my sake
which thou
laid
in whose name Our
of
and the
band
and that I was nearer death
and
by his
and comfort for this
incline her heart to
great instrument of
and to
bring
forth
heaven
Our Father which
the
an answer to us
would tend to his
speedily intended to be
myes
from me
For the sooner my death might come
the
make all professions
and
of
me and
to
I died.
this world for
Thus
our good
speedy to bring it to
should
That
the
1668
Church of England
God did
from that
utter
I hope in God it may prove as
happy to the good and
light of
my
and mine as long as the world
of all the
selfe
for the Lord Jesus Christ
And
all sects,
because
learned
truth against all
to it
much
For
are great
more
be a
bring many to
of this life
thoughts to
have bestowed
to
to
which shall I hope never be taken from me or
to fix
and
all
And
not my heart
And
with
.
hell torment me and stirred up my
to judge to
my great Creator
in his
to suffer what he
sake
and ever more
terre
this marriage. As that before
they heard
ed
by
was resolved to come over
she could to prevent it
would either
her
from me in
But
me to
in
mented by the
not
by
what was designed sooner
world
for
of the time to my
writings and
made ready with
of
Dated
ted
these two
Thornton
manner
for
in marriage, which I could not
considering how I was left
our
of our change.
ordinance we both did
I hope he gave a gracious
and
of our
more
ient to be known for
with
I
best known to
said he wished them much happiness and
marriage.
I
never well
way of marriage for
be
the further off the
appeared since
This
began with
and
me
as a token of his
give them a great
glory and
my
God of my
who has performed this
But in regard
marriage,
mourning for
be
th
what
to blast the
th day of
1668
hatching
fortunate
-Passion
his
whole family
as David saith
.
thus oh
for her life
and all her
humble
to the great
before, and since her birth
was
kept
in my
to me in my distress
she was very
I feared
too long stay when he wanted her
had for me
them a true account of my
much injury I had laid under and was very
only
betwixt
ttion
me into a miscarriage
the
both
all
me when I
injury I had
very much troubled for my
my duty to God and
And
for all the great
they were glad that
God speed them well and send them a happy
But
made
of
ian
and thanked
me.
Nor did she deserve less
how greatly I was
is my Creator
favour to me in giving me
things which she had deserved for her faith and
which gave me great comfort.
marriage sooner
and weakness
For if I should have
all things would have
was it indeed to be expected from those who was to
as
my
or
which was ready to
as to the
slanders
of
that I only bore the burden of day
by the
my
find some
who had
who was
But that great God of
on me
be destroyed by hell
about like a
.
But the gracious God
cause
towards me and to
and horridly abused by
ready to make me any
should be
horrid
be of good
any ill of me
humbly
thd
marriage of
by my great afflictions
mercy
sincerity of my heart
much for those abominable for God will judge my
and justify my innocency
make all my
in
advantage to destroy my
and would
in granting me to live to see
bestowed to
I bless God for
comfort to me in my
sad
with more
to my
so much imposed
she rd of
Daughter
And she had heard
could not
according to my prudent actings in
by my best
to do accordingly
but would not have had her put to any
I
in her desire to have her
would please to give me leave to
and then she shall have the
and needs
And therefore
-ing
As for my other
them
a very desolate
with
and little or nothing to
know how
-ness
except they could be informed how my
they cannot be apt judges of my actions, which I can demonstrate
to any unprejudiced
any of my
the good of
And I am confident if
the true
stances
selfe
have by
of those
me and my condition
there was nothing but
And those that was
saw there was nothing but that
make me
still the
the breaking the match by
make him very
truly
sufferings of all
For this
glory in my sufferings
a my
this
stings of the serpent
cannot
be
with healing
And can these great,
deadly
continuance
wounded
did it
and the wounds
speedy
ly cured.
But the
Betrayest thou the
Even
have borne it.
I will not say as he did
but ohlive to repent and be converted that they may
be saved
So
time taken to
Job
and some make
to
others to write
begged of me not to be
for she was
husband
ling my sad
confidence I had chosen a very
be
who has wounded and
ed
.
bodiesIs there
I
when I was nigh death
did thou come in to my
by thy
Come unto
.
me all
woman in thy
.
Thus
will
when he walked on the sea. LordI
.
It is much to be admired
goodness of Almighty God towards me
that he was pleased to give me strength
every moment
send me some
For the
scourge of the
on my
payment of them under
And this to
afflicted
God
under these
which
suffering to me
could not
if
.
to
of
happy
greatly afflicted with
and all other
to
marriage of
comfortable
in the
any
munion, which the Lord was pleased to grant to me at this
for I thirsted
my great wounding in body
But
who
could
ment
of
he was my
in my
So came I to his holy majesty as to a
waters in the
,
. Lord
strength is left in me by reason of my
Oh
8tt
body
the Sacrament
thoughts, but the
Take,
.
receive him
of the Sacrament but those that
Christ is really and truly, not
faith
death of our
wine signify
for us Christians. These are figures to lift up our minds to
Christ
and feed on him by faith and
While my mouth is eating the
feeding by faith
and what Christ hath
in him
his
and the
Christ chose outward
15bread to
countenance
bodies
sin to overcome it
all temptations
is apt to stand still
who will by his death free us from all sin
,
and
who
. To the only wise
gave his only
of the
is all glory
mercy to
to be on me, as well as the grace of the
come
brought to my house in my great
I found much comfort in my spirit
by his grace
when I considered
me
There was many
which was of many occasions
me this opportunity to
much comforted in
be able to
my th
those
any was
for his gracious hand
About this time
before
to
of my
secure for
life if I was a
The other
part with that
had made
ce out of
thereof in the year
which was made by a second d
husband
had
which was more
Where then was any
I should have died
secure this
come to
This
And by which
out of
which could
of it
of
But my brother
in
by
Charge
selfe
I was forced to
for
great
up that
be paid by him as the
(When
the
of my
with
these was
and comfortable
but to enter into
of
for 12
by the
was
The
next right
of
in
first paid out of that
Due for 19
one penny
if she would
hoping
to
to pay that
had settled for my use and my
out the
of
by one
or the other to give me in
Albeit I stood
due
disadvantage to
better
to the
and neglect was quite lost
me
to the destruction of
when
to the
subsist
he was very earnest to have me to make him a
which he very well knew was a very great
And before he would
to
would
demand of these things
to make me
low
by
This sad oppression was very
me to
hinder the payment of the
But
this
the God of
did I
For the sad
who had ever
use of my
which I stood in such need of.
my former
want of
But
will I lift up my heart
meyea
yea
So
to put my trust in thee
.
of one mind in a house
to me
Lord
-serne
dues from that
have
could assist me in that
For
would agree or pay any of the
to make me
which
advice about it.
For I was greatly
low
contracted by
unfortunate taking the
might be advised how to secure
To this
this
and
all
And to settle them all
in
him and his
and
Thornton
The
This
before the
which was
of
will to
Which
should not be a cast out or
with much to
the discharge of
I
The
Thus was I
I had
this
and made a most
But
see
voluptuousness;
given me
of what was under my
I hope that God
me for any of these things
of
ever designed
decency
selfe
-lties
not even in the prime of my youth
candle of the Lord shined
.
But I
strive
with all those
I might put on the Lord
Jesus Christ
in true
I cannot deny
some of them
d
I did expend out of
bands
And if
And if now
on them
brought
contracted by others
And
to taste of his bitter
for others.
brought me
the grave
both can
Even as his mercy did to that
station
;
all
. In this, I exercise
to those in need or necessity
in his favour
humbly beg in the
therefore
disposed
with our
inveterate malice against
match.
against us
against such which she knew had the grace of God
and
as much to testify the same which would give a great satisfac
tion to all strangers
isfied
as full
it did very much
it to
He
his consent
against that
or all the
up against me still to
comfort I
the testimony of a
my duty
and only
on my
th
the
ness of
that lay
pay
him that
bring him up a
according to my vow
him of God in obedience to
to have a
And now God granted that request in
and apt to
was my low
a sufficient
very little made of it by those
and
All which considerations came on my
I should ever be able to subsist or ever bring him up
according to my
in which I was almost drove to
God
he seemed to afflict me more
good name
all other heavy
of my
All which did
me that God had forsaken me and
I feared
The
because I had
matched into a contrary faith
what hand they might
me to match
But such was my sad affliction at this time
and made me to leave
-finitt
when I then cast
against me to leave and
of
God
cast me
bring me an unexpected
ture of his gentle
ency
bed in such a sad
bedside
crept on the bed with his
my breast
to
for
To which I
of a
left
desolate
is
To which I
to heaven
have
God
Who is the Father of the
, and
sore
you
preserve you
affection
by me
from man
Therefore
in it
for
Out of the mouths of
my
to
to time
Blessed be the Lord God of his
forsaken me quite but helped me in this distress
to rememberof the
and will
fatherless not forsake those that trust in him
the goodness of God to me
When
up to heaven in a
me
The
It is better to serve this holy
And by
not
heart, which was a great
his grace
might know him
And the
to record to his
of heaven
of comfort for his
but
but I was not well
remember of the
not remember to tell me the
not to be idle
God
God did tell me in the
love and his
never leave me nor forsake me.
At which unexpected answer of
was exceeding
and joy in his
my God of heaven
give me hopes that he had consigned him for his service
humbly gave him before he was in my
and
began to tell him God made man of the dust of the
and gave him
for Adam
of it
.
tempted her to
Adam
they should
into the world and
he
for eating
if he had
Which
not first
God was
.
he did give his only
in
shall be saved
To which
Jesus Christ who
life
Oh
Is it not I
maketh the
and maketh all things to his
thy
to thy glory and the
through thy holy
from the mouth of
my
th
54 v. 4,
5, 6, 7, 8
.
confounded
For thy maker is
.
is his
For the Lord hath called thee
.
in
saith the Lord
For a
.
In a little wrath I hid my face from thee
. Even thus
Lord
and compassion
my head, my
all my
lourn
But defend my causeLord
I know thou can
and make me a right
me not suffer by the my
that would judge my cause
in mercy
judgement
O Lord
Call
.
thou
which has put
thy holy words into my mouth
Oh
th
1669
--------
The 42d
of my Age
th
th
in the th
ct,tericall
being the th
had the greatest changes befallen to me therein
the most
like Job
.
And with Davidmy God, my God why has thou
ken
not while my
in thy displeasure
Blessed be my
number
Glory be to God most high
Oh
body of
humbly beseech him that my faith may never
, but that
my flesh may
.
Grant
sermons of thy
for my
me, to
what thou
humbly crave may be to
For thou art the way, the truth
and promote our endeavours with the blessings of
of
and may
-giveing
is
to enter the sad sicknesses
with all those afflictions befell me that
first youth
and dangerous accident to me
a dangerous consequence to the sight of my left
which
both our
may
or
The occasion was thus
to me. There was a
any gall or
A little young
and
from amongst the
number
she had turned out of the nest
see
of the nest on the ground and for dead
it up
scratched it out with her
she
And
this story with great indignation against the
its mother.
not
waters
and became
Thus
very fond of it
a very pretty
it had
me
of my
to my married
and
my
befell me before
And as I was writing in my said
writing
hurt or fearing any
picked one
I could not
And the
knot
I was sore
of it for a long time
see almost
This was a great misfortune which
to have
could I
I used to it
Thus
come
cause to make use of by
and sad
who had
I could have
take my
have lost my sight from him that gave it
dealt with abundance of mercy in all the passages of his
who had given me speedy
He did
length restored my sight
suffered by it, nor could I suffer this
There was some who
an old
now they saw I had made good that old
had
But I
for what was
me
But I humbly
both from the death of my good name
of my bodily
was the great comfort of my
see to read my duty in the word of God
meditate in his law both day and night
it pleased God to call me.
OhGod of
and
and as he did to the
blind men in the
hand
from all the deadly darts of
the
I may find out the way to the true light which thou givest
to all those that truly love and
Ohrun the
meI may
bly beg for the sake of our Lord Jesus Christ
Thus
to
an
sight, or
much
betwixt them
God of mercy for both
as Job saithI may see God
and Jesus Christ
of God
be
and
of men
the great
dues
did not a little
of this in
still
All this time I had great payments demanded for
my family
from
Raines
failed
things out of my
designed out for the
ceased as such
for
make out the due I should have had for maintenance
but came so short
not 20
Insomuch as I was
to
Robert
I had not
little,
live a most uncomfortable life.
was
me a miraculous
-neys
which was indeed a kindness in my
of the
it
cannot
began to recover
was a great object of my dearest
of my
was convinced I was persecuted
but what
with his instruments
of prevailing against me by his
kinds to win my
use his
uncomfortable by daily new stratagems to bring
to be revenged for being
to wanting daily
who they
But still
my gracious Father of mercy
serpent began to
order to make a full end of his
did the gracious Jesus come to my
my
to broach
are as ready to stop
me by
to them all
what most
against
but not my
a
and my
But
this
a great
desired by
my
see my
selfe
Together with all those letters of
her
had proposed
And
desire my
with many other
that see them of the just
to consent to this motion.
All which
of
to abuse
protested to the
would never
did protest he would have
These letters,
in
in vindication of our
or all good
her those
desire to her
in
your desire
who I
I possibly could in making you
time to time truly
as
And
what she is
nor offend him who is able to make the very stones
As for my worthy
you as one that hath
servants. I desire you not to write
And I must needs tell you
can never have an
but doth
for which mercy
give him
he
Thus
of my
said
gainst hell
when my very
because I had a desire to have
I was made a
ency
to
my friends against me,
and to make my life more
some comfortable
I am
to leave behind me the full evidences of truth
this
and mature deliberation.
As letters of
and to very many of my
by
heard
sad calamity which fell under the scourge of the
I had
but to make a
had bitter malice against me for
be revenged of me
odious
was
have
will
who had any hand by the murder committed on my good
name
all those
she went to
A
was
An
Thornton
A
Pox
he was
the
north
opportunity of
Alice
the
went up to
and my
that it might be
to
but he did nothing in it.
The
before he would consent to make a
according to his desire
out of the
knew of the
Paid to
I did
in this family
Thornton
Which
made to our
other of my
about it and
the
in his time to be
And
that those which gives but a cup of
a disciple or for his sake shall not lose
I hope that my
as my
and mercy
of his servants in heaven with him. Amen
holy name
and for the true
the d
to marry
Expressing his great trouble for my danger
would be an exceeding
of
sent me word
of
my illness at that time
But his hopes was in God for the
my
my letter to
which he in
Thornton
1666
ance
him
his
and
heard
from
to a
had
I
thoughts to
of marriage for
together with my now great weakness on me
hope that either of us should
stay
and of the other
And what a comfort it might be to us to leave
would take
what a
left the consideration of this weighty
sideration
best
Courtesy of the British Library Board. British Library, Add. MS 88897/2, 189.
he was a very
Page of
Book Three, showing a numbered list.
him to have her
to a neighbour of a great
be
made acquainted
endeavour to deserve her. And
his consent for him
Thornton
sent if he would
which I
for his advancement and
25 67
Alice
and
In which he really
for her
d
Comber) Thornton
sickness should trouble her
hearty
of some differences towards her
d
Alice
she had
since cast
have her return home to
of her
th
-tunitys
his concluding with
his
A
Comber
and her
it to
in a
-ting
Thornton
with
th
raised
to
about this time against us
made
of her
was
very
This occasioned us to
and
with a thing of this
was most
and
woman
to keep for my
me
to bed of
my recovery.
most horrid
be such,
might have cleared the
against them.
as
. Even so was I and
was before the judges
of two wicked
accused
said servant
could be
justify
to
our innocency
for the false
Such was the fury of
with a
and said I was naught
that I came on was naught
life of
they was long
lives whose
for my
humbly
have mercy
which these instruments of the
meAnd to stop the mouths of these hell hounds that did
of the
And I was
then walking in the hall,
was
of the
against me
too
nor
against me
in his house
did
which few would have
render
but
in him I did
spoken, has done it, even
her
And she
against me
did us wrong
and
exsamind
had charged with
out against them
all
for they had never
me
and in him, I trust, will
hell and all his
his shall ever have any part
he did
I still hopeto deliver him from his
kept from him
spotted
God, he did
all these
husband
hand to it
I was cast
my
killed mejudge my
from those horrid
but I could not
was laid in the
heaven
she might act her
up the last
in
hope that as God knew my wrongs
judge me th
to
went to
of old
see him alive
carried him a desolate
1668
goe
to
sickness which followed me
all over to my great
thing
which would be a comfort to me
on all my
they should fall under the
had procured
I have related all
together
Heard
she went away; but
saw or heard, or knew any
letter datedth
her most kind
the death of
death
and all those great
dealings
all mine
which I know would take away all those
Norton
sent to her to
ever
be
of her to
much
and preserve me and all
man
God
would deliver me in his good time and
had
Praying me to take his
all my
and for his
And
God of heaven
heaven
I did
when my
which did abundantly please and
not
have become a
whole life to that time
of the world was in
She
this matter.
and slanders against him
her insinuations to
But
Battd
by which he might have
have
to
I began
be
who has
is
her
ever
And this is most certainly true
be guilty of those horrid slanders which she cast on him
which she had long before that heard
called
to
to the
the
see when
made to dance naked.
which
her to it
I had not
ocricy
unjust
match to
was not in her power or Satan
proposed this way to what God had
man or
he intends to see me and
husband
what she said, which she did declare nothing, or could
him
have him for
me to
and settlements made of her
for her use and her
and prosper all our
in order to the marriage
-kable
Pouder
The Lord have mercy on them both and
for Jesus Christ, his sake
Amen
heard that my
death
malice of my
intended to have broken it
was
of healing up breaches
me
had
to take away
her confirmed.
Judge
my cause
Judge thou
against all my bitter
because I have
this
where it is not settled according to truth but in
and dry
factions
I am thy desolate
seest not
this match to
which his
Father of mercy
But if thou
may be a blessing to
of hell to blast the
servants
and
And if it be thy holy will
not overcome them for
against my innocent
against us thy
But that thou
suffer me not to
or my faith to
,
sake
bring good out of this
to
for Jesus Christ
request as may be for thy
of her
spotted
And
others of things that was not right
wrought on my
that match
us
some
was
Alice
I should match
had heard.
I did burst out into many
that he had
bury
or any that I knew of
She was
I would not cast him
would first
would charge him with such a thing as she had heard
would tell him that I had sent her on purpose to
that I had
or
with that
she said to me
above
serne
fallen
he was
she should be any way guilty of any incivility of that kind
him ever
me
was confident it was a great
against him.
but begged I would never
she never saw any man in such a
great
much affected at what she had
and
urgent reason why
to be cast out of that living
one of
this indirect way of
utter
wrong
-quiring
of private revenge in
said in all the
vince me of it
And this was the very
use of
much convinced of was a
now on to
These was very ill
ends against the
might have repented of all these wicked slanders against
minister of
by
with th
match with all my
God to bring it to pass for good and not for
see my
had
Mary
by our gracious God to bring us some
our trouble
being only
father, mother
and her
And I humbly beseech Almighty God to grant them
his blessings
may have a blessed
That
unto me
grace
to live in a holy
and to
thou in that
mine to heaven
Jesus Christ
usOur Father
.
In regard I had scourge of the
,
I was thereby
good name
by that maliciousness of my
my proceedings in this
vindication of my
my
nor had I
which was
did see
compelled
dispose of
as
none of my
good
not doubt but by
This letter
by the hand of
Which letter did give great
and of whom I had advised
who did
only he had not at present an
to
to
his death
to
And lastly
and
to defame my
gracious goodness to me, which she knew a
to
to take
did
to
vindicate my
Christian
to
against me for this match
These letters was sent by the hand of
the marriage of
the
direction, advice
which induced us to dispose of her sooner
But
to order things of this life to be
advantage
for the
with thee in thy
but for
And that
temptations, both as to the
or
mercy
brought this marriage to a happy conclusion
my
So
thy
me
to which they are now
And as thou, holy Jesus, the
did vouchsafe to thy first miracle on
,
in Cana of
miracles of mercy
so wonderfully
distant by that
they was united.
all our
happy
and
and love us freely.
and to each
Ohin all good
, but
him
thy
and a
he comes to give up his
with
a cast away.
Father
, the God of all com
fort and
whom thou
me bring forth
many deaths
and
to me
in
With blessings of the breasts
thy
all the
with all holy
a holy, modest,
to
and
with to
And
thee in old
thy desolate
.
All these and w
our good
our only
and give thee all possible
all thy
in thy holy Our Father
Amen, Amen. Amen
was dispatched by me home with the letters mentioned
other
gave her
a
uncle
of
good
did they not
by
to
we should invite
be stronger and be better in my health
great
and prudently
who both can
in much
has in a great
and begun to
and
beg still his grace to uphold me
his
and to make
my innocency
gracious
which raised me up these
the truth to
name
to
letter of my
/9
th/9
vinced
and reasons which was a great
letter
in
all the world ever since she knew me
And that God would
ward all my
me good for what I
She
in this match for what
in his good time
like gold
my faith
sad affliction of
against all my
make my good name
which he had given me
to be
never be able to
of allgood name
shine
more bright as he did to his servant
beg you will be comforted in that good God who never did
strive to give me
all humble
of
my
wickedness she has
for her wicked malice towards me,
cause for me and will not suffer me to
horrid wrongs by those who had
And that I must not be too much
or man can say against me
selfe/9
And for which
son
in heaven
Lordfor Jesus
sakewho was accused by the wicked to do what he did by the
.
as I have
Amen, Amen, Amen.
For which
and that
her condoling letter for my sad
husband
had carried her my
before marriage.
sad story of her
when
hundreds
turning her out for me.
which
her
of
this manner
bred
of
to
his family
learning
which had
stay
Alice
give
to her
when he was
mind and accord
him know
have of
he never would
it would be happy for him to come
had begun in his
to match
to settle
his
as well as on
my
of this sad
was
of
this
In the prosecution of this matter
or relation of my
I was forced with
to
of these things what was best way to state that
of the marriage not
which was intended by
There is
judged ill of
and
which we were forced to make use of in this great
nor knew I any that was more proper
Christian to me or mine
of me
others of
my life
manner
she knew in
heard her
her
And was in such a
unworthy
wrongs
was my
that
And
had raised
and us all about this marriage
that he
I would be married
husband
would
with
his
Thus
he had ever
know that
Thus
history of my
she could not hold from abundance of
and
good name
which she knew to be
to stop
of marriage
great mercy
glad that she had
when
were her
sent for
and to
did wound her
for
Lord Jesus
which would not good name
me
as it is the
on me
good
and
makes it
of a Christian faith
Blessed be the God of my
great
good Lady
wrongs to
from those
I
d fould
would carry her to
but she desires I would be advised in a thing
by my best /9
of letters
for her intentions to see me,
in the
which I have
/9
sister
to
me out of all
for it
/9
th/9
This day
and gracious
has my
which has
expected to have
twelve months. The changes and hardship which I have
through has
in my gracious Father in heavenorders all things for the
, even death
best
has freed him from this
up his
And I most humbly
Father
to order
faint under them
for thou
thy wings
hath made
for thouwhich
.
come unto thee by faithThou art the way
oh
.
suffer me not to faint
Oh
are sent unto me from thy blessed hand
and
my forepast life
and dangers,
my
I may by
by thy
by thy
arrive
shall be
sing all glory to the Lord God of my
, for Jesus Christ
his sake
him that
marriage.
write to
about the
th
in the
for his
I praise
such
and to suffer
destroy me by
up his servants to
/9
of
invite all our nearest
we could
to procure
many other good
All who expressed
making the
many hearty
by
they had
marriage of getting
and modesty of all
I
life
and
And I humbly
to the great God of heaven to have mercy on them
the
it
sakeglory and
to the great God of mercy which has brought this to
not
And will
to
In regard I was
in my vindication from hell
to give all my absent
the
-dittion
finish this match
they had not
Therefore
to
as the marriage of
is disposed to
world. I have
to give him a full account of
was left in to
as appeared in his letter to
to
much
of my bitter
and true
acceptance with her
or any
These dated
who was
may
and
feast of our Lord and
d
death and
Blessed be the gracious God of mercy
give us this holy food of his
grace to
of our true
The monogram is cryptic (see image). ‘W’ could stand for ‘William' or ‘Wandesford’.
Thornton became a widow on 17 September 1668. There is a later addition on this page: ‘A manuscript written by my Dear Grandmother Mrs Thornton’ (see image). Thornton left her Books to her daughter, Alice Comber, in her will, and this is probably Thomas Comber (1688-1765), eldest son of Alice and Thomas Comber. See ‘Will of Alice Thornton, 10 April 1705’, in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 338.
A later reader has made some editorial interventions on this page; however, as they are clearly not in Thornton’s hand, we have not included these here and present the text as she had written it.
As Froide points out, the Ages of Man literature which set out the life stages of human beings in the early modern period was very much based on the ages of males. There is no real sense of what constituted a woman’s middle age in the seventeenth century, so she concludes ‘women were believed to mature faster than men, so we can only presume that a woman’s middle age began at age 35 or earlier and that female old age began before age 60’. Amy M. Froide, ‘Old Maids: The Lifecycle of Single Women in Early Modern England’, in Women and Ageing in British Society since 1500, ed. Lynn Botelho and Pat Thane (Harlow: Longman, 2001), 91.
Thornton is referencing here a tripartite model of chastity, virgin-widow-spouse, which dates back to the writings of the early church fathers, and which started to intersect with the life-stage maid-wife-widow model from the mid-twelfth century. See Cordelia Beattie, ‘The Life Cycle: The Ages of Medieval Women’, in A Cultural History of Women, ed. Linda Kalof, vol. 2, The Middle Ages, ed. Kim M. Phillips (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), 16–18.
Text in margin: ‘Upon Mr Thornton’s reflections and wishes for us all to die together with him’ (see image).
Text in margin: ‘We must patiently stay and wait the time to fulfil God’s service on earth and to be ready at his call.’
Text in margin: ‘His gentle reproof of me for doting too much upon him or any creature comforts, but to set my affection only on God.’
Text in margin: ‘A prayer and meditation for submission and assistance to endure all trials.’
Text in margin: ‘My age at Mr Thornton’s death (September 17, 1668) was 41 years and seven months (at February following 42nd).’ As she was born on 13 February 1626, Thornton’s age when her husband died on 17 September 1668 was 42 years and seven months.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating, which began the year on 25 March, inconsistently. She was born on 13 February 1625/6; she would be 43 in February 1668/9.
Text in margin: ‘Living in the marriage estate 16 years and nine months.’
The Thorntons were married on 15 December 1651 and so they had been married 16 years, nine months and two days on 17 September 1668.
Text in margin: ‘The age of my son, Robert.’
Thornton’s three other sons were an unnamed child (died 10 December 1657), William (died 28 April 1660), and Christopher (died 1 December 1667).
Text in margin: ‘Robert Thornton, September 19th, 1668, he was six years old.’
Text in margin: ‘Born September 19, 1662, at East Newton.’
Text in margin: ‘Alice Thornton, eldest daughter, born January 3, 1653.’ Thornton is here using Lady Day dating: as Nally was born on 3 January, 1653 is 1654 in modern dating.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating, which began the year on 25 March. As Nally was born on 3 January, 1653 here should read 1654.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating. As Nally was born on 3 January 1654, on 3 January 1669 she turned 15.
Text in margin: ‘Katherine Thornton, second daughter, born June 12, 1656.’
A wet nurse's character needed to be good, otherwise it was thought the milk would pass on bad traits or illnesses to the baby she was breastfeeding. See Alexandra Shepard, 'The Pleasures and Pains of Breastfeeding in England c.1600–c.1800', in Suffering and Happiness in England 1550–1850: Narratives and Representations: A Collection to Honour Paul Slack, ed. Michael J. Braddick and Joanne Innes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 236. Thornton does not mention Katherine being affected by this elsewhere but does mention this affecting her second daughter, Betty: See Book 1, 147; Book 2, 148, 157.
On Katherine’s smallpox see Book 1, 218–19.
I.e., Katherine was three months past her twelfth birthday when her father died.
Text in margin: ‘My faintings and weakness on the slanders.’
See Book 1, 235–59.
Text in margin: ‘On Mr Thornton, his death.’
Text in margin: ‘Arguments of comfort from Mr Thornton’s affection and vindication of my innocency.’
Text in margin: ‘To aunt Norton and brother Denton.’
I.e., Mr Tancred was a long-standing enemy of the Thornton family before Alice married William in December 1651. We have not come across any references to enmity between the Thornton and Tancred families prior to 1668, but in a general sense, the Tancreds were royalist and the Thorntons parliamentarian.
Text in margin: ‘Mr Thornton’s inducement to choose Mr Comber for his daughter, Alice.’
Text in margin: ‘Articles of marriage, before Mr Thornton’s death, made with Mr Comber for my daughter, Alice.’
Text in margin: ‘Argument of comfort in my sorrow by friends in my distress.’
The people questioned about the rumours were Anne Danby, Barbara Todd, Hannah Ableson, Charles Field and Margery Milbank.
Text in margin: ‘A prayer for my delivery from my enemy.’
Text in margin: ‘An account of my marriage, December 15, 1651.’
I.e., the Church of England.
Text in margin: ‘The consequence.’
Thornton moved from Richmondshire, where she had spent most of her life, to Ryedale in 1660. See Book 1, 184.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
The Thorntons lived in Oswaldkirk for two years between June 1660 and June 1662; see Book 1, 184. Thornton’s brother-in-law, John Denton, was ejected from the living of Oswaldkirk for non-conformity in 1662: Robert Harrison and Andrew J. Hopper, ‘Denton, John (c. 1626–1709), Church of England clergyman’, ODNB.
Text in margin: ‘The first Sacrament at my house at East Newton, August 1662.’
Many gentry houses contained a ‘great parlour’ and a ‘little parlour’. The former was used for entertaining guests. See Nicholas Cooper, Houses of the Gentry, 1480–1680 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 291–92.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
Text in margin: ‘The sad afflictions on me at Oswaldkirk, after my dear mother’s death.’
See Book 2, 176. One Chancery case between them in 1659 references ‘several suits and differences’ between them (and William Wandesford), relating to Alice Thornton’s portion: 'Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659', C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661: ‘Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.’, C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
See Book Rem, 62.
See Book 2, 207–10.
Text in margin: ‘St Matthew 11, verses 28–30.’
This suggests that Thornton wrote a 'Book of Meditations' which has not survived alongside her four books.
Text in margin: ‘The rebellion of the Long Parliament against King Charles the first, 1640.’
The Long Parliament, summoned by Charles I, sat on 3 November 1640 and almost immediately impeached William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, for treason over the Scottish crisis. Laud had tried to impose the English Book of Common Prayer onto the Scottish Church. He was executed in 1641. See Anthony Milton, ‘Laud, William (1573–1645), Archbishop of Canterbury’, ODNB.
Text in margin: ‘The fatal battle of Hessom Moor.’ (See image.) ‘Hessom Moor’ is now better known as Marston Moor.
Text in margin: ‘In the year 96 is 52 years, and called Long Marston Moor by the parliament.’ (See image.) The battle of Marston Moor occurred on 2 July 1644, so Thornton is correct that in 1696 this was 52 years ago. This suggests the marginal comment was written in 1696.
Text in margin: ‘Of Scots’ army in all 20,000.’ (See image.)
An estimated 3–4,000 royalist soldiers, and a further 1,500 from the allied forces, were slain at Marston Moor. See Charles Carlton, Going to the Wars: The Experience of the British Civil Wars 1638–1651 (London: Routledge, 1994), 120–21.
On the battle of Marston Moor, a decisive parliamentarian victory, see Michael Braddick, God's Fury, England's Fire: A New History of the English Civil Wars (London: Penguin, 2009), chap. 11.
Text in margin: ‘My two brothers’ deliverance, George and Christopher, from that battle. 1643.’ (See image.) This should be 1644 as it refers to the battle of Marston Moor.
On theis battle, a decisive parliamentarian victory, see Michael Braddick, God's Fury, England's Fire: A New History of the English Civil Wars (London: Penguin, 2009), chap. 11.
Text in margin: ‘My mother’s and my own deliverance, and brother John, from the battle on the moor by Mr Danby’s care, 1643’. This should be 1644 as it refers to the battle of Marston Moor.
An estimated 3–4,000 royalist soldiers, and a further 1,500 from the allied forces, were slain at Marston Moor. See Charles Carlton, Going to the Wars: The Experience of the British Civil Wars 1638–1651 (London: Routledge, 1994), 120–21.
Text in margin: ‘The godly man, Mr Daggett, at Kirklington, minister there.’
I.e., the Church of England.
The Scottish Covenanters had been promised support for the presbyterian cause in England in exchange for fighting for the parliamentarians. See S. R. Gardiner, The Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, 1625–1660, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1899), 267–71.
Text in margin: ‘His life and doctrine.’
St Athanasius (c.296-373) was Patriarch of Alexandria and later one of the four doctors of the Eastern Church. See David Farmer, 'Athanasius', in The Oxford Dictionary of Saints, 5th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).
This is a reference to the religious upheavals of the 1640s and 1650s. See Bernard Capp, ‘Introduction: Stability and Flux: The Church in the Interregnum’, in Church and People in Interregnum Britain, ed. Fiona McCall (London: University of London Press, 2021), 1–16.
Text in margin: ‘His last text, 1 Thessalonians 4:13.’
Text in margin: ‘His sickness.’
Text in margin: ‘His confession, prayers and death.’
Text in margin: ‘9 o’clock.’
For the ringing of the bells in the morning, see H. B. Walters, Church Bells of England (London: Henry Frowde, 1912), 117.
Church bells were traditionally rung when a member of the parish died and when their funeral took place. See David Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 421–22.
Text in margin: ‘Mr Syddall preached his funeral sermon.’
Text in margin: ‘Kirklington living belong to my father’s family, the advowson to present.’ Advowson: ‘The right to present a member of the clergy to a particular benefice or living’, OEDO.
George Wandesford would turn 21 on 14 September 1644; before that, he was considered under age.
On the attempted presentation of Syddall to the living of Kirklington by the Wandesfords, see Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 56–57.
Text in margin: ‘Mr Syddall presented to it by the guardians of my brother, George.’
The Committee for Plundered Ministers was established in 1642 and given the power to sequester and eject royalist clergy and give livings to clerical supporters of parliament. See Alex Craven, ‘“Soe Good and Godly a Worke”: The Surveys of Ecclesiastical Livings and Parochial Reform during the English Revolution’, in Church and People in Interregnum Britain, ed. Fiona McCall (London: University of London Press, 2021), 46.
Text in margin: ‘The parliament did rob our family of this right.’
Text in margin: ‘Clarkson.’
Text in margin: ‘He spoke blasphemy against the Lord’s Prayer.’
Used here as a derogatory allusion to a 'mass-hackle', which was 'an ecclesiastical vestment ... worn ... by the celebrant at Mass or the Eucharist' (see ‘chasuble’, OEDO).
Text in margin: ‘Mr Syddall applied to Nesbit, as his friend, to get the presentation conferred on him by alderman Hoyle’s means (a committee man).’ This is probably a reference to Hoyle’s membership of the Sequestration committee of York in 1643. See Lynn Hulse, John P. Ferris, and Simon Healy, ‘Hoyle, Thomas (1587–1650), of St. Martin-Cum-Gregory, Micklegate, York; Later of Broad Sanctuary, Westminster’, HPO.
I.e., parliament’s overthrowing of the king.
A member of the Rump Parliament, Hoyle joined with the regicides in ordering the death of the King, but only after some hesitation. Lynn Hulse, John P. Ferris, and Simon Healy, ‘Hoyle, Thomas (1587–1650), of St. Martin-Cum-Gregory, Micklegate, York; Later of Broad Sanctuary, Westminster’, HPO.
See Book 3, 38.
Hoyle's sister married Philip Nesbitt and so he was his brother-in-law, not his uncle. See Lynn Hulse, John P. Ferris, and Simon Healy, ‘Hoyle, Thomas (1587–1650), of St. Martin-Cum-Gregory, Micklegate, York; Later of Broad Sanctuary, Westminster’, HPO.
Text in margin: ‘Mr Nesbit’s denial to Mr Syddall of the living from the parliament.’
George Wandesford would turn 21 on 14 September 1644; before that he was considered under age.
Text in margin: ‘A Scotch cheat.’
Text in margin: ‘Nesbit got it for himself.’
Nesbitt began to petition for the living in 1645, but Syddall officiated in the church until 1649 without being instituted, despite orders from parliament for Nesbitt's institution throughout 1646. Nesbitt finally took the living in 1649. See ‘May 26 [1646]. Petition of Michael Syddall, praying for institution and induction to the rectory of Kirklington, in the Diocese of Chester’, and ‘July 31 [1646]. Petition of Philip Nisbett, minister of Kirklington, in the County of York’, Journal of the House of Lords (London: His Majesty's Stationary Office, 1767–1830), 8:331, 405.
Charles I was born in Dunfermline, Scotland and so this was seen as a particular betrayal. Mark A. Kishlansky and John Morrill, ‘Charles I (1600–1649)’, ODNB.
The sense that everyone shared responsibility for the execution of King Charles I was enshrined in ‘A Form of Common Prayer, to be used upon the 30 day of January, being the day of the Martyrdom of King Charles the First’. See The Book of Common Prayer: The Texts of 1549, 1559, and 1662, ed. Brian Cummings (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 655–61.
Text in margin: ‘Alderman hanged himself (Hoyle).’
Text in margin: ‘Nesbit, after some years enjoying the living of Kirklington but not peaceably, died of a sad distemper in vomiting up his very excrements.’ This account echoes the gruesome description of the death of the heretic, Arius, in 336 CE by fourth and fifth century commentators.
Text in margin: ‘A false sequestration against the whole family of my dear father by Mr Nesbit.’
The rebellion, which broke out in Dublin in October 1641, was an uprising of catholics in Ireland against anti-catholic discrimination, English colonialism and the use of plantations. See Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
I.e., the church of England.
Text in margin: ‘Our preservation.’
Thornton is here referring to the presbyterian and puritan stance taken by parliament in the 1640s. See John Morrill, The Nature of the English Revolution (London: Routledge, 1993), chap. 4.
In 1644, England was in the middle of the first English Civil War which took place between 1642–44, with a key royalist defeat at Marston Moor on 2 July, and the creation of Cromwell’s New Model Army. See I. J. Gentles, The English Revolution and the Wars in the Three Kingdoms, 1638–1652 (London: Routledge, 2007). On the Irish Rebellion, see Pádraig Lenihan, Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603–1727 (Oxford: Routledge, 2014), chap. 5.
I.e., the battle of Marston Moor, a decisive parliamentarian victory which took place on 2 July 1644, just outside York.
Text in margin: ‘The way of proceeding against my brother, George Wandesford, by a false oath.’
I.e., the Sequestration Committee, which was set up in 1643 to remove the estates of royalists who fought against parliament.
Text in margin: ‘Plummer, and his friend, would not swear a false oath against my brother, was dismissed in displeasure, March 31, 1651.’
On Darley’s clearing of George Wandesford’s sequestration see Book 1, 101–103.
Text in margin: ‘My brother, George Wandesford, sent into France for education.’
Text in margin: ‘Returned home for want of supply upon the wars.’
Text in margin: ‘Falsely objected.’
Text in margin: ‘Mr Syddall sequestered.’
£300 in 1649 was the equivalent of £50,500 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Text in margin: ‘Uncle William Wandesford’s application to Mr Richard Darley to remove the sequestration.’
Text in margin: ‘Mr Richard Darley, an eye on Mr Thornton’s match with Alice Wandesford.’
Text in margin: ‘Contrary to my own inclination to marry or change the single life.’
William Thornton’s estate was hampered with repairs and family members in need of support.
In 1651, William Thornton’s mother and stepfather, Geoffrey and Elizabeth Gates, were both alive and he had five unmarried younger siblings: Thomas, John, Elizabeth, Mary and Frances.
Thornton gives dates for the rebuilding of East Newton Hall of c.1656–62: Book 1, 191–92. Pevsner had c.1620–30. See Jane Grenville and Nikolaus Pevsner, Yorkshire: The North Riding (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2023), 261.
Text in margin: ‘I denied these two considerable persons of quality.’
£400 in 1650 was the equivalent of £69,660 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
While not a colonel when Thornton’s potential marriage matches were being discussed, Conyers Darcy was briefly on the marriage market at around this time; his first wife Catherine Fane was buried on 30 August 1649 and he married his second wife Frances Howard on 6 February 1650.
I.e., the Thornton estate needed to provide for five unmarried children and the costs of rebuilding the family home.
Text in margin: ‘My declaration of my religion of the faith of the Church of England.’
Text in margin: ‘Mr Thornton owning himself to be of the Church of England, et cetera.’
English presbyterians were opposed to episcopacy but many were prepared to accept a form of moderated episcopacy. See Polly Ha, English Presbyterianism 1590–1640 (Redwood City: Stanford University Press, 2010), 21.
Text in margin: ‘My encouragement to change my happy single life.’
Text in margin: ‘I had designed much of my fortune to pious uses.’
At least a fifth of early modern people never married. Most single women remained with their natal families but religious communities were still an option, as demonstrated by the case of Thornton’s niece, Mary Wandesford, who lived in a religious community in York. Amy M. Froide, Never Married: Singlewomen in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 2; Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 359–61 .
Text in margin: ‘Troubles upon my change on my estate.’
Text in margin: ‘Eight years table with my dear mother, bore six children.’ The Thorntons lived with Alice Wandesford at Hipswell Hall from December 1651 to shortly after her death in December 1659. Thornton’s first five children were born at Hipswell. She was heavily pregnant with her sixth child, William, when the family were evicted from the property by her brother, Christopher, in March 1660. See Book 2, 169.
£1,600 in 1659 was the equivalent of £286,000 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Text in margin: ‘The first Sacrament in the house at Newton, August 1662.’
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
The Thorntons move to Oswaldkirk in 1660 but the house at East Newton was not completed until 1662.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord's Supper.
In the margin are two comments that pertain to this paragraph: ‘Brothers and sisters’ portions, £1,500.’; ‘The house at Newton cost £1,500.’
Thornton was left £2,500 in her father's will: £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon marriage from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave (her 'English portion'); and a further £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer (her 'Irish portion’). 'Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659', Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
Text in margin: ‘June 10, 1662. We came to live at the house at Newton.’
There was a dispute in Chancery between William Wandesford and Christopher Wandesford over £2,900 owed to the former from the Wandesford family estates in Ireland. ‘William Wandesford vs Christopher Wandesford, 1662’, C 5/41/128, TNA, London.
See Book Rem, 195.
This was Thornton's ‘Irish Portion’ from her father's will: £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: 'Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.', C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
‘Lying in’ was when a pregnant woman was ‘withdrawn from the outside world, absent from church, relieved of most household tasks, and excused sexual relations in the weeks immediately preceding and following childbirth’: David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 35.
See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Smallpox in Seventeenth-Century English Literature: Reality and the Metamorphosis of Wit’, Medical History 33, no. 1 (1989): 72–95.
Text in margin: ‘The coming to live at Oswaldkirk after my dear mother’s death, June 10, 1660.’
Thornton moved from Richmondshire, where she had spent most of her life, to Ryedale in 1660. See Book 1, 184. Oswaldkirk was more non-conformist in terms of religion; Thornton’s brother-in-law, John Denton, was ejected from the living of Oswaldkirk for non-conformity in 1662. Robert Harrison and Andrew J. Hopper, ‘Denton, John (c. 1626–1709), Church of England Clergyman’, ODNB.
Text in margin: ‘I was seized with a desperate fever there, February 13th 1661.’ Thornton uses Lady Day dating here, which began the year on 25 March. Thornton goes on to say she was pregnant and her son, Robert, was born in September 1662.
See Book 3, 29–30.
See Book 1, 186–91.
Text in margin: ‘Near despair, wanting a spiritual guide or comfort.’
Text in margin: ‘My trouble to leave my two daughters in an unsettled estate.’
Text in margin: ‘The return of King Charles the Second, May 29, 1660.’
For a concise account of the Restoration, see Ronald Hutton, The Restoration: A Political and Religious History of England and Wales 1658–1667 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993), 85–118.
On this conversation see Cordelia Beattie, ‘A House Divided: How Did the Thorntons Feel about the Restoration of Charles II?’, Alice Thornton’s Books, September 12, 2022, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2022-09-12-a-house-divided/.
Text in margin: ‘My son, William, born, baptised and buried at St Nicholas.’
See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Smallpox in Seventeenth-Century English Literature: Reality and the Metamorphosis of Wit’, Medical History 33, no. 1 (1989): 72–95.
Text in margin: ‘Mr Thornton had power to destroy the entail on my issue.’
Text in margin: ‘Cousin Legard’s draft of a bond for Mr Thornton to secure to two children £3,000 in case of my death.’
£3,000 in 1660 was the equivalent of £568,900 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
I.e., William’s family in Oswaldkirk were presbyterian.
The first wife of William Thornton’s father was Dorothy Metham (d. 1619), from a prominent catholic Yorkshire family. This marriage produced three daughters (Ursula, Margaret and Anne), who all married Catholic men (Marmaduke Cholmley, Ralph Crathorne and Philip Langdale). See Book 3, 71.
Text in margin: ‘My chief concern for the education of my children in the true faith, et cetera.’
Text in margin: ‘My spiritual comfort from St Matthew, 11 chapter, verses 28–30, against despair, 1661.’
Text in margin: ‘My thanksgiving to my God for this great deliverance from the snare of hell and Satan.’
Text in margin: ‘My prayer and humbling my soul before my holy Jesus, with confessions of sin and faith to believe in him for salvation. Amen.’
Text in margin: ‘Satan put to flight by power of God’s word, St Matthew 11: 28–30, overcome’.
Text in margin: ‘All glory be to our great God forever.’
Used here figuratively.
Text in margin: ‘A speedy cure and return to my life and strength again of body, as well as comfort to my soul. Praise the Lord, O my soul and all that is within me. Praise his holy name forever.’
Bloodletting was a standard treatment in the premodern period, thought to restore balance. See Michael Stolberg, Learned Physicians and Everyday Medical Practice in the Renaissance (Munich: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2021), 189–200.
The distance between Oswaldkirk and East Newton Hall is 1.9 miles.
See Book 3, 44.
£3,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £529,200 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
According to Thornton, she and her family moved into East Newton Hall on 10 June 1662, precisely two years after they had moved to Oswaldkirk. See Book 1, 191.
Thornton seems to use 'paper book' here for a legal document written on a paper, probably in booklet form; she uses 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
Text in margin: ‘Deeds or paper books by Mr Legard to let in the issue of a second venture before mine in the entail.’
Thornton seems to use 'paper book' here for a legal document written on a paper, probably in booklet form; she uses 'paper draft' for the draft of a legal document. The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 288.
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Richard Darley and Maulger Norton. See Book Rem, 195.
See Book 2, 31.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: ‘Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.’, C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
Text in margin: ‘To which I did not grant.’
Here, the biblical reference looks like a later insertion, although the same reference is also provided as a marginal note.
Text in margin: ‘Contrary to articles of my marriage.’
In Alice Wandesford's will the residue of goods not allocated was given to Thornton and her children. See ‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, in Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58 .
Thornton’s will confirmed that on 11 June 1684 she has used a deed of gift to allow her two then-married daughters to inherit these household goods, to be passed to their daughters in turn. See ‘Will of Alice Thornton, 10 April 1705’, in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 334.
Text in margin: ‘Also a wrong done by a deed of my mother’s personal estate, which she gave to me by her will and deeds to dispose of at my death to my children, but drawn by Harry Best to defeat them.’
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Maulger Norton and Richard Darley. See Book Rem, 195.
Text in margin: ‘But I would not sign it when I read the falsehood to my children contrary to my dear mother’s and my own design.’
Text in margin: ‘Petitions to God for assistance to the right settlement of the whole estate of Mr Thornton on my issue, and for my jointure and provision for the children out of Leysthorpe.’
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see Book 1, 121–23. On marriage settlements more generally, see Amy Louise Erickson, 'Common Law versus Common Practice: The Use of Marriage Settlements in Early Modern England', Economic History Review 43, no. 1 (1990): 21–39.
Text in margin: ‘Cousin Roger Covill, my counsellor.’
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see Book 1, 121–23. On marriage settlements more generally, see Amy Louise Erickson, 'Common Law versus Common Practice: The Use of Marriage Settlements in Early Modern England', Economic History Review 43, no. 1 (1990): 21–39.
Text in margin: ‘The deed of settlement made of the estate, according to articles of marriage. Dated June the 3rd, 1662.’
£1,600 in 1662 was the equivalent of £282,300 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
See Book 2, 250.
Text in margin: ‘I yielded to quit my £1,000 to get a provision for the children out of Leysthorpe.’
This was Thornton's ‘Irish Portion’ from her father's will: £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
Text in margin: ‘I consented to quit then also my right and power of the wood, reserving all wood necessary for my use during life.’
William Thornton died on 17 September 1668.
This was Thornton's ‘Irish Portion’ from her father's will: £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199. £1,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £176,400 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
On the drawing up of Covill’s deed, see Book 2, 245–48.
Text in margin: ‘Mr Best’s motion that I might consent Mr Thornton should charge Leysthorpe with Sir Henry Cholmley (£100), which I denied.’
On the debts to Henry Cholmley and associated documents dated May 1662 see Book 2, 262.
Thornton's ‘English portion’ was £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon marriage from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Text in margin: ‘Mr Best’s betraying his trust, and me, to Mr Thornton in pretence of a flaw in Covill’s deed. His advice to cut it off.’
This was Thornton's ‘Irish Portion’ from her father's will: £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199. £1,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £176,400 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
See Book 2, 31.
Text in margin: ‘Mr Thornton cut off Covill’s settlement and gave possession to trusts of the land at Leysthorpe by a deed, dated September 9th, 1665.’
Text in margin: ‘This deed, for two years, was to give possession and seisin of the land. But the main deed was done at Stearsby in November 16, 1665 (a quarter of a year before his sickness) which followed in November 16, 1665 after that first deed of seisin, September 9th, 1665.’ Seisin: ‘Possession as of freehold’, OEDO.
£800 in 1665 was the equivalent of £162,200 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Comber graduated from Cambridge in 1666 and then went to London. See The Autobiographies and Letters of Thomas Comber, ed. C. E. Whiting (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1946), 1:6.
Text in margin: ‘I desired to see the new deed.’
On the concept of unnatural motherhood, another autobiographer stated ‘there is no mother can either more affectionately show her nature, or more naturally manifest her affection, than in advising her children out of her own experience, to eschew evil, and incline them to do that which is good’. Modernised from Elizabeth Grymeston, Miscelanea. Meditations. Memoratiues (London: Felix Norton, 1604), not paginated.
Text in margin: ‘Was much concerned to find so great alterations to my children’s loss.’
Text in margin: ‘My humble address to heaven to let me find favour.’
Text in margin: ‘I bless the Lord, who granted my petition for my poor children.’
Text in margin: ‘The last deed for provision for my younger children to debts was dated September 19 1667.’
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Richard Darley and Maulger Norton. See Book Rem, 195.
Text in margin: ‘Secret care was taken to secure the £800 (or to my remembrance the first was £1,500) out of Leysthorpe if Mr Thornton should have no issue male, though I then had my dear son, Robert (seven years old, September 19, 1668).’ Robert Thornton was actually six years old on this date, as is stated in the text. .
£800 in 1667 was the equivalent of £142,600 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
This deed survives. ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL.
Robert Thornton died aged 29 in 1692 so this seems to be a slip.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: ‘Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.’, C 5/633/108, TNA, London.
The Thorntons lived with Alice’s mother at Hipswell Hall from their marriage in December 1651 to shortly after her death in December 1659. Thornton’s first five children were born at Hipswell. She was heavily pregnant with her sixth child, William, when the family were evicted by Christopher Wandesford in March 1660 and he was born at Richmond in April.
On the drawing up of Covill’s deed, see Book 2, 245–48.
Text in margin: ‘The cutting of Covill’s deed was too unjust; to defraud my issue, to provide for a second wife, et cetera.’
Text in margin: ‘Having had so considerable fortune with me.’
Thornton elsewhere states that her share of her mother’s estate was worth £6,870. She inherited £6,000 from her brother, John, in 1664. Her own portion in her father’s will was £2,500. That makes £15,370. See Book Rem, 196; Book 2, 248; ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. £12,000 in 1664 was the equivalent of £2,325,000 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Richard Darley and Maulger Norton. See Book Rem, 195.
Text in margin: ‘I believe it was imposed on my dear husband for sinister ends, for he entirely loved myself and children.’
See Book 1, 214–18, which also has the 16 August 1666 date. In the margin here and Book 3, 62 she dates the miscarriage as 22 August 1666.
Text in margin: ‘In my book of prayers and meditations on this cure done to me. August 22, 1666: on my miscarriage of grief for cutting off Covill’s deed.’ This suggests a further book written by Thornton. See also Book 2, 280. On the dating of the miscarriage, see also Book 3, 62.
Text in margin: ‘Christ cureth the bloody issue, Matthew 9, verse 18. St Mark related that cure he healeth the woman of the bloody Issue, Mark 5:25: “If I may but touch his clothes, I shall be made whole. And straightway the fountain of her blood was dried up, and she felt in her body that she was made whole, that she was healed of that plague”.’ (See image.) The correct reference for the cure is Matthew 9:20–22. This event is also described in St Mark’s gospel and begins at 5:25; however, the specific reference for the quotation is 5:28–29. The second reference to the woman being made whole is Thornton’s addition.
Text in margin: ‘St Luke, the 8:43: she had spent all she had on physic, neither could she be healed, she came behind him and touched the border of his garment, and immediately was made whole and the issue of her blood staunched.’ (See image.) The full reference here is Luke 8:43–48. Thornton’s text is closest to that of the KJV.
Text in margin: ‘St Luke 8:43. Glory be to the God of heaven for this great cure of me, thy weak handmaid and servant, who did heal me.’ (See image.) The full reference for this event is Luke 8:43-48.
Text in margin: ‘September 9, 1695, for two years.’ This is a slip and should read ‘1665’.
From 1665 until his death, William Thornton had been through various treatments for his fits of palsy administered by Robert Wittie. The main recurring treatment prescribed by Wittie was visiting the spa at Scarborough (Book 1, 234) as well as home-administered baths, which Thornton herself oversaw (Book 3, 130).
Text in margin: ‘The deed for 99 years or a mortgage of Laistrop, dated two months after at Steersby, November 16, 1695.’ This is a slip and should read ‘1665’.
Humoral theory held that extremes of temperature would provoke an excess of humours and cause illness. See Mary Lindemann, Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 19.
£400 in 1665 was the equivalent of £81,080 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Text in margin: ‘The occasion of Mr Thornton’s sickness of the palsy: on cold taken when he went to borrow £400 to buy land for his brother Thomas Thornton’s portion.’
Text in margin: ‘I made my humble petitions to God for direction in the disposal of my eldest.’
Comber proposed in 1667 when Nally was thirteen years old (Book 2, 284–85). Legally, girls could marry at fourteen with parental consent. See Christopher Durston, The Family in the English Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), chap. 4; K.J. Kesselring and Tim Stretton, Marriage, Separation and Divorce in England, 1500–1700 (Oxford: Oxford University press, 2022), chap. 5.
Text in margin: ‘The inducement to dispose of my daughter, Alice, so young in marriage.’
See Book 2, 284–87.
See Book 1, 132–36, 137–38, 225.
Text in margin: ‘My humble and high gratitude, thanksgiving and praises to the gracious God of heaven in hearing and granting my petitions. Glory be to his Holy Name forever. Amen.’
Text in margin: ‘At Oswaldkirk, February 13, 1661. A repetition of some of God’s late and signal mercies to me and mine, and deliverances from the designs of evil men, with expressions of my gratitude.’
Text in margin: ‘August 22, 1666. A miscarriage.’
Text in margin: ‘Slanders of my good name.’
Text in margin: ‘Blessed be the just judge which delivered me from this death.’
Text in margin: ‘Glory be to my great God of mercy for his goodness to me forever. Amen.’
Text in margin: ‘My dear husband was more endeared in his affection to me, for all my wrongs indeed for the sake of his children.’
Text in margin: ‘I had true comfort in my conscience by my strict walking with God in a holy heart.’
Text in margin: ‘God preserved my family.’
Text in margin: ‘My dear husband: his great anger and severity against Danby and those who was actors or abettors of my unjust calumnies; his reproach of Mrs Danby’s treachery against my innocency and her own knowledge.’
It is possible that the colour scarlet was to ward off small pox, a practice that came from East Asia and arrived in Europe via medieval Arabic scholars. See D. R. Hopkins, ‘Smallpox: Ten Years Gone'’, American Journal of Public Health 78, no. 12 (1971): 1592.
Text in margin: ‘His charging her with: of the great sin of ingratitude and falsehood against himself and me; she being the first that make the motion of Mr Comber’s match with his daughter, Alice.’
Text in margin: ‘And would not speak in my defence of the truth.’
The reference to 20 years perhaps only refers to her nephew, Christopher: Thornton’s elder sister, Katherine, died in September 1645.
For Anne Danby’s side of the story, see Joanne Edge, ‘“Tragical Transactions at Newton”: Thornton's Niece Responds’, Alice Thornton’s Books, 15 June 2023, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2023-06-15-tragical-transactions-at-newton/.
Text in margin: ‘My dear aunt Norton, her rebuke of Mrs Danby’s treachery. Hoped God would right me and revenge my cause.’
Text in margin: ‘Mr Thornton turned her maid, Barbara Todd, out of the house for her abuses of myself.’
Thornton’s naming of Barbara ‘Barbery’ could hold significance: ‘increasingly its racial associations concocted a name that blended class and race’. See Patricia Phillippy, ‘Women's History Month 2024, 4: Alice Thornton and the North American Connection’, Alice Thornton’s Books, 21 March 2024, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2024-03-21-thornton-and-north-america/.
Text in margin: ‘My dreadful sorrows and grief reduced me near to death.’
Text in margin: ‘My dear husband and friends’ compassion for me.’
Barbara Todd and John Pape were married on 29 May 1670 at St James’, Nunnington. ‘Nunnington Parish Registers: Baptisms, Marriages and Burials 1539–1677’, PR/NU/1/1, NYCRO, Northallerton.
See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Smallpox in Seventeenth-Century English Literature: Reality and the Metamorphosis of Wit’, Medical History 33, no. 1 (1989): 72–95.
Timothy Portington, Thornton’s brother-in-law, was an apothecary-practitioner based in Malton.
I.e., the church of England.
William Thornton was from Ryedale, which Alice viewed as being a very different part of North Yorkshire. She lived in Richmondshire, near her family, from c.1643 to 1660, when the Thorntons moved to Ryedale.
I.e., those belonging to Christian factions outside of the church of England (presbyterians and puritans).
Thornton’s brother-in-law, John Denton, was presbyterian and had the living of Oswaldkirk until 1662 when he was ejected for non-conformity. Robert Harrison and Andrew J. Hopper, ‘Denton, John (c. 1626–1709), Church of England Clergyman’, ODNB.
£1,500 in 1632 was the equivalent of £315,500 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton presumably meant to write here ‘Marmaduke Cholmeley’ (husband of Ursula).
Thornton states in Book 3, 130–31, that the woods were nearly destroyed by a man named Kendall shortly after William’s death in 1668. However, this seems to be referring to an earlier incident where some of the woods at East Newton were cut down as Robert Thornton needed money.
Robert Thornton and his second wife, Elizabeth, actually had four sons and three daughters. See William Dugdale, Dugdale's Visitation of Yorkshire, with Additions, ed. J. W. Clay (Exeter: W. Pollard & Company, 1894), 5:17–18.
£1,500 in 1632 was the equivalent of £315,500 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
On the reformist religion of the Long Parliament, see John Morrill, ‘The Attack on the Church of England in the Long Parliament’, in The Nature of the English Revolution, ed. John Morrill (London: Routledge, 1993), 69–90.
I.e., the Convenanters, those who backed the National Covenant of 28 February 1638, which bound the oath taker above everything else to defend the 'true religion', presbyterianism. On the Covenanters see Mark C. Fissell, The Bishops' Wars. Charles I's Campaigns against Scotland, 1638-1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 73–89.
See Book 1, 117-24.
I.e., the presbyterians and the catholics.
See Book 3, 44–46.
We have not been able to trace these papers but for Thornton’s marriage settlement, see Book 1, 121-23. On marriage settlements more generally, see Amy Louise Erickson, 'Common Law versus Common Practice: The Use of Marriage Settlements in Early Modern England', Economic History Review 43, no. 1 (1990): 21–39.
The Thorntons moved to Oswaldkirk on 10 June 1660. They lived for two weeks with William's brother and sister-in-law, John and Elizabeth Denton, and then moved into their own house in Oswaldkirk for two years.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
Although some episcopal ordinations did take place in England in the mid-seventeenth century, as a presbyterian, Denton’s ordination would not have been approved by a bishop. See Kenneth Fincham and Stephen Taylor, ‘Episcopal Ordination and Ordinands in England, 1646–60’, English Historical Review 126, no. 159 (2011): 319–44.
See Book 3, 29, 43.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
This implies that Comber was now boarding at Mr Tully’s.
Villages roughly 2 miles from Stonegrave minster are Oswaldkirk, Gilling East, West Ness, Wath and Hovingham.
William Thornton had been persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Richard Darley and Maulger Norton. See Book Rem, 195.
The distance between East Newton Hall and Holy Trinity, Stonegrave is 1.2 miles.
Comber's Companion to the Temple and Closet was first published in 1672 and was a guide on using the Book of Common Prayer. His Companion to the Altar, about the receiving of the Lord's Supper, was first published in 1685. Altogether, Comber published some 19 books on theology and liturgy. See Thompson Cooper, ‘Comber, Thomas (1645–1699)’, ODNB.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
Thornton noted that Thomas Comber came to live with the family around 19 March 1665, which was his 20th birthday. See Book 3, 75.
Comber graduated from Sidney Sussex, Cambridge with his Masters by proxy in 1666. See The Autobiographies and Letters of Thomas Comber, ed. C. E. Whiting (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1946), 1:6.
Comber graduated from Sidney Sussex, Cambridge with his Masters by proxy in 1666 and then went to London for some time. See The Autobiographies and Letters of Thomas Comber, ed. C. E. Whiting (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1946), 1:6.
£10 in 1666 was the equivalent of £1,791 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton presumably meant £100 per annum. In 1696 the average household income of ‘eminent clergymen’ was £72 per annum and £50 for ‘lesser clergymen’. See G. N. Clark, The Later Stuarts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1940), 26.
In 1667, Nally was 13 years old.
Comber’s letters and verses to Nally are noted in Book 3, 186–87.
£100 in 1666 was the equivalent of £21,310 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton had inherited these lands from her mother who had put them in trust for her. See Book 2, 175.
I.e., they paid Gilbert Bennett to resign the Stonegrave living.
Book 3, 78.
This should read 1665, since William Thornton was in Stearsby on 16 November 1665. See Book 2, 274.
Robert was born in September 1662 and turned four years old in 1666.
Thornton’s ninth and final child Christopher was born on 11 November 1667.
£60 in 1664 was the equivalent of £11,620 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
According to Anne Danby, her sister-in-law, Margaret, turned on her after Thomas Danby's death. See Anne Danby, ‘An Accompt’, ZS - The Swinton Archive [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton; Amanda Capern, ‘Rumour and Reputation in the Early Modern English Family’, in 'Fama' and Her Sisters: Gossip and Rumour in Early Modern Europe, ed. C. Walker and H. Kerr (Turnhout: Brepols, 2015), 85–113.
On the importance of female reputation in early modern England, see Garthine Walker, ‘Expanding the Boundaries of Female Honour in Early Modern England’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6 (1996): 235–45.
I.e., the devil.
Mary Yorke was one of Nally’s godparents (see Book 1, 134) and so would have been intimately involved in a ceremony of confirmation, which took place at around the time of puberty. See Alexandra Walsham, ‘Coming of Age in Faith: The Rite of Confirmation after the English Reformation’, Studies in Church History 59 (2023): 174–75.
A friendship of 20 years implies that Anne Danby and Alice Thornton had known each other since around 1648, before both of them were married, but there is no mention of her in Thornton’s writings prior to the Danbys returning to Yorkshire, which was in the mid-1650s at the earliest.
Thornton seems to be referencing the wrong book here, as Book 2 discusses Anne Danby the least of the four books.
Thornton’s elder sister, Katherine, died in September 1645, which perhaps explains the reference to supporting the Danby family for 20 years.
Anne went to Virginia in the aftermath of Charles I’s death with her father, John Culpeper, and Captain Batt and his family. See Anne Danby, ‘An Accompt’, ZS - The Swinton Archive [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
£400 in 1668 was the equivalent of £86,720 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Abstrupus Danby had gained the family estate by 1685, when it was valued at £2,714 per annum. Eveline Cruickshanks and Ivar McGrath, ‘Danby, Sir Abstrupus (1655–1727), of Masham, nr. Ripon, Yorks’, HPO. £2,714 in 1685 was the equivalent of £523,300 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
The legal battle between Margaret Danby, widow of Thomas Danby (d. 1667) and his siblings was still ongoing in the 1680s: ‘Danby vs Danby, 1680’, box ZS*, NYCRO, Northallerton; ‘Danby v Danby: depositions taken in the country, 1685–88’, C 22/543/15, TNA, London.
Thornton’s will, made in 1705, stated that she was still owed money by Abstrupus for housing his family. ‘Will of Alice Thornton, 10 April 1705', in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 335.
A letter from Thornton to Abstrupus Danby survives in which she asks him for help to pay Robert’s creditors. ‘Alice Thornton to Abstrupus Danby, August 28 1688’, ZS – Swinton and Middleham Estate Records [MIC 1274/6710], NYCRO, Northallerton.
£400 in 1689 was the equivalent of £91,630 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
This account is supported by extant letters: ‘Alice Thornton to Abstrupus Danby, October 8 1688’, ZS – Swinton and Middleham Estate Records [MIC 1274/6712], NYCRO, Northallerton; ‘Letter from Alice Thornton to Dean Comber, 24 April 1699; addendum 3 May 1699’, CCOM 57/7, DCL.
Thornton recounts her first spiritual awakening, aged four, in Book Rem, 15–16, Book 1, 10–11, Book 2, 116–17.
Thornton’s naming of Barbara ‘Barbery’ could hold significance: ‘increasingly its racial associations concocted a name that blended class and race’. See Patricia Phillippy, ‘Women's History Month 2024, 4: Alice Thornton and the North American Connection’, Alice Thornton’s Books, 21 March 2024, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2024-03-21-thornton-and-north-america/.
While training fees for apprentices varied widely, the average for an apprentice in the wood trades in England 1710–73 was £15.60. See Patrick Wallis and Chris Minns, ‘The Price of Human Capital in a Pre-industrial Economy: Premiums and Apprenticeship Contracts in 18th Century England’, Explorations in Economic History 5, no. 3 (2017): 342. £16 in 1668 was the equivalent of £3,469 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
This letter has not been traced, but is referenced later: Book 3, 195.
See Book 3, 66–70.
Book 3, 95 suggests that two of the three (Field and Millbank) were involved in the spreading of rumours.
Thornton was 42 when her husband died on 17 September 1668; she was born 26 February 1626.
Anne Danby confirms that her aunt was very unwell when she departed East Newton sometime in late summer 1668. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
See Book 3, 90–92.
See Book 3, 63–64.
£3 in 1668 was the equivalent of £650.40 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
In her letter to Parson Farrer, Danby confirms her aunt gave her a ‘donation’ when she departed East Newton but does not say how much. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Thornton here is describing severe illness arising from humoral excess (a ‘flood’) as a result of finding out about Danby's betrayal. For the effect of strong emotions on the humours in the early modern period see Olivia Weisser, Ill Composed: Sickness, Gender, and Belief in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), chap. 3; Joanne Edge, ‘Taking it to Heart: Grief and Illness in Alice Thornton's Books’, Alice Thornton’s Books, 19 December 2022, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2022-12-19-grief-and-illness-thornton/.
I.e., she was catholic. Book 3, 131 describes cousin Nicholson as being of the ‘Romish faith’. While we have not been able to trace this relation, Thornton’s husband had catholic older half-sisters from their father’s first marriage to Dorothy Metham, from a prominent catholic family. These sisters married catholic husbands. Cousin Nicholson is perhaps a descendant of one of these older half-sisters.
Text in margin: ‘Psalm 107.’
Christopher Thornton was born on 11 November 1667.
Thornton was pregnant with Robert for the first nine months of 1660.
John Frescheville, along with Francis Darley, was named an executor in Alice Wandesford's will. ‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, in Hardy Bertram McCall, Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58.
Under coverture, all of Thornton’s movable goods (including money) were her husband’s property during marriage. See Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring, ‘Introduction: Coverture and Continuity’, in Married Women and the Law: Coverture in England and the Common Law World, ed. Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2013), 7–9.
£60 in 1667 was the equivalent of £12,960 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
In Alice Wandesford's will the residue of goods not allocated was given to Thornton and her children. See ‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58 .
John Frescheville, along with Francis Darley, was named an executor in Alice Wandesford's will. ‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, Hardy Bertram McCall, Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58.
In the seventeenth century, the role of a wife was to obey her husband after Ephesans 5:23. This was echoed in contemporary conduct books. See William Gouge, Of Domesticall Duties […] (London: William Bladen, 1622), 29.
£60 in 1667 was the equivalent of £12,960 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
In Alice Wandesford's will the residue of goods not allocated was given to Thornton and her children. See ‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58 .
While seventeenth-century married women had, under common law, no possessions to dispose of, some did make wills, although this usually required their husbands’ permission. See Mary Prior, ‘Wives and Wills 1558–1700’, in English Rural Society 1500–1800: Essays in Honour of Joan Thirsk, ed. J. Chartres and D. Hey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 201–202.
In Alice Wandesford's will the residue of goods not allocated was given to Thornton and her children. See ‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58 don.
I.e., the £60 or £70 in a canvas bag left to Thornton by her mother, described on the previous page.
£70 in 1667 was the equivalent of £15,120 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Humoral theory held that extremes of temperature would provoke an excess of humours and cause illness. See Mary Lindemann, Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 19.
This seems to be a reference to her end of contract. See Book 3, 86.
Christopher Thornton was born on 11 November 1667 so the marriage agreement was drawn up by that date.
£500 in 1668 was the equivalent of £108,400 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton’s elder sister, Katherine, died in September 1645, which perhaps explains the reference to supporting the Danby family for 20 years.
The only references we have to Alice Wandesford’s estates at Middleham are in Thornton’s Books. According to her, this land cost her mother £550 or £560, and was bought when she was a widow to put in a trust for Thornton. Thornton rented this land out to tenants. See Book 2, 174, 175; ook 3, 79, 122.
Thornton here is describing severe illness arising from humoral excess (a ‘flood’) as a result of finding out about Danby's betrayal. For the effect of strong emotions on the humours in the early modern period see Olivia Weisser, Ill Composed: Sickness, Gender, and Belief in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), chap. 3; Joanne Edge, ‘Taking it to Heart: Grief and Illness in Alice Thornton's Books’, Alice Thornton’s Books, 19 December 2022, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2022-12-19-grief-and-illness-thornton/.
£100 in 1668 was the equivalent of £21,680 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Malton hosted a very important horse fair annually around 21 September as well as a beast fair on 29 September. See K. L. McCutcheon, Yorkshire Fairs and Markets to the End of the Eighteenth Century (Leeds: Thoresby Society, 1935), 140.
A letter written by Thornton to Lady Yarbrough originally included the recipe used in this clyster. ‘Alice Thornton to Lady Yarbrough at Her House at Snaith, April 1700’, BIA, York. See Emma Marshall, ‘“The Best That Ever I Had”: Gifting a Medical Recipe in Early Modern Yorkshire’, The Recipes Project, 13 May 2021, https://recipes.hypotheses.org/17928.
On preventative medicine, see Louise Hill Curth, ‘Lessons from the Past: Preventive Medicine in Early Modern England’, Medical Humanities 29, no. 1 (2003): 16–20.
See Book 1, 263–74.
See Book 2, 23–27.
Thornton is drawing on a three estates model of chastity, virgin-widow-spouse, which dates back to the writings of the early church fathers. See Cordelia Beattie, ‘The Life Cycle: The Ages of Medieval Women’, in A Cultural History of Women, ed. Linda Kalof, vol. 2, The Middle Ages, ed. Kim M. Phillips (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), 25–26.
See Book 3, 96–98.
Thornton here uses ‘flood’ to mean a sudden surge of humours, either internal or external.
See Book 3, 24–26.
The Thornton family of East Newton can be traced back to at least the fourteenth century. The family established a private chapel at East Newton in 1397. See George R. Keiser, ‘Robert Thornton: Gentleman, Reader and Scribe’, in Robert Thornton and His Books: Essays on the Lincoln and London Thornton Manuscripts, ed. Susanna Fein and Michael Johnston (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2014), 67.
Thornton would have seen it as an outward display of rank to make sure her husband’s siblings were adequately dressed in mourning clothes. See David Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 438.
In Alice Wandesford's will the residue of goods not allocated was given to Thornton and her children. See ‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58 .
A widow whose husband died intestate had a legal right to administer his estate after his death. Renouncing this obligation resulted in a token fee, usually 1s. See Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England (London: Routledge, 1995), 174.
An inventory of a dead person’s goods should be made as soon as possible, with at least four ‘credible men’ appointed as appraisers. See William West, The First Part of Symboleography […] (London: Thomas Wight and Bonham Norton, 1598), not paginated. See also Donald Spaeth, ‘“Orderly Made”: Re-Appraising Household Inventories in Seventeenth-Century England’, Social History 41, no. 4 (2016): 417–35.
Denton took on this role in the settlement of 1667, alongside Lord John Frescheville, Sir Christopher Wandesford, and Henry Best. ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL.
I.e, Denton argued that Portington also had a conflict of interests. Portington and Thomas Cholmley were named in the 1667 deed as they also held some of the Leysthorpe land. ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL.
On Thornton’s falling out with her maid, Nan Robinson, see Book 2, 212–23.
I.e., a thief.
When someone died intestate, the church court appointed an administrator by way of a letter of administration, requiring him/her to enter into a bond, with sureties, that s/he would administer the estate faithfully, often in a specific time period. See Tom Arkell, ‘The Probate Process’, in When Death Do Us Part: Understanding and Interpreting the Probate Records of Early Modern England, ed. Tom Arkell, Nesta Evans and Nigel Goose (Oxford: Leopard’s Head, 2000), 9.
See Book 2, 206.
£1,000 in 1662 was the equivalent of £176,400 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
See Book 3, 53–56.
This was Thornton's 'Irish Portion' from her father's will: £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
William Thornton was involved in a Chancery dispute with Robert Nettleton, from at least 1661, which stemmed from his involvement in the administration of Christopher Wandesford’s will: ‘Thornton v. R. Nettleton et al.’, C 5/633/108, TNA, London. The debt to Nettleton was eventually paid in April 1664. See Book 2, 79–80.
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Richard Darley and Maulger Norton. See Book Rem, 195.
Petty defined ‘public charges’, levied through land taxes, as being for a state’s ‘defence by land and sea’. See William Petty, A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions […] (London: N. Brooke, 1662), 1.
‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL. Book 2, 293.
According to the 1667 deed, if there were two children (besides the heir) then the maintenance was to be £30 each, not £40: ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL. £30 in 1668 was the equivalent of £5,504 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
This is likely a reference to ‘breeching’, the age when boys stopped wearing tunics and started wearing male-coded clothing, which happened around age six. See Anthony Fletcher, ‘Manhood, the Male Body, Courtship and the Household in Early Modern England’, History 84, no. 275 (1999): 422.
Nally was born on 3 January 1654 and so was 14 in September 1668 and 15 the following January.
According to the 1667 deed, if there were two children (besides the heir) then the maintenance was to be £30 each, not £40: ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL. £30 in 1667 was the equivalent of £6,478 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Petty defined ‘public charges’, levied through land taxes, as being for a state’s ‘defence by land and sea’. See William Petty, A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions […] (London: N. Brooke, 1662), 1.
The weaker horse analogy derives from ancient Greece; the rediscovery of Xenophon’s On Horsemanship in the early modern period brought with it renewed comparisons between good horsemanship and good government: ‘whether learning to control horses or to govern a state, the power between the two in the relationship is profoundly unequal; one has complete hold over the survival of the other and yet the weaker party is the one “leading”’. Thornton is implying a similar relationship between herself and the four appraisers. See Elizabeth Anne Socolow, ‘Letting Loose the Horses: Sir Philip Sidney’s Exordium to the Defence of Poesie’, in The Horse as Cultural Icon: The Real and the Symbolic Horse in the Early Modern World, ed. Peter Edwards, K. A. E. Enenkel and Elspeth Graham (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 126–27.
It was an ‘ancient custom’ in the province of York that a widow could keep not just her own clothes but ‘a convenient bed’ and ‘a coffer [chest]’ containing things necessary to her person. See Richard Burn, Ecclesiastical Law […] (London: H. Woodfall and W. Strahan, 1763), 2:651.
For Alice Wandesford gifting beds to her daughter, see Book 3, 52, 125.
See ‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58 .
This meant that all the goods were regarded as belonging to her husband. On coverture see Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring, ‘Introduction: Coverture and Continuity’, in Married Women and the Law: Coverture in England and the Common Law World, ed. Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2013), 7–9.
See Book 2, 259–60.
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Richard Darley and Maulger Norton. See Book Rem, 195.
This is a reference to the will of Christopher Wandesford. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
I.e., movable and immovable property.
£1,500 in 1659 was the equivalent of £268,100 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Richard Darley and Maulger Norton. See Book Rem, 195.
£200 in 1664 was the equivalent of £38,740 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
On Thornton’s debt to Nettleton see Book 2, 31.
Thornton's ‘Irish portion’ was £1,000, after one year of marriage, from the profits of Castlecomer. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357-8.
See Book 2, 259–60.
Many gentry houses contained a ‘great parlour’ and ‘little parlour’. The former was used for entertaining guests. See Nicholas Cooper, Houses of the Gentry, 1480–1680 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 291–92.
In this period, bedrooms were most often decorated in red, green or blue. See Sasha Handley, Sleep in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), 138.
It was an ‘ancient custom’ in the province of York that a widow could keep not just her own clothes but ‘a convenient bed’ and ‘a coffer [chest]’ containing things necessary to her person. See Richard Burn, Ecclesiastical Law […] (London: H. Woodfall and W. Strahan, 1763), 2:651.
In this period, bedrooms were most often decorated in red, green or blue. See Sasha Handley, Sleep in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), 138.
Under coverture, all of Thornton’s movable goods (including money) were her husband’s property during marriage. On coverture see Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring, ‘Introduction: Coverture and Continuity’, in Married Women and the Law: Coverture in England and the Common Law World, ed. Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2013), 7–9.
It was an ‘ancient custom’ in the province of York that a widow could keep not just her own clothes but ‘a convenient bed’ and ‘a coffer [chest]’ containing things necessary to her person. See Richard Burn, Ecclesiastical Law […] (London: H. Woodfall and W. Strahan, 1763), 2:651.
In the early modern period, bedrooms were most often decorated in red, green or blue. See Sasha Handley, Sleep in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), 138.
£40 in 1668 was the equivalent of £8,672 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Many gentry houses contained a ‘great parlour’ and ‘little parlour’. The former was used for entertaining guests. See Nicholas Cooper, Houses of the Gentry, 1480–1680 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 291–2.
In 1662, Thornton bought six steers (young oxen) with her mother’s money at a cost of £24. See Book Rem, 55–56. In 1678, Thornton owned at least 32 sheep, when she was involved in a legal case over their theft by one of her employees. ‘Theft of Sheep, 1678’, ZKW – Prior Wandesforde of Kirklington, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Bathing as therapy (balneology) was an increasingly fashionable remedy in the seventeenth century. See Sophie Chiari and Samuel Cuisinier-Delorme, Spa Culture and Literature in England, 1500–1800 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), vii-xxii.
Taking the waters at Scarborough Spa was a healing remedy advised by the family physician Wittie, who himself wrote a treatise on the virtues of this very spa. Robert Wittie, Scarbrough Spaw […] (London: Charles Tyus, 1660).
See Book 2, 247.
20s in 1668 was the equivalent of £216.80 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
20s in 1668 was the equivalent of £216.80 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
I.e., Thornton was allowing the trees to grow and spread freely.
Here, Thornton is probably referring to P. occidentalis, the American sycamore tree. It was introduced to England before 1634, possibly from Virginia. See ‘Platanus occidentalis L.’, Trees and Shrubs Online: International Dendrology Society, https://www.treesandshrubsonline.org/articles/platanus/platanus-occidentalis/.
I.e., neighbourhoods.
I.e., ‘The First Book of My Life’ (Book 1) and ‘The First Book of My Widowed Condition’ (Book 2).
The age of majority was 21. See, generally, Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700 (London: Longman, 1984), 166-67 and, specifically, ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL.
Robert Thornton received an ecclesiastical benefice in 1687, the rectorship of Oddington, Gloucs., which he resigned the year later. The Autobiographies and Letters of Thomas Comber, ed. C. E. Whiting (Durham: Surtees Society, 1946), 1:liii.
£50 in 1668 was the equivalent of £10,840 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
There is ample evidence that female servants and married women were involved in money lending and borrowing in this period. See Beverly Lemire, ‘Petty Pawns and Informal Lending: Gender and the Transformation of Small-Scale Credit in England, circa 1600–1800’, in From Family Firms to Corporate Capitalism: Essays in Business and Industrial History in Honour of Peter Mathias, ed. Kristine Bruland and Patrick O’Brien (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998), 112–38.
Thornton left the next three pages blank, presumably so these costs could be added in there.
On the importance of female reputation, see Garthine Walker, ‘Expanding the Boundaries of Female Honour in Early Modern England’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6 (1996): 235–45.
In the Bible, God allows Satan to test Job by sending messengers who relate various disasters that have befallen him and his family, in response to which ‘Job arose, and rent his mantle, and shaved his head, and fell down upon the ground, and worshipped’, Job 1:13-22 (20).
I.e., catholicism.
Mary Yorke was one of Nally’s godparents (Book 1, 134) and so would have been intimately involved in a ceremony of confirmation, which took place around the time of puberty. See Alexandra Walsham, ‘Coming of Age in Faith: The Rite of Confirmation after the English Reformation’, Studies in Church History 59 (2023): 174–75.
Thornton’s elder sister, Katherine, died from postpartum complications after the birth of her sixteenth child in September 1645, which perhaps explains the reference to over 20 years here; Thornton felt that she had been supporting her sister’s child, Christopher (Anne Danby’s husband), since then.
In a letter to Parson Farrer, Danby claimed that her opinion of Comber had been high but that something had happened to change her mind as to his character. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
In 1667, when marriage was first discussed between Comber and Nally, she was 13 years old.
I.e., when she was older.
Early modern writers on childbirth noted the hazards for teenage mothers in giving birth. See e.g. Jane Sharp, The Midwives Book […] (London: Simon Miller, 1671), 167.
Here there is some overwriting on the first part of the name. It originally said ‘Comb’ but ‘Thornton’ has been written over it.
Nally first became pregnant when she was 19 years old. She gave birth to a stillborn son on 10 December 1673. The Autobiographies and Letters of Thomas Comber, ed. C. E. Whiting (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1946), 1:8.
£1,500 in 1668 was the equivalent of £325,200 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Comber did settle his estate on his wife in a deed made in 1692. In his will, he set out that it should then pass to their eldest son, William. Their other children, male and female, were also provided for. ‘10th March 1696–7. Will of Thomas Comber’, in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 330—32.
The purchasing of a marriage licence meant that the open publication of banns could be avoided. See David Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 309.
On the memory of the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, see Anne James, Poets, Players, and Preachers: Remembering the Gunpowder Plot in Seventeenth-Century England (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), especially chap. 2.
Thomas Comber's Companion to the Temple and Closet was first published in 1672 and was a guide on using the Book of Common Prayer. His Companion to the Altar, about the receiving of the Lord's Supper, was first published in 1685. Altogether, Comber published some 19 books on theology and liturgy. See Thompson Cooper, ‘Comber, Thomas (1645–1699)’, ODNB.
Mary Yorke was one of Nally’s godparents (Book 1, 134), and so would have been intimately involved in a ceremony of confirmation, which took place at around the time of puberty. See Alexandra Walsham, ‘Coming of Age in Faith: The Rite of Confirmation after the English Reformation’, Studies in Church History 59 (2023): 174–75.
In 1668 Charles Man was rector of St Mary, Scawton, North Yorkshire. He did not become rector of St Agatha’s, Gilling West until 1676, so this is a slip from Thornton.
After the Restoration of the monarchy in 1660, the practice of clandestine marriages in private houses persisted, with authorities attempting to reimpose the need for church weddings with limited success. See David Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 332–33.
Anne Danby stated that John Denton knew of the ‘ill reports’ circulating about Thornton, which might explain his absence. See ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Robert Thornton died on 5 June 1692 which gives us one terminus post quem for the writing of this book.
The two daughters were given a portion of £800. See ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL. £800 in 1668 was the equivalent of £173,400 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
It was usual to give gold tokens to the bride along with the ring. See David Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 338.
Bedding ceremonies were common at this time, though the first intercourse between bride and groom was usually not witnessed in western European cultures. See Katie Barclay, ‘Intimacy, Community and Power: Bedding Rituals in Eighteenth-Century Scotland’, in Emotion, Ritual and Power in Europe, 1200–1920: Family, State and Church, ed. Merridee L. Bailey and Katie Barclay (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 43–61.
William Thornton’s sister and her husband, Frances and Timothy Portington, lived in Malton.
The usual entertainments for a seventeenth-century wedding included a feast. See William Gouge, Of Domesticall Duties […] (London: John Haviland, 1622), 206–207.
A ‘standing ministry’ is an open-ended position (derived from Numbers 3:1–4), which is the living that the Thorntons wanted to procure for Comber at Stonegrave.
Nally Thornton was born on 3 January 1654 and so was 14 in January 1668, or 15 if this is Lady day dating (1669).
Comber’s letters and verses to Nally in 1666 are noted in Book 3, 186—87 but other evidence points to a 1667 date for them. Printed in the appendix of the 1799 edition of his memoirs are some love verses which may be the same verses he sent to her. Thomas Comber, Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Thomas Comber, D. D. Sometime Dean of Durham […] (London: W. J. & J. Richardson, 1799), 407.
Danby claimed that one of her concerns had been that Thornton had secured the match without her husband’s consent. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
‘Lying in’ was when a pregnant woman was ‘withdrawn from the outside world, absent from church, relieved of most household tasks, and excused sexual relations in the weeks immediately preceding and following childbirth’: David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 35.
Besides the stated reason, there were health reasons to delay consummation of the marriage. Early modern writers on childbirth noted the hazards for teenage mothers in giving birth. See e.g. Jane Sharp, The Midwives Book […] (London: Simon Miller, 1671), 167.
In 1670s England, one pound of tobacco retailed for a shilling or less. See Ralph Davis, ‘English Foreign Trade, 1660–1700’, Economic History Review 7, no. 2 (1954): 152.
Thornton had been very ill since late July. See Book 1, 254–58; Danby confirmed this: ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Besides the stated reason, there were health reasons to delay consummation of the marriage. Early modern writers on childbirth noted the hazards for teenage mothers in giving birth. See e.g. Jane Sharp, The Midwives Book […] (London: Simon Miller, 1671), 167.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating, which began the year on 25 March. As the marriage took place in December 1668, this should read 1669.
Daphne’s second letter is discussed in Book 3, 143. Thornton here is saying that the letter from her aunt Anne Norton was delivered to her along with this second letter from Daphne.
Mary Yorke was one of Nally’s godparents (Book 1, 134), and so would have been intimately involved in a ceremony of confirmation, which took place around the time of puberty. See Alexandra Walsham, ‘Coming of Age in Faith: The Rite of Confirmation after the English Reformation’, Studies in Church History 59 (2023): 174–75.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating, which began the year on 25 March. 1668 here should read 1669.
Anne Danby confirmed in her letter to Farrer that she was in contact with Samways. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating, which began the year on 25 March. 1668 here should read 1669.
I.e., Wife of Kit/Christopher. Anne Danby is elsewhere described as ‘My sister Christopher Danby’. See top of ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Thornton’s relation Anthony Norton became administrator for William Thornton’s estate. See Book 3, 120.
Lady Day was the 25 March and the start of the New Year until 1751 when the Gregorian calendar was adopted. It was when farming tenancies were renewed. See David Cressy, ‘The Seasonality of Marriage in Old and New England’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History 16, no. 1 (1985): 1.
Roman catholics believed in the doctrine of transubstantiation (that the bread and wine of the Eucharist became the blood and body of Christ), whereas protestants believed that the bread and wine were merely representations. See Peter Marshall, Reformation England 1480-1642, 2nd ed. (London: Bloomsbury, 2012), 250.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord’s Supper.
William Thornton died on 17 September 1668 so this was over three months later.
£200 in 1664 was the equivalent of £38,740 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
This was Thornton's ‘Irish Portion’ from her father's will: £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
Thornton discusses the debt to Nettleton being paid in Book 3, 51.
Robert Thornton turned six on the day of his father’s funeral, 19 September 1668.
Thornton discusses the debt to Nettleton being paid in Book 3, 51.
£2000 in 1669 was the equivalent of £405,900 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton's ‘Irish portion’ was £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
For Thornton’s marriage settlement, see Book 1, 121–23. On marriage settlements more generally, see Amy Louise Erickson, 'Common Law versus Common Practice: The Use of Marriage Settlements in Early Modern England', Economic History Review 43, no. 1 (1990): 21–39.
Nettleton's dispute with the heirs of Christopher Wandesford had been ongoing since 1652: ‘Nettleton v. C. Wandesford et al.’, C 5/379/135, TNA, London.
Thornton was left £2,500 in her father's will: £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon marriage from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave (her ‘English portion’); and a further £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer (her ‘Irish portion’). ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
£80 in 1640 was the equivalent of £18,020 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin
Here a marginal note reads ‘£1,300’; however, it is not clear to what this sum refers.
£1,000 in 1669 was the equivalent of £202,900 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton’s younger brother, John Wandesford, died without issue in 1664 and so she was to inherit his portion too as the only surviving younger child. See ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin; ‘The Will of Dame Alice Wandesford, Widow of Lord Deputy Wandesford — 10th January 1658. Proved at London 19th July 1660’, in Hardy Bertram McCall, The Story of the Family of Wandesforde of Kirklington & Castlecomer […] (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton & co., 1904), 357–58 .
Thornton's portion was £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon marriage from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave (her ‘English portion’), and a further £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer (her ‘Irish portion’). ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Richard Darley and Maulger Norton. See Book Rem, 195.
The relevant clause is: ‘Also my will is that my executors shall bestow one hundred pounds upon a jewel to be given to my dear wife’. ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin.
Robert Thornton was at Cambridge 1680-82. See Thomas Comber, The Autobiographies and Letters of Thomas Comber: Sometime Precentor of York and Dean of Durham, ed. C. E. Whiting, Surtees Society 156 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1946), 1:10–12. £50 in 1682 was the equivalent of £10,020 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
On the requirement for women to live with moderation, see Ethan H. Shagan, The Rule of Moderation: Violence, Religion and the Politics of Restraint in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 30–68.
Sir Thomas Danby appeared before the Compounding committee on 29 November 1645 having had his lands sequestered. See ‘Cases before the Committee: November 21st-30th, 1645’, in Calendar, Committee For Compounding: Part 2, ed. Mary Anne Everett Green (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1890), 978–1040, British History Online,
http://www.british-history.ac.uk/compounding-committee/pt2/pp978-1040.
For more details on why Thomas Danby opposed the marriage of his son Christopher and Anne Danby, see Book 1, 236.
The reference to 20 years perhaps only refers to her nephew, Christopher: Thornton’s elder sister, Katherine, died in September 1645.
Under coverture, all of Thornton’s movable goods (including money) were legally her husband’s property. On coverture see Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring, ‘Introduction: Coverture and Continuity’, in Married Women and the Law: Coverture in England and the Common Law World, ed. Tim Stretton and Krista J. Kesselring (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2013), 7–9.
The three families referred to here are perhaps those of William Thornton’s half-sisters: the Crathornes, Cholmeleys and Langdales. See Book 3, 71.
I.e., she was catholic.
I.e., John Denton was well acquainted with that had been spread about Alice Thornton and Thomas Comber in summer 1668, being one of the men who had interrogated Anne Danby and servants immediately afterwards. Book 1, 253–54.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating, which began the year on 25 March. This should be 1669.
The Thornton family of East Newton can be traced back to at least the fourteenth century. The family established a private chapel at East Newton in 1397. See George R. Keiser, ‘Robert Thornton: Gentleman, Reader and Scribe’, in Robert Thornton and His Books: Essays on the Lincoln and London Thornton Manuscripts, ed. Susanna Fein and Michael Johnston (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2014), 67.
Thornton was an adherent of the Church of England but had married into a presbyterian family.
In early modern England, fatherless children were legally described as orphans. See Charles Carlton, ‘Changing Jurisdictions in 16th and 17th Century England: The Relationship between the Courts of Orphans and Chancer’, American Journal of Legal History 18, no. 2 (1974): 124–36.
Robert turned six on 19 September 1668, giving this incident a date of around mid-January 1669.
See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Smallpox in Seventeenth-Century English Literature: Reality and the Metamorphosis of Wit’, Medical History 33, no. 1 (1989): 72–95.
It is possible that the chamber’s colour was to ward off small pox. Entire rooms would be decked out in red to counteract the disease. See D. R. Hopkins, ‘Smallpox: Ten Years Gone’, American Journal of Public Health 78, no. 12 (1971): 1592.
Here, Thornton has erroneously cited this source as from Jeremiah, but the correct reference is Isaiah 54:4–8.
Text in margin: ‘February 13th, 1669. The 42nd year of my age, and the sixth time seventh being in the sixth climacterical.’ This was Thornton’s 43rd birthday and, as she notes in the text, the end of her 42nd year. Climacterical: 'Climacteric (in various senses); critical, decisive’, OEDO; climacteric: 'Any of certain supposedly critical years of human life, when a person was considered to be particularly liable to change in health or fortune’, OEDO.
I.e., since her husband’s death on 17 September 1668.
While Thornton cites David, and therefore alludes to Psalm 22:1, this phrase is also spoken by Jesus on the cross; see Matthew 27:46, Mark 15:34.
Thornton turned 43 on 13 February 1669.
We have not been able to find this saying elsewhere. See Cordelia Beattie, ‘“Bringing up a chicken to peck out their eye”: A niece’s betrayal’, British Library: Untold Lives, 30 May 2023, https://blogs.bl.uk/untoldlives/2023/05/bringing-up-a-chicken-to-peck-out-their-eye-a-nieces-betrayal.html.
According to Anne Danby, her sister-in-law, Margaret Danby, had turned on her and she and her children were sent to live in horrible accommodation in Bedale. It was in the aftermath of this that they ended up staying with Thornton. See Anne Danby, ‘An Accompt’, ZS - The Swinton Archive [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
On this incident see Cordelia Beattie, ‘“Bringing up a chicken to peck out their eye”: A niece’s betrayal’, British Library: Untold Lives, 30 May 2023, https://blogs.bl.uk/untoldlives/2023/05/bringing-up-a-chicken-to-peck-out-their-eye-a-nieces-betrayal.html.
I.e., the pupil.
For the idea that injury to one eye could cause problems in the other, which was circulating in this period, see D. M. Albert and R. Diaz-Rohena, ‘A Historical Review of Sympathetic Ophthalmia and its Epidemiology’, Survey of Ophthalmology 34, no. 1 (1989): 1.
See Book 3, 166-67.
According to the 1667 deed, if there were two children (besides the heir) then their yearly maintenance was to be £30 each: ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL.
According to the 1667 deed, as there were two children (besides the heir), her portion was £800: ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL.
She should have had £30 per annum. Twenty shillings in 1668 was the equivalent of £216.80 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Petty defined ‘public charges’ in 1662 as being for a state’s ‘defence by land and sea’. See William Petty, A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions […] (London: N. Brooke, 1662), 1. I.e., the estate only yielded 20s per annum after all interest payments and public charges had been made. Our thanks to Dr Alex Craven and Dr David Hitchcock for their help with interpreting this passage.
I.e., the devil.
On the importance of female reputation, see Garthine Walker, ‘Expanding the Boundaries of Female Honour in Early Modern England’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6 (1996): 235–45.
Anne Danby's letter to Parson Farrar mentions a cousin Lister. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], unpaginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Frances Maude, Jane Ande and Elizabeth Lister were all daughters of Richard Wandesford of Pickhill, but it was Frances, not Elizabeth, who was the youngest.
Elizabeth Nicholson described herself in a letter as a cousin of Thomas Gill, son of Elizabeth Lister (Book 3, 185).
£100 in 1666 was the equivalent of £21,310 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
We know that Nally was in York in 1667 so this date might not be accurate. E.g., William Thornton sent Nally a letter on 14 June 1667, reprinted in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 297.
We know that Nally was in York in 1667 so this date might not be accurate. E.g., William Thornton sent Nally a letter on 14 June 1667, reprinted in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 297. Printed in the appendix of one edition of Thomas Comber’s memoirs are some love verses which may be the same verses he sent to Nally. Thomas Comber, Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Thomas Comber, D. D. Sometime Dean of Durham […] (London: W. J. & J. Richardson, 1799), 42–43, 407.
We have not located this but for an acrostic poem for Thornton’s brother George see Book 1, 305.
See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Smallpox in Seventeenth-Century English Literature: Reality and the Metamorphosis of Wit’, Medical History 33, no. 1 (1989): 72–95.
According to Book 1, Nally had smallpox in January 1667, recovering that April. See Book 1, 225–26.
£100 in 1666 was the equivalent of £21,310 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
A ‘standing ministry’ is an open-ended position (derived from Numbers 3:1–4), which is the living that the Thorntons wanted to procure for Comber at Stonegrave.
Elsewhere Thornton records that the miscarriage was on 16 August 1666: Book 1, 214; Book 2, 278. And on 22 August 1666: Book 3, 59, 62.
For the belief that strong emotions caused illness, see Olivia Weisser, Ill Composed: Sickness, Gender, and Belief in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), chap. 3; Joanne Edge, ‘Taking it to Heart: Grief and Illness in Alice Thornton's Books’, Alice Thornton’s Books, 19 December 2022, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2022-12-19-grief-and-illness-thornton/.
£100 in 1666 was the equivalent of £21,310 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Smallpox in Seventeenth-Century English Literature: Reality and the Metamorphosis of Wit’, Medical History 33, no. 1 (1989): 72–95.
£100 in 1666 was the equivalent of £21,310 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
See Book 3, 56.
In 1666-67 Nally was 12 or 13 years old. Legally, girls could marry at fourteen with parental consent. See Christopher Durston, The Family in the English Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), chap. 4; K. J. Kesselring and Tim Stretton , Marriage, Separation and Divorce in England, 1500–1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021), chap. 5.
In 1666-67 Nally was 12 or 13 years old. Legally, girls could marry at 14 with parental consent. See Christopher Durston, The Family in the English Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), chap. 4; K. J. Kesselring and Tim Stretton , Marriage, Separation and Divorce in England, 1500–1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021), chap. 5.
This date is correct, although it sits oddly amongst the letters from the late 1660s, as Thomas Osborne did not become Marquess of Carmarthen until 6 April 1689. Mark Knights, ‘Osborne, Thomas, first duke of Leeds (1632–1712), politician’, ODNB.
In the margin, this letter is identified both as number 23 (or the final letter in the previous list) and (as it is in the text) as his first letter to Nally when she was at York. The marginal note states the date of this first letter was 25 May, 1667 (see image). Thornton refers to correspondence between Comber and Nally in 1666 when she was at York in Book 3, 186-87, but that seems to be a slip.
Comber’s letters and verses to Nally are noted in Book 3, 186-87 (there dated as 1666, which we think is an error).
For a letter addressed to Nally Thornton at the home of Elias Sherwood at Petergate, York, See ‘Mr Thornton to his daughter, Alice, 14 June 1667’, The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 297.
On marriage settlements, see Amy Louise Erickson, 'Common Law versus Common Practice: The Use of Marriage Settlements in Early Modern England', Economic History Review 43, no. 1 (1990): 21–39.
Thornton here perhaps means the letter dated 20 February 1669, but endorsed by Thornton ‘ Received this from her the 14th of June, 1669’.. ‘Mrs Comber’s Reply to Mrs Thornton’, in The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton of East Newton, Co. York, ed. Charles Jackson, Surtees Society 32 (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1875), 300–301.
In 1668 Nally was 14 years old. Legally, girls could marry at fourteen with parental consent, but it was considered young with the mean age of marriage for women closer to 26. See Christopher Durston, The Family in the English Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), chap. 4; K. J. Kesselring and Tim Stretton , Marriage, Separation and Divorce in England, 1500–1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021), chap. 5; E. A. Wrigley, English Population History from Family Reconstitution, 1580-1837 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), chap. 5.
See Book 3, 58–60.
See Book 3, 93–94.
Thornton’s naming of Barbara ‘Barbary’ could hold significance: ‘increasingly its racial associations concocted a name that blended class and race’. See Patricia Phillippy, ‘Women's History Month 2024, 4: Alice Thornton and the North American Connection’, Alice Thornton’s Books, 21 March 2024, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2024-03-21-thornton-and-north-america/.
On the hall in early modern England see Catherine Richardson, 'Introducing the Early Modern Parlour', Middling Culture, https://middlingculture.com/2022/04/28/introducing-the-virtual-early-modern-parlour/.
Anne Danby's letter confirms that her aunt allowed her to stay at East Newton for around a month after the rumours had come to light. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
£8 in 1668 was the equivalent of £1,734 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Anne Danby writes that her aunt gave her a ‘donation’, in the presence of company, when she visited her at her bedside before leaving East Newton but does not say how much. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
For the belief that strong emotions caused illness, see Olivia Weisser, Ill Composed: Sickness, Gender, and Belief in Early Modern England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), chap. 3; Joanne Edge, ‘Taking it to Heart: Grief and Illness in Alice Thornton's Books’, Alice Thornton’s Books, 19 December 2022, https://thornton.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/posts/blog/2022-12-19-grief-and-illness-thornton/.
£8 in 1668 was the equivalent of £1,734 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
William Thornton went to Malton on Friday 11 September 1668. See Book 1, 272.
Text in margin: ‘September 17, 1668.’
The two daughters were given a portion of £800. See ‘Settlement of William Thornton, September 19, 1667’, CCOM-84, DCL. £800 in 1668 was the equivalent of £173,400 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
This could be either of Margaret Crathorne’s sons, Ralph (b. c.1634) or John (b. c.1642). William Dugdale, Dugdale's Visitation of Yorkshire, with Additions, ed. J. W. Clay (Exeter: W. Pollard & Company, 1899), 1:300.
While Thornton would not take on the administration of her husband’s estate, she was the children’s guardian, which included the responsibility of providing for their education. See Will Coster, ‘“To bring them up in the fear of God”: Guardianship in the Diocese of York, 1500-1668’, Continuity and Change 10, no. 1 (1995): 9–32.
Daphne showed this book to Lady Wyvill before 12 October: Book 3, 209. The title sounds like Book 1, which Thornton was still writing in February/March 1669: Book 3, 178. It is therefore possible Thornton was referring to a draft of Book 1 here, although it is also possible that she was referring to Book Rem. See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘“My First Booke of My Life:” The Apology of a Seventeenth-Century Gentry Woman’, Prose Studies 24, no. 2 (2001): 2, 14n5.
Anne Norton is here saying that Thornton writes like an ecclesiastic.
This is likely a slip for ‘Martha Batt’, since that is the person Thornton mentions elsewhere as Danby’s match for Comber. Martha Batt did have a younger sister called Mary but she died as an infant in 1642. William Dugdale, Dugdale's Visitation of Yorkshire, with Additions, ed. J. W. Clay (Exeter: W. Pollard & Company, 1899), 1:354.
£100 in 1668 was the equivalent of £21,680 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
On the memory of the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, see Anne James, Poets, Players, and Preachers: Remembering the Gunpowder Plot in Seventeenth-Century England (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), especially chap. 2.
Mary Yorke was one of Nally’s godparents (Book 1, 134) and would have been intimately involved in a ceremony of confirmation, which often took place at around the time of puberty. See Alexandra Walsham, ‘Coming of Age in Faith: The Rite of Confirmation after the English Reformation’, Studies in Church History 59 (2023): 174–75.
In Anne Danby's undated letter to Parson Farrar, she told him that she had heard something negative about Comber’s character and that she had passed this onto her aunt Thornton. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Here it indicates that Comber has been misrepresented and mistreated.
See Book 3, 197.
Mary Yorke was one of Nally’s godparents (Book 1, 134) and would have been intimately involved in a ceremony of confirmation, which often took place at around the time of puberty. See Alexandra Walsham, ‘Coming of Age in Faith: The Rite of Confirmation after the English Reformation’, Studies in Church History 59 (2023): 174–75.
In 1668 Charles Man was rector of St Mary, Scawton, North Yorkshire. He did not become rector of St Agatha’s, Gilling West until 1676, so this is a slip from Thornton.
Petty defined ‘public charges’, levied through land taxes, as being for a state’s ‘defence by land and sea’. See William Petty, A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions […] (London: N. Brooke, 1662), 1.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating, which began the year on 25 March. As Alice and Thomas Comber were married in November 1668, this should read 1669.
£1,500 in 1668 was the equivalent of £325,200 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating, which began the year on 25 March. As Alice and Thomas Comber were married in November 1668, this should read 1669.
The Thornton family of East Newton can be traced back to at least the fourteenth century. The family established a private chapel at East Newton in 1397. See George R. Keiser, ‘Robert Thornton: Gentleman, Reader and Scribe’, in Robert Thornton and His Books: Essays on the Lincoln and London Thornton Manuscripts, ed. Susanna Fein and Michael Johnston (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2014), 67.
I.e., she hoped that Nally would be able to conceive.
Book 3, 154.
Thornton is here using Lady Day dating, which began the year on 25 March. This should be 1669.
Besides the stated reason, there were health reasons to delay consummation of the marriage. Early modern writers on childbirth noted the hazards for teenage mothers in giving birth. See e.g. Jane Sharp, The Midwives Book […] (London: Simon Miller, 1671), 167.
Bedding ceremonies were common at this time, though the first intercourse between bride and groom was usually not witnessed in western European cultures. See Katie Barclay, ‘Intimacy, Community and Power: Bedding Rituals in Eighteenth-Century Scotland’, in Emotion, Ritual and Power in Europe, 1200–1920: Family, State and Church, ed. Merridee L. Bailey and Katie Barclay (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 43–61.
There is ample evidence that female servants, and married women, were involved in money lending and borrowing in the early modern period. See Beverly Lemire, ‘Petty Pawns and Informal Lending: Gender and the Transformation of Small-Scale Credit in England, circa 1600–1800’, in From Family Firms to Corporate Capitalism: Essays in Business and Industrial History in Honour of Peter Mathias, ed. Kristine Bruland and Patrick O’Brien (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998), 112–38.
I.e., this should have been entered earlier (Book 3, 196).
Text in margin: ‘B. Scarbrough.’ This is possibly a reference to Bess, perhaps Bess Poore, who may have either changed her name to ‘Scarborough’ or moved to Scarborough since.
According to Anne Danby, her sister-in-law, Margaret, had turned on her after her husband Thomas's death. See Anne Danby, ‘An Accompt’, ZS - The Swinton Archive [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Some suits are mentioned in Book 2, 176. A Chancery case in 1659 references ‘several suits and differences’ between them (and William Wandesford), relating to Alice Thornton’s portion in her father’s will: ‘Wandesford v. Darley, William Thornton, Alice Thornton et al. 1659’, C 10/57/305, TNA, London.
William Thornton was persuaded to take on the administration of Christopher Wandesford's Irish estate by Richard Darley and Maulger Norton. See Book Rem, 195.
£3,000 in 1659 was the equivalent of £536,300 in 2023. 'Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1270 to Present', MeasuringWorth, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ppoweruk/.
Comber travelled to Cambridge in 1666 to have his honorary Master of Arts confirmed on him. He then went to London for some time. The Autobiographies and Letters of Thomas Comber, ed. C. E. Whiting (Durham: Andrews & Co., 1946), 1:6.
Thornton's portion was £1,500 to be paid at the age of 21 or upon marriage from the profits of Kirklington, Yarnwicke, and Howgrave (her ‘English portion’), and a further £1,000 after one year of marriage from the profits of Castlecomer (her ‘Irish portion’). ‘Probate copies of the will of Lord Deputy Christopher Wandesforde; Nos. 196 & 196A, 2 Oct 1640; copies made Apr 1647 & Dec 1659’, Ms 35,458 (1), NLI, Dublin. See also Book 1, 199.
Anne Danby's letter confirms that her aunt Thornton allowed her to stay at East Newton for around a month after the rumours had come to light. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
We have not been able to trace a fair on 11 September, but Malton hosted a very important horse fair annually from 18 September as well as a beast fair at Michaelmas on 29 September. See K. L. McCutcheon, Yorkshire Fairs and Markets to the End of the Eighteenth Century (Leeds: Thoresby Society, 1935), 140.
Anne Danby stated that one of her objections to the match between Comber and Nally Thornton was that Alice Thornton had agreed the match without William's consent. Thornton here is making the case that her husband knew as early as 1666, although other evidence points to the courtship beginning in 1667. ‘Anne Danby to Parson Farrer, 10 December [1668 or 1669]’, ZS – The Swinton Archive, [MIC 2281], not paginated, NYCRO, Northallerton.
Daphne showed this book to Lady Wyvill before 12 October: Book 3, 209. The title sounds like Book 1, which Thornton was still writing in February/March 1669: Book 3, 178. It is therefore possible Thornton was referring to a draft of Book 1 here, although it is also possible that she was referring to Book Rem. See Raymond A. Anselment, ‘“My First Booke of My Life:” The Apology of a Seventeenth-Century Gentry Woman’, Prose Studies 24, no. 2 (2001): 2, 14n5.
Mary Yorke, as one of Nally’s godparents , would have expected to be involved in a ceremony of confirmation and Nally was now 15. See Alexandra Walsham, ‘Coming of Age in Faith: The Rite of Confirmation after the English Reformation’, Studies in Church History 59 (2023): 174–75.
Here, ‘have’ could mean ‘convey’; see, David Chystal and Ben Chrystal, Shakespeare’s Words: A Glossary and Language Companion (London: Penguin, 2002), 214.
See Book 3, 156.
February 13th 1669 was Thornton’s 43rd birthday.
Ranald Graham is mentioned in the bill of complaint of William Wandesford of Pickhill vs Christopher Wandesford in 1662 as being owed £300 out of the Wandesfords’ Irish estates. ‘William Wandesford vs Christopher Wandesford, 1662’, C 5/41/128, TNA, London.
17 May 1669 was precisely six months after the date of the Combers’ marriage on 17 November 1668.
Elizabeth Denton died in February 1669 so could not have been present at Alice Comber’s public wedding that May.
Bedding ceremonies were common at this time, though the first intercourse between bride and groom was usually not witnessed in western European cultures. See Katie Barclay, ‘Intimacy, Community and Power: Bedding Rituals in Eighteenth-Century Scotland’, in Emotion, Ritual and Power in Europe, 1200–1920: Family, State and Church, ed. Merridee L. Bailey and Katie Barclay (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 43–61.
This refers to Holy Communion, also known as the Lord's Supper.
The first time Thornton received the Sacrament since her husband’s death was on 20 December 120 1668. Book 3, 163.