The History of Rome


Ab Urbe Condita
Books I-X



Written by
Titus Livius (Livy)


Translated by
Lucas C. Wagner
with Christine H. Wagner



Version 1.0
2026

©2026, Lucas C. Wagner.         https://lucascwagner.com/

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- Third-party material. Any third-party content (e.g., images, maps, quotations) that is not owned by the author is credited where it appears and may be subject to its own license or to fair use; such material is not covered by this CC0 dedication unless explicitly stated.

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Latin and English Sources

- Ab Urbe Condita, Titus Livius, compiled by Foster, B. O. (1922), is in the public domain.

- Ab Urbe Condita, Titus Livius, compiled by Robert Seymour Conway, Charles Flamstead Walters (1914), is in the public domain.

- History of Rome, translated by Foster, B. O. (1922), is in the public domain.

- The History of Rome by Titus Livius, translated by Spillan, D. (Daniel) (1854), is in the public domain.

- Discourses on Books I-X of Titus Livius, Niccolò Machiavelli, translated by Ninian Hill Thomson (1883), is in the public domain.

1.0 Whether it'll be worth the effort to write a full account of the history of the Roman people from the very beginning of the city, I don't know. Nor would I dare say it, even if I did know. I realize it's common for new authors to always believe they'll either bring more certainty to the facts or go beyond the unpolished words of earlier sources with their literary skills. Whatever the result, it'll still be a pleasure to have contributed, as much as I'm able, to the memory of the deeds of the foremost nation on Earth. Even if my reputation remains in the shadows among so many other new writers, I'll take pride in the fame and greatness of those who overshadow me. This task is huge, covering over seven hundred years from humble beginnings to a massive empire that struggles under its own greatness. I think most readers will want to rush ahead to read about more recent times, where a once-great nation is now consuming itself. However, as a writer, I find it freeing not to concern myself about the less savory and troubled things that typically concern writers today. Instead, my reward is to avert my eyes and look back at the past while I still remember these ancient times in my mind. The myths surrounding Rome's foundation seem more poetic than historical, and I don't plan to confirm or deny their accuracy. Ancient writers often blended divine elements into human history, adding grandeur to give states noble beginnings. However, if any city could be said to have been founded by descendants of Mars, Rome would be it. These legends, however they're ultimately judged by humanity, play a role in understanding Rome's place in history, but I won't put a lot of importance on them. Instead, I'd like each person to focus sharply on some questions. How did people live? What were their moral principles? What leaders led them? How did they win and grow their empire, both inside Rome and outside? As their discipline gradually declined, I'd like readers to observe how morality began to slip at first, then fell further and further until it began to rush recklessly into our present time, an era in which we can't tolerate the vices that we have, but we also won't tolerate the remedies that would cure us. What's beneficial about studying history is to be able to take every example placed in front of us as a shining memorial. Then, from these memorials, you may take for yourself and your own republic what you'd like to imitate, what you'd like to avoid, and whether these things started or ended dishonorably. Either my passion for this project deceives me, or I believe that no republic was ever greater, purer, or richer in good examples, nor has there ever been a city where greed and luxury entered so late, or where poverty and frugality were respected for so long. It's true. The less men had, the less they desired. Only recently has wealth introduced greed, and the abundance of pleasures has brought with it a desire to squander and destroy everything through excess and vice. But these complaints, uncomfortable though necessary, should be banished from the beginning of such a large undertaking. Instead, let's begin with good omens and prayers to the gods and goddesses as if it were the custom for historians just as it is for poets. Let's begin, happily, by invoking their favor to ensure our success.

1.1 First, to begin, it's widely accepted among us that after Troy was captured, the other Trojans were cruelly punished by the Greeks aside from two Trojan leaders, Aeneas and Antenor. These men were spared because of their longstanding ties of hospitality with the Greeks and their constant push for peace and the return of Helen. However, the fortunes of each man were different. Sailing to the deepest part of the Adriatic Sea, Antenor joined up with a group of Eneti who had been driven out of Paphlagonia by a rebellion and were seeking a new leader, as their king, Pylaemenes, was killed at Troy. Together, they drove out the Euganei who lived between the Adriatic Sea and the Alps, and then took over their land. That place was then called Troy, and that name eventually extended to the region. However, the people were generally called the Veneti. Aeneas, like Antenor, also fled from his homeland, though Fate had prepared a far greater destiny for him. First, he went to Macedonia, then to Sicily, and then to the Laurentine territory. Here, the Trojans disembarked, and here, too, they called the land Troy. The journey had left the Trojans with nothing but their weapons and their ships, so they began to plunder the land for food. King Latinus and the native inhabitants who were already living there became alarmed watching them steal from their land, so they began arming themselves to fight off the violent newcomers. There are two versions of what happened next. Some say that after losing a battle, Latinus made peace and then an alliance with Aeneas. Others say that as the battle lines formed, before the signal to attack was given, Latinus stepped between the armies and asked to speak with the leader of the newcomers. He asked who they were, where they came from, why they had left their home, and what they were looking for in the Laurentine territory. When King Latinus learned that they were Trojans led by Aeneas, the son of Anchises and the Greek goddess Aphrodite, and that they were looking for a new place to settle and build a city after their homeland was destroyed, he marveled at the people, their leader, and their spirit of being ready for war or peace. Latinus offered his right hand and pledged his good faith for a future friendship. A treaty was then made between the leaders, and the armies saluted each other. King Latinus welcomed Aeneas as a guest in his house. Before the household gods, Latinus then added a private treaty to the public one, offering Aeneas the hand of his daughter, Lavinia, in marriage. This gave the Trojans hope that they could finally settle down permanently. They built a town, which Aeneas named Lavinium in honor of his new wife. Soon, Aeneas and Lavinia had a male heir, whom they named Ascanius.

1.2 A short time later, the people of Lavinium were attacked. Turnus, the king of the Rutulians, was angry because Lavinia was supposed to marry him before Aeneas arrived. Turnus was particularly enraged that she preferred a foreigner like Aeneas over him. He declared war against Aeneas and King Latinus. The Rutulians were ultimately defeated in battle, but neither side was happy with the outcome. While King Latinus' men and the Trojans did successfully protect Lavinium, King Latinus was killed. On the other side, Turnus and the Rutulian soldiers retreated; however, it didn't stop them. They felt outmatched and even questioned their own strength, so they asked for help from the Etruscans and their powerful King Mezentius, who held a lot of influence in Caere, an important city at this time. Mezentius had been unhappy about this new Trojan city, Lavinium, from the beginning. The Trojans were becoming too powerful. He felt they could threaten the safety of the neighboring states. So, Mezentius agreed to join forces with the Rutulians. To win over the soldiers for the upcoming war, Aeneas decided to unite both the Trojans and the native inhabitants and call them "Latins" to honor the memory of King Latinus. He wanted everyone to be under the same laws and have the same name. After this, King Latinus' soldiers became as loyal and as dedicated to Aeneas as the Trojans, themselves, were. Aeneas, relying on the newfound unity of these two nations, decided to engage with the Etruscans, whose reputation was so great that it was known across Italy, from the Alps to the strait of Sicily, A battle followed, during which Aeneas ordered the Latins not to defend from their walls but to go out in the field to meet the Etruscans. While the Latins won again, this was the last mortal battle Aeneas fought before he was slain. Whatever happened to him afterward, whether he became a god or not, is unclear. His tomb can be found today on the banks of the Numicius River, and the people have given him a deified name: Jupiter Indiges.

1.3 Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, was still too young to rule. Regardless, his right to rule Lavinium was kept safe until he was old enough to lead. During this time, his mother, Lavinia, known for her strength of character, ensured that the Latin state and the royal inheritance, both gifts of the boy's father and grandfather, stood firm. I won't debate whether the boy in this story was Ascanius, or an older brother born to Creusa, Aeneas' first wife, who fled Troy with his father while it was still standing. This older boy is the one that the Julian family, in our time, calls Iulus and claims he is the founder of their gens. Who can say anything with total certainty about these ancient legends? As Ascanius grew older, Lavinium became wealthy and prosperous, but it also grew to be overcrowded. When Ascanius became old enough, he decided to leave Lavinium to his mother and build a new city at the base of Mount Alba, which, due to its position of being stretched along the ridge, was called Alba Longa. About 30 years passed between the founding of Lavinium and the move to Alba Longa. Such had been the growth of Latin power, mainly through the defeat of the Etruscans, that even after the death of Aeneas, even during the oversight of his wife Lavinia, and even during the early years of the reign of Ascanius, King Mezentius and his Etruscans did not attack them. Nor did any other neighbors attack them. The Etruscans and Latins agreed that the Albula River, now known as the Tiber River, would serve as the shared boundary between them. After Ascanius died, his son Silvius became king. He received that name because he was born unexpectedly in a forest. Silvius fathered Aeneas Silvius, who fathered Latinus Silvius. Latinus Silvius started several colonies known as the ancient Latins. From then on, all the kings of Alba Longa were named Silvius. Latinus Silvius' descendants included Alba Ortus, Alba Atys, Atye Capys, Capye Capetus, Capeto Tiberinus. As a side note, Capeto Tiberinus drowned in the Albula River, which was why it was later named after him as the Tiber River. Tiberinus' son Agrippa became king, and then Romulus Silvius became king. Romulus was killed by lightning and was succeeded by Aventinus, who was buried on a hill that is now part of Rome and named after him – the Aventine. After Aventinus, Proca became king. Proca had two sons, Numitor and Amulius. It was when King Proca died and left Alba Longa to Numitor, the eldest of these sons, that conflict arose between the brothers. Amulius became enraged with anger and forced his brother out. At that point, Amulius took over the kingdom and killed all Numitor's sons. Then, under the pretense of doing her great honor, he then forced Numitor's daughter, Rhea Silvia, to become a Vestal Virgin. This meant she could never have children.

1.4 In my view, the birth of such a grand City and the rise of an Empire, second only to the gods, was the work of Fate. Rhea Silvia, now a Vestal Virgin, was raped. She became a mother to twins, and, because the twins had an uncertain origin, she claimed that Mars, the god of war, was their father. This may be because she truly believed it or perhaps because it was less heinous to say that a god was responsible. However, neither gods nor men saved her or her children from King Amulius' unending cruelty. She was shackled in chains and thrown into prison; the twins were ordered to be thrown into the river where the current was strongest. By some divine chance, the Tiber had overflowed its banks at that time, making the regular riverbed inaccessible. The people carrying out Amulius' orders abandoned the twins in these calm, shallow waters because they knew the current would return, however weak. This all happened in the area where the Ficus Ruminalis fig tree still stands today, once called the Romularis. The area was a vast wilderness back then. The legend continues that when the waters of the Tiber receded, it left the basket with the babies on dry land. A thirsty she-wolf was attracted to the babies' cries and came from the nearby mountains. She was very gentle with them, lowering her teats for them to nurse, that a shepherd of the king named Faustulus found her licking the babies to clean them. Faustulus took the babies home to be cared for by his wife, Laurentia. Some sources believe Laurentia was actually called Lupa, a term for a prostitute among the shepherds but which also meant "she-wolf." This might have led to the wolf story. The boys, Romulus and Remus were raised in the countryside under the care of Faustulus and Laurentia. After finishing their chores, the boys were especially happy to roam and hunt in the forest. Having so much independence, they became known as strong and courageous among their friends. They didn't just fight wild animals but also attacked thieves, sharing the thieves' stolen loot with the shepherds. The twins enjoyed working and playing together and the group of young men following them grew daily.

1.5 People say that the Lupercalia Festival, as it's celebrated now, was held on Palatine Hill even back then. This hill was originally named Palatium after Palanteum, a city of the same name. It's said that the Lupercalia Festival originated with Evander, a man from Arcadia who had lived in that area for many years and started a feast there. This feast he brought from Arcadia involved young men running around naked and honoring Pan Lycaeus, whom the Romans later named Inuus. One year, during the festival, Romulus and Remus were ambushed by the thieves, in revenge for stealing their plunder. Romulus successfully defended himself, but Remus was captured. The thieves handed Remus over to the wicked King Amulius, boldly accusing Remus of the thieves' own crimes. The main charge was that Romulus and Remus had gathered other young men together and raided Numitor's lands, wantonly taking goods from the lands just like soldiers carry off spoils in war. As a result, Remus was handed over to Numitor to be put to death. From the beginning, Faustulus, who was raising the boys, suspected they were of royal blood. He knew that King Amulius had ordered children to be abandoned and that the timing matched when he found the boys. But he didn't want to reveal this until the right time or if it became necessary. Out of fear that something bad might happen to Remus, he told Romulus his true identity. He told him about the crimes and suffering that King Amulius had caused to him, his brother, and his family. Upon hearing this, Romulus vowed to avenge all of them. Meanwhile, Numitor had Remus in custody. By accident, Numitor had heard the brothers were twins. When comparing their age, their outspoken, non-servile demeanor, and his own memories of the grandchildren he once knew, it struck Numitor that Romulus and Remus may actually be his own grandchildren. The brothers were then reunited and vowed to overthrow Amulius. Romulus asked for the shepherds to come to the palace at a certain time. They were to use different routes not to raise suspicion. Remus, using the resources available at Numitor's house, rounded up a second group of men. When the men were all assembled, they set out. Forcing their way through the palace to Amulius, they finally encountered the king and, with their small army of shepherds, struck him down.

1.6 While this was going on, Numitor helped the twins' plot by repeatedly shouting that enemies had entered the city and had attacked the palace. He then sent the Alban youth away from the palace to protect the citadel with a garrison and arms. Once he saw Romulus and Remus coming to congratulate him, he knew that Amulius was dead. He assembled the people together to tell them about everything: his brother's cruel actions towards him, the story of his grandchildren, their birth, upbringing, and how they were found. He also told them about the king's death and that he was responsible for it. The young men entered the middle of the assembly in formation, and saluted their grandfather as king in front of the crowd. The people cheered in approval, confirming Numitor's title and authority as ruler. With King Numitor now in charge of Alba Longa, Romulus and Remus wanted to move on and build a city in the place where they had been abandoned and raised. Alba Longa was now growing and overflowing with Albans, Latins, and shepherds. As a result of such explosive growth, everyone believed that Alba Longa and Lavinium would be small compared to the city the twins planned to build. However, their desire for power and their ambition, which had been the source of violence done to their grandfather, disrupted these plans. It would lead to a shameful fight between them over something very trivial. Since they were twins and there was no clear leader for the new city, they decided to let the gods of the area choose who would name and rule the new city by watching for a divine sign in the form of birds.

1.7 Romulus and Remus chose different hills from which they would make their observations about these birds. This would settle who would name and lead the new city. The first augury, or omen, came to Remus who saw six vultures from the Aventine Hill. And when the first augury had been announced, Romulus then saw twelve birds from the Palatine Hill. Each man claimed to be king based on their sightings; Remus because he saw the birds first, and Romulus because he saw more. The twins had men on both sides, claiming each brother was king because of his signs, but both couldn't be king. A fight broke out between the two sides clamoring for power, and Remus was killed. The more common story is that Remus jumped over Romulus' new wall to make fun of him. Romulus lost his temper, striking him down and crying out, "So shall it be from now on with anyone else who leaps over my walls!" Romulus then became the sole ruler. He named the new city after himself: Rome. King Romulus' first order of business was to fortify the Palatine Hill, where he grew up. For religious rituals, he followed the city rites of Alba Longa for most gods. For Hercules, Romulus followed the Grecian rite, as instituted by the king from the area named Evander. As the legend has it, after Hercules had slayed Geryon, he took Geryon's magnificent cattle as a prize. He was driving these cattle through the area when he stopped for the night. After filling himself with food and drink, Hercules laid down by the banks of the Tiber and allowed the animals to graze while he slept. A local shepherd in the area named Cacus was enamored with such beautiful animals. He decided he wanted to steal the most beautiful cattle for himself without Hercules noticing. He came up with the idea to drag the cattle, each one remarkable in appearance, into a cave backwards by their tails, so that their hoofprints pointed outward. The next morning, when Hercules awoke, he noticed that some cattle were missing. He went to check the entrance to the cave. However, he saw the footprints leading out of the cave to nowhere, and this made him confused and uneasy. So, he began to move the cattle away from the area when he noticed that his heifers started to moo because they missed the males, as cows tend to do. The bulls heard the heifers and bellowed back from within the cave. Hercules stopped. He walked back toward the cave, intently. When Cacus tried to forcefully stop him from entering the cave, calling for help from the other shepherds, Hercules struck him down with his club, killing him. It was during this time when Evander, a refugee from Peloponnesus, ruled the area more by personal relationships than actual power. He was respected for his knowledge of writing, an art not commonly seen anywhere in the area, and he was even more revered for the divine reputation of his mother, Carmenta, who was also considered a prophetess. The local peoples had admired her powers of prophecy even before the arrival of the Sibyl in Italy. Evander came to investigate the crowd of frightened shepherds that had formed around Hercules, having caught him in the act of murder. After listening to Hercules' side of the story and observing the impressive size and dignified presence of the man before him, he asked him what his name was, who his parents were, and where he was born. It was at that time that Evander understood clearly that he wasn't just talking with another mortal man. He immediately became excited and welcomed Hercules warmly saying, " Hail, Hercules, son of Jupiter! My mother, an infallible interpreter of the gods, foretold that you would increase the number of the celestial beings, and that here an altar would be dedicated to you, which one day the most powerful nation on earth would call the greatest and honor with your own rites.". Hercules extended his right hand, accepting the omen, and vowed to fulfill his destiny. He then built, consecrated and dedicated the altar. The very first sacrifice to Hercules was made here, from one of Hercules' quality heifers. Evander invited the Potitii and Pinarii families, the two principal families of the time, to assist in the ceremony and the feast. The Potitii arrived on time and ate the entrails of the sacrifice. The Pinarii arrived late, after the entrails had been consumed, and only ate from the rest of the feast. From then on, there was a tradition in Rome that no Pinarii could eat the entrails of the sacrificial animals, which lasted as long as the family did. For many generations, the Potitii family, instructed by Evander, served as priests for this sacred rite until they passed their priestly duties to public slaves. As a result, the entire lineage of the Potitii ended. This was the only foreign religious practice that Romulus adopted. He believed in his own immortality that he had earned through his virtue and to which his fate was leading him.

1.8 After performing religious duties and calling the multitude to a council, King Romulus realized that the only way to unite the new Romans together was through a set of common laws and customs. He created a code of laws, believing that a group of uncivilized, rustic people would respect his authority and be awed if he always presented himself using symbols of the government. He made himself look more majestic by changing his overall appearance, though most notably by having twelve lictors [bodyguards] with him at all times. Some believe he chose twelve because that was the number of birds which had predicted his reign on Palatine Hill. I agree with those who think that the number and type of officers were more likely borrowed from the Etruscans, along with the traditions he borrowed of having a special chair for royalty, the curule chair, and the purple-edged toga, known as the praetexta. The Etruscans had twelve lictors because their king was chosen from twelve states, each providing one lictor. As the City grew, land was set aside for buildings and plans were made for future growth beyond the current population. So that the city's great size would not be in vain, and to increase its population, Romulus followed an ancient practice of city founders who would gather an obscure and humble crowd around them and falsely claim that they were the children born from the earth, or native-born. He opened a sanctuary for them – a place that today is now fenced off, between two groves. There, a large crowd from nearby states, both free and enslaved, took refuge, eagerly seeking a new life. It was a first step toward the city's growing might. Satisfied with his own strength, Romulus then focused on how to organize it. He appointed one hundred senators, either because he thought that was enough or because there were only one hundred men who were the elder heads of the founding families. They were called patres [fathers] out of respect, and their descendants were called patricians.

1.9 The Roman state had grown so strong that it could compete with any neighboring nations in war. However, due to a lack of women, its greatness was at risk of lasting only one generation. The Romans had no children and no marriages with their neighbors. So, on the advice of the Senate, Romulus sent ambassadors to nearby states to ask for alliances and intermarriage with their new population. They said that cities, like everything else, start small and grow aided by their own courage, and with the help of the gods they can achieve great wealth and renown. Rome, in their view, had both divine help and its own courage and self-reliance. Therefore, they shouldn't hesitate to mix their bloodlines with the Romans and unite with them as one people. The appeal to neighboring states didn't go well. The Roman ambassadors weren't met with a favorable reception anywhere, as neighboring states both feared Rome's growing power and worried about their own future. They sarcastically asked the ambassadors if they also opened an asylum for women, as that seemed to be the only way they could find wives. As the insults found their way back to Rome, the young Romans were infuriated. and hinted that there might be violence. Romulus, hiding his own anger, planned games in honor of Neptune, the god of horses, which he called the "The Consualia." The spectacle was announced to their neighbors, and with as much magnificence as they knew or were able to display at the time, the Romans organized the event to make it famous and eagerly anticipated. A large number came, curious to see the new City especially the Caeninians, Crustumini, and Antemnates. Even the Sabines came with their children and their wives. The Romans invited them hospitably into their homes, and when the visitors had seen the layout of the city, the walls, and the numerous houses, they marveled at the growth of the Roman state in such a short time. When the time for the spectacle came, and the audience was fully engaged watching it, a pre-arranged fight broke out signaling the Roman youth to immediately kidnap and drag away the young virgins. Most of the women were taken by whomever chanced upon them. Some of the most beautiful women were taken to the homes of the leading senators by plebeians who were hired for this purpose. One particularly beautiful woman was carried off by a group belonging to a certain Thalassius. When people asked to whom she was being carried, they were told "to Thalassius" to ensure she wouldn't be violated. This was the origin of a what eventually became a traditional Roman wedding phrase. Troubled by fear, the sad parents of the kidnapped women fled from the games. They felt betrayed by the Romans and called upon the god whose festival and games they had come to celebrate in good faith. The kidnapped women themselves were indignant and filled with despair. But Romulus personally went around and reassured them, explaining that this happened due to the arrogance of their fathers, who had refused to allow their daughters to intermarry with the Romans. He assured them that they would be married and would now be honored as wives, sharing in all the rights and fortunes of their husbands and be a part of the new state. Most importantly, and something most dear to human nature, they would become mothers of free citizens. He asked them to calm their anger and give their hearts to their new husbands whom fate had given their bodies. He reminded them that sometimes misfortune over time can lead to deep gratitude. He promised that their husbands would prove to be better men since they would strive not only to be good husbands but also would do their best to fulfill the desires of parents and homeland. The husbands also tried to soothe their new wives with words of love and desire, which are the most effective means of persuasion for a woman's heart.

1.10 Over time, the abducted women's feelings warmed up to Roman life, but their parents did not. Dressed in mourning clothes, crying with grief and outrage, they stirred up the local communities who sent ambassadors to seek help from Titus Tatius, the king of the Sabines, who was highly respected. The neighboring states of Caenina, Crustumerium, and Antemnae, who were also affected by the incident, felt that King Tatius and the Sabines weren't acting quickly enough. They joined together and prepared themselves for war. The people of Caenina, in particular, grew so impatient and angry that they chose to invade Roman territory on their own. Romulus and his army confronted them while they were scattered and causing havoc in the countryside. In a minor battle, he showed them that anger without strength is futile. He scattered and put the army to flight, chasing down and killing those who were fleeing. He then killed their king in battle and stripped him of spoils. Then, having killed their leader, he took their city at the first assault. Romulus then returned back to Rome with his army, victorious. He was not merely a man of great deeds, he was also one who enjoyed displaying them. As such, he carried the spoils he took from Caenina's slain leader suspended from a specially made tray. Romulus ascended the Capitoline Hill and laid these spoils at the foot of an oak tree sacred to the shepherds. He then consecrated the site for a temple to Jupiter and gave the god a new name, Jupiter Feretrius, saying, "I, King Romulus, give you these royal arms in victory, and I dedicate a temple to you in this place that I have marked out. This temple will hold the spolia opima, spoils that my successors will offer you when they kill the kings or generals of the enemy and strip them." This was the first temple consecrated in Rome. The gods seemed to approve of this, as the promise made by Romulus was fulfilled only twice in many years and many wars, making the honor of offering spolia opima a rare achievement.

1.11 As the Romans were busy fighting the Caeninans, the army of the Antemnates, noticing that the Romans were away, saw an opportunity to invade the empty Roman territories. Romulus quickly led a legion against them, catching them off guard while they were scattered in the fields. The Antemnates were defeated at the first battle cry and charge, and their town was captured. While Romulus was celebrating his double victory, his wife Hersilia, weary of the entreaties of the abducted women, pleaded with him to forgive their parents, suggesting that he grant them the right to be Roman citizens, as well. This act of kindness would strengthen his rule through reconciliation. Romulus liked the idea and agreed to her request. Next, Romulus led his troops against another outraged neighbor, the Crustumini, who were also preparing for war against the Romans. However, their morale was low after the defeat of their own neighbors that they put up less resistance and were captured quickly. Having captured Antemnae and Crustumerium, Romulus sent Roman settlers to them. More people chose to settle in Crustumerium instead of Antemnae because of its fertile soil. Many people also chose to move from these towns to Rome. Of these, they were mostly the parents and relatives of the abducted women. The last of these wars was with the Sabines, which was the most challenging. They weren't driven by irrational anger or impatience, nor did they show their intention to wage war. Instead, the Sabines' strategy was craft and deceit. Spurius Tarpeius was in command of the Roman Citadel. Titus Tatius, the Sabine leader, bribed Tarpeius' young virgin daughter with gold to let some of his armed soldiers into the Citadel. The girl had perhaps ventured outside the walls to get water to make a sacrifice. The soldiers then entered and crushed her to death by piling their shields on her. This was either to make it look like the Citadel was captured by force or to set a precedent that no traitors of any kind should ever be trusted. Some say the Sabines wore heavy golden bracelets with precious stones on their left arms and rings set with large jewels. The daughter had made a deal with them for what they had on their left hands. So, instead of the golden gifts, they threw their shields on her. Others say that she specifically asked for their shields as part of the deal, and when it seemed like she was betraying them, they killed her with her own chosen reward.

1.12 Nevertheless, after taking the Citadel, the Sabines held it through the night. The next day, the Roman army filled the area between the Palatine and Capitoline hills. The Sabines didn't engage the Romans or even come down from the Citadel until the Romans, eager to reclaim their Citadel, moved to attack them. Two opposing generals, Mettius Curtius for the Sabines and Hostius Hostilius for the Romans, led the fight. Hostilius bravely fought with courage and audacity on the front lines for the Romans, even on difficult terrain. He was killed, though, and the Roman line broke and was driven back in defeat to the old gate of the Palatine Hill. Romulus, himself, was caught up in the fleeing crowd. In desperation, he raised his arms to the sky praying, " Jupiter, I have laid the first foundations of the City here on the Palatine Hill by your command to the birds. The Sabines have already taken the Citadel by treachery; from there, armed, they are advancing toward us across the valley. But you, father of gods and men, drive the enemy back from here and put an end to the Romans' terror and their shameful flight! Here I dedicate to you a temple to Jupiter Stator, which may be a monument to posterity that the City was saved by your present help." After praying, Romulus sensed that the prayers had been heard and shouted to his troops, "Romans! Jupiter Optimus Maximus commands the Romans to stand firm and to renew the battle!". The Romans obeyed as if they had heard the command from Jupiter himself. Romulus then joined the front lines. Meanwhile, Mettius Curtius, the Sabine leader, had led his troops down from the Citadel and continued to push the Romans back. He was close to the gate of the Palatine Hill, shouting, "We have defeated these treacherous hosts, these cowardly enemies! Now they know that to carry off young virgins is a very different thing than fighting with men!" While he was celebrating and boasting about this, Romulus ambushed him with a group of the bravest young men. Mettius Curtius happened to be fighting on horseback when this happened, making it easier to drive him off, and as he retreated, the renewed confidence of the Roman soldiers inspired the rest of the army to rout the Sabines. Mettius, in his panicked retreat, rode into the swamp, and his horse became spooked by the sudden ambush. He lost control as the chaos and noise of the oncoming Romans overwhelmed the animal, launching Curtius off his horse and into the swamp. The Sabines became distracted, fearing the loss of their leader. However, with encouraging shouts and gestures of his troops, and with renewed courage from the support of many, Curtius managed to escape. Meanwhile, the Romans and the Sabines renewed the battle in the valley between the two hills, but the Romans were ultimately stronger and had the upper hand.

1.13 At this point, the Sabine women, who were the cause of the war, threw off their womanly fear and bravely ran onto the battlefield amid the flying weapons. With ripped clothing and disheveled hair, they crossed the space between the two armies to block the hostile forces from each other. They calmed their fathers on one side and husbands on the other, begging them not to stain themselves with the impious blood of their relatives, fathers against sons-in-law, sons-in-law against fathers. They pleaded with them not to taint their children with the crime of parricide, those on one side would be killing grandsons, and those on the other would be killing their own offspring "If you're angry about our marriages, and if you despise this new kinship, turn your anger on us. We caused this war and the injuries to our husbands and fathers. But we'd rather die than live as widows without our husbands or as orphans without our fathers." The situation moved both the multitude and the leaders. Silence and a sudden calm fell as the fighting ceased. The leaders from both sides were moved and they then started walking forward to negotiate a treaty. Not only did they agree on peace, but they decided to unite the two peoples into a single state. They merged their two kingdoms and all power was transferred to Rome. The City was thus doubled, To honor the Sabines, as they were now Roman citizens, their community would be called the Quirites, from their old Sabine capital of Cures. The place where the battle ended was called Curtius Lake to memorialize the place where Mettius Curtius was launched from his horse and fell into the swamp but escaped onto safer ground. From such a bitter war, this sudden peace made the Sabine women even more appreciated by everyone involved; their husbands, parents, and especially Romulus. When he divided the people into thirty curiae in honor of their courage, he named each group after a Sabine woman. It isn't recorded how they were chosen, since there was undoubtedly a somewhat greater number of women than thirty, or whether they were chosen by age or status or by lot. At the same time, three centuries of cavalry, were formed. One named after King Romulus, called the Ramnes; one named after Titus Tatius of the Sabines, called the Tities; and one called Luceres. The origin of the name Luceres is unknown, however. From then on, not only was the kingdom shared, but it was a truly harmonious joint rule under two kings.

1.14 Years later, some of King Tatius' relatives attacked the ambassadors of Laurentium. When the Laurentines sought justice according to the Law of Nations where ambassadors are sacrosanct, Tatius sided with his relatives and refused to punish them. As a result, he brought the punishment on himself: when he went to Lavinium for a solemn sacrifice, a mob gathered, and he was killed there. Some sources say Romulus didn't react as strongly as he should have, either because he felt Tatius was an unreliable partner in their shared rule, or because he thought Tatius deserved his fate. Instead of going to war over the incident, Romulus, in order to make amends for Tatius' actions and his assassination, renewed the peace treaty between Rome and Lavinium. This unexpected peace continued with Lavinium. However, a new war started closer to home, almost at the gates of Rome. The Fidenates, feeling threatened by Rome's growing power, decided to attack before Rome became too strong. They sent a group of young soldiers to ravage the land between their city of Fidenae and Rome. Then, turning to the left, because the Tiber blocked the way on the right, they plundered the countryside striking terror into the farmers, whose rush from the fields into the City brought the first news of war. Realizing the urgency of the situation, as war so close could not be ignored, Romulus led his army out and set up camp a mile from Fidenae. There, leaving a small garrison at the camp, he led the rest of his forces out and ordered a part of his soldiers to hide in ambush in the thick undergrowth of the bushy areas. Then, he set out with the greater part of the army and all of his cavalry and rode up to Fidenae with a noisy and aggressive display near the gates hoping to draw them out.. The cavalry purposefully looked disorganized as they feigned attacking and then retreating encouraging the enemy to pursue them. As hoped, the Fidenates, seeing an uncoordinated and chaotic cavalry attack and troops retreating, suddenly poured out through the gates, hurling themselves against the Roman line, eager to press on and follow the now retreating cavalry. In the heat of the battle and pursuit of the cavalry they were drawn to the site of the ambush. The Romans suddenly rose from their ambush and attacked the enemy's flanks. At the same time the armed garrison left behind in the Roman camp moved forward with their battle standards, adding to the chaos. The Fidenates, terrified and confused by being attacked on multiple sides, started to panic and fled almost before Romulus and his cavalry had time to turn their horses around to charge them. Their retreat quickly became a disorganized rout as those who had been chasing the Romans now desperately tried to reach the safety of the city. However, the Fidenates didn't escape. The Romans, clinging to their rear, rushed in with the enemy as if in a single column, entering the city before the gates could be closed.

1.15 A kind of war fever struck the people of Veii who were enraged by the war at Fidenae. They felt a kinship with the Fidenates, as they were both Etruscan. They feared that their close proximity might stimulate the Romans to regard Veii and all their neighbors as enemies. So, they decided to attack the Roman territories. However, their attack was more of a raid than a proper full-scale war. They didn't set up a camp or wait for the Roman army to arrive. Instead, they quickly returned to Veii with the spoils they had gathered from the Roman lands. When the Romans arrived, they found the Veientes were no longer on Roman soil. So, the Roman army, ready for a serious battle, crossed the Tiber River to go toward Veii. When the Veientes heard that the Romans were setting up camp and planning to march towards their city, they decided to meet them in open battle rather than be trapped and forced to defend themselves from within their city walls. King Romulus won the battle out in the field, not through any clever stratagem, but simply due to the strength of his experienced army. The Romans drove the Veientes back to their city walls, but Romulus didn't try to take the city of Veii, which was fortified by strong walls and by its very location. Instead, returning home, he ravaged the Veiian lands purely out of revenge rather than for booty. The Veientes, humbled by their defeat and the destruction of their lands, sent representatives to Rome to ask for peace. The Romans agreed to a truce of one hundred years, but only after taking some of the Veientes' land as a penalty. These are the main events that happened during the reign of Romulus, both in times of peace and war. None of these events contradict the belief that Romulus was of divine origin or the divine immortality he was credited with after his death especially when considering his courage to reclaim his grandfather's kingdom, his plan to build a city, and his strategy to strengthen it through both war and peace. Under Romulus's leadership, the City became so strong that it enjoyed forty years of peace after his reign. The people loved him more than the senators, but the soldiers loved him the most. He always kept three hundred armed soldiers as his personal guards, not only in war, but also in peace, and called them Celeres, "the Swift."

1.16 After achieving these immortal deeds, Romulus held an assembly at the plain in the marsh of Capra to review the army when a violent storm arrived with a great crash of thunder and lightning. A thick cloud covered Romulus so completely that it hid him from the view of the assembly. After this, no one saw Romulus again on earth. The Roman youth, after their fear had subsided and the storm was over, stood silently as the sky filled with light and became calm. When they saw that Romulus wasn't on his throne anymore, they believed the senators who had been close to him proclaiming that the storm had carried him up to the heavens. They were also afraid and grieving at their sudden loss and so, maintained a mournful silence for a long time. Then, some people began to murmur, followed by the whole assembly, calling Romulus a god, the son of a god, and the king and father of Rome. They prayed to him, asking him for peace and that he may always, in his mercy, protect his people. I believe that there were also some who silently accused the senators of murdering King Romulus tearing him apart with their own hands. This rumor was passed around, but it remained vague and obscure. The more widely accepted version was made famous by the admiration of the man and their present fear. To further the story along, a popular figure, Proculus Julius, spoke to the people while they were still in mourning and harboring resentment against the senators. He was a respected, serious man who went into the assembly and said: "Quirites, citizens of Rome: the father of our City, Romulus, suddenly descended from the sky and appeared to me at the first light of the day. As I stood there, in awe and reverence, I prayed that I might look at him face to face. Then he spoke, 'Go tell the Romans that the gods desire that my Rome should be the head of the world. Therefore, let them devote themselves to military affairs, and let them know and thus hand down to posterity that no human power can resist Roman arms.' After saying this, he ascended back into the sky." It is wonderful how readily the people believed Proculus Julius' words and how their grief for Romulus was eased by the certainty of his immortality. Both the people and the army were comforted by the fact that he hadn't died but had been taken up to the gods.

1.17 The desire for power and a struggle for who should be the second king of Rome occupied the minds of the senators. There were no factions yet because no one person stood out prominently among the new people. Instead, the competition was between different communities that Rome had brought in as citizens. The Sabines' descendants wanted a king from their group. Since Tatius had died, they feared that they wouldn't have a share of power anymore and might lose their right to the crown. However, the older Romans didn't want a foreign prince. Despite their differing views, everyone desired a king. They hadn't experienced true freedom yet. As they debated, the senators became greatly concerned that other neighboring states might take advantage of the situation and attack. They hadn't yet decided on a government or a leader for the army. And while everyone wanted a leader, no one wanted to concede power to anyone else. So, the hundred senators divided the government among themselves, forming ten groups of ten with each group selecting one senator to lead them. Ten senators governed but only one, an interrex, had the symbols of kingship and lictors to enforce his authority. The interrex's power would last five days, and it rotated among the ten senators. This period without a king lasted a year and was called an interregnum, a name which continues to this day. At some point, the people started complaining about this arrangement, feeling that their servitude had increased. It was as if they had a hundred rulers instead of one king. It became clear that the people wanted a king of their own choosing. When the senators realized the people's discontent, they decided to voluntarily give the people what they wanted, since they could lose the power by force anyway. Seeking to win the people over, they agreed to allow them the right to choose the king, but in a way that still preserved their own power. They told the people that once they had elected a king, their choice would only be allowed if the Senate approved it. Today, in our time, this is still the process of passing laws and electing officials, in principle. However, the Senate's power is reduced. Before the people can vote, the Senate must first approve it in advance, despite not knowing the outcome ahead of time. Then the interrex called an assembly of the people and said, " May this decision bring good fortune, prosperity, and happiness to Rome! Romans, elect your king, for this is the will of the Senate. Then, if you choose a man worthy of being counted second only to Romulus, the Senate will confirm your choice." The people were so happy with this arrangement but not wanting to appear outdone by the favor, they ordered that the Senate should decide who should reign in Rome.

1.18 Numa Pompilius was a man known for his justice and piety. He lived in Cures, the capital city of the Sabines, and was considered the wisest man of the time, as anyone could be in that age. He was highly knowledgeable in all human and divine laws. They falsely attribute that the great Pythagoras of Samos was his philosophy teacher, but I find that no evidence supports this. Pythagoras was known to teach young men in the furthest coast of Italy, around Metapontum, Heraclea, and Crotona. But this was more than a hundred years later during the reign of Servius Tullius. Even if Pythagoras had been teaching at the same time as Numa, it's unlikely that his fame would have reached the Sabines, or that they would have been able to communicate due to language differences. It's also hard to believe that Pythagoras could have traveled safely through so many different nations with differences in language and manners. I think, therefore, it's more likely that Numa was naturally intelligent and was virtuous, not so much by his travels but by the rigid discipline of the ancient Sabines, who were known for their strictness and uncorrupted ways. When the senators heard Numa's name, for the Sabines were inclined to support their king, they knew that choosing a king from the Sabines would shift the balance of power in Rome. However, nobody dared to put themselves or anyone else before Numa. They all agreed that Numa Pompilius should be king. As Romulus had done before him, Numa asked the gods for their approval before taking the throne. An augur, a religious official who interpreted the flight of birds, led him to the Citadel, where he sat on a stone facing south. The augur took his seat to the left of Numa. He had his head covered, and he held in his right hand a curved staff without a knot which they called a lituus. Then, having looked over the city and the countryside, he prayed to the gods and determined the regions from east to west, saying that the right side was to the south and the left side was to the north. Looking as far as the eye could see, he set the sacred boundary for divine signs in his mind; then, transferring the lituus to his left hand, and placing his right hand on Numa's head, he prayed, "Father Jupiter, if it is right that this man, Numa Pompilius, whose head I hold, should be king of Rome, show us certain signs between those boundaries that I have made." Then he completed the auspices with words which told the gods which omens to send. When the divine signs were shown, Numa was officially declared king and descended from the temple having received approval of the gods.

1.19 After gaining control of the kingdom, King Numa began to rebuild the City, which had been established through violence and warfare, to become one based on law, customs, and institutions. Numa noticed that the people, hardened by their perpetual military lifestyle, would struggle to accept these principles if they believed that they were perpetually at war. He thought these warlike people could be softened by putting aside their weapons. So, he built a temple to Janus at the lowest point of Argiletum Street. This temple served as a symbol of peace and war; when opened, it signified that the City was at war, and when closed, it indicated peace with neighboring nations. Since the time of Numa Pompilius, this temple has only been closed twice; once at the end of the first Punic war during the consulship of Titus Manlius, and a second time, which the gods have granted us to witness by Emperor Augustus Caesar after the battle of Actium, when peace was established on land and sea. Having closed the door of the Temple to Janus, and after securing alliances and treaties with neighboring states and removing any fear of foreign threats, Numa worried that the people would resort to idleness. Their minds, which had previously been kept in line by the fear of enemies and military discipline, needed to be restrained. He decided that the best way to control the people during peacetime was to instill a fear of the gods, which was especially effective with a population as ignorant and uncivilized as they were at the time. However, he knew this wouldn't be effective without some miraculous event, so he claimed to have nightly meetings with the goddess Egeria. In these meetings, she instructed him on the religious rituals that would please the gods the most and told him which priests to assign to each deity. He also divided the year into twelve months based on the lunar cycle. But because the moon doesn't complete thirty days each month, the lunar year falls eleven days short in a full revolution of the sun. He then added extra-long months every so often ensuring that every twentieth year the days would align with the same position of the sun from which they had started. He also designated certain days when public business could be conducted and days when no official actions could take place recognizing that some days would be unsuitable for dealing with the affairs of the people.

1.20 King Numa then focused on appointing priests. He conducted many holy rituals himself, particularly those rituals now associated with the flamen Diales or high priest of Diales. However, he knew that, in a warrior society, there would be more warrior kings like Romulus than kings like Numa who were willing to do holy rituals. So, he assigned a permanent flamen or priest to Jupiter to ensure the royal religious duties weren't ignored. He gave this priest a special robe and a curule chair, symbols of royal authority. He also appointed two more flamines, one for Mars, the god of war, and another for Quirinus, the deified Romulus. He chose virgins for the priesthood of Vesta, a tradition that came from Alba Longa and was connected to the city Romulus had come from. He gave the priestesses salaries from the public treasury to ensure they were always present in the temple. Then, he ensured they were viewed as sacred and respected by requiring them to remain virgins and follow other religious practices. Numa picked twelve young noblemen priests [salii] for Mars Gradivus and gave them a decorated tunic and a bronze breastplate. These priests would carry heavenly shields called ancilia, and they would move around the City singing ritual hymns and performing a solemn religious dance. He then selected as pontiff Numa Marcius, son of Marcus, from among the senators, giving him a complete set of written and sealed religious rituals. These instructions detailed which sacrifices to make, when and which temples to perform the holy rituals, and from which funds to draw the money for these expenses. Then, he put all public and private religious practices under the pontiff's supervision. This was to ensure there was a place for the plebeians to seek religious advice, should there be any confusion in the religious laws. This also ensured that ancestral rites would be followed and to prevent adopting foreign ones. The same pontiff, Numa decreed, should teach the people not only about heavenly ceremonies but also about funeral rites and how to soothe the spirits of the dead. The pontiff was to explain which signs sent by lightning or any other event should be heeded and atoned for. To gain such knowledge from the minds of the gods, he dedicated an altar on the Aventine to Jupiter Elicius and consulted the god through omens about which signs should be atoned for.

1.21 The entire community shifted its focus away from violence and war, and more toward resolving issues. This change of heart was influenced by its belief in the gods' constant presence. The people felt that the divine beings were interested in human affairs, filling everyone with a sense of piety. It led to faith and religious duties guiding the state, instead of the fear of laws and punishments. As the people started to follow Numa's moral example, even the neighboring states, who once saw the City as a threat to peace, began to respect it. They thought it was wrong to disturb a state so devoted to worshipping the gods. There was a grove with a spring of perpetually running water in the middle, flowing from a dark cave. Numa often visited this place alone, claiming to meet with a goddess. He dedicated this place to the Camenae, the goddesses of childbirth and fountains, believing that it was the site of their sacred meetings with his divine consort, Egeria. Numa also started a yearly festival to honor Fides [goddess of Faith], ordering that the flamines be taken to her temple in covered chariots pulled by two horses. They were to perform the religious service with their hands wrapped up to their fingers. This symbolized that Fides should be protected and that it should hold a sacred place within the right hand. He established many other religious rituals and dedicated places for them, which the priests called Argei. King Numa's most outstanding achievement was maintaining peace throughout his reign, just as much as his royal authority. Thus, two successive kings, one through war and the other through peace, increased the City. King Romulus ruled for thirty-seven years and King Numa for forty-three years. The City was now both powerful and skilled in the art of war and the art of peace.

1.22 After King Numa's death, an interregnum occurred where there was a period without a ruler until the Roman people chose Tullus Hostilius as their third king. He was the grandson of the same Hostilius who had bravely fought against the Sabines at the foot of the Capitoline Hill and died in battle. The Senate approved of this choice. King Tullus wasn't like Numa. He was more warlike and more aggressive than even Romulus was. His youth, strength, and his grandfather's fame fueled his ambition. Tullus felt the City was growing weak from too much idleness, so he sought reasons for stirring up war. During this time, some Roman farmers began raiding the lands of Alba Longa, and the Alban farmers retaliated by raiding the Roman lands in return. At that time, Gaius Cluilius was the ruler of Alba Longa. Both sides sent ambassadors almost simultaneously to ask for their property back. Tullus had ordered his ambassadors not to do anything before executing his orders. He knew that Cluilius would refuse, thus giving Rome a just reason to declare war on the Albans. The Alban ambassadors, however, acted more carelessly, wasting time. Tullus received them with hospitality and they celebrated the king's banquet together. Meanwhile, the Roman ambassadors had already asked the Albans for their goods back first, and, when Cluilius refused, the ambassadors declared war on the Albans, to begin in thirty days. They returned and informed Tullus that Cluilius had refused. Knowing that the Alban ambassadors weren't current on the latest news, Tullus allowed them to meet with him personally and state their demands. The ambassadors wasted time offering apologies, saying that they didn't want to upset Tullus, but were following orders. They then formally demanded the return of the stolen property. If they didn't get them back, they were ordered to declare war. To this Tullus responded, "Tell your king that the king of the Romans calls on the gods to witness; whichever nation first dismissed the ambassadors asking for their goods back, may they suffer all the calamities of this war."

1.23 The Alban ambassadors returned home with this message. Both sides prepared for war the with utmost effort. It was a war very similar to a civil war, more like a family feud than a war descended from the Trojan lineage. The Romans came from the Alban kings, who came from Alba Longa, which came from Lavinium, which had been founded by Trojans. The war ultimately ended without any major battles, which made the conflict less tragic. Instead of a large loss of life, the buildings of Alba would be destroyed, and two nations, Rome and Alba, would merge into one. The Albans were the first to move, setting up camp five miles from the City and surrounding the camp with a trench. For several centuries this trench was named Fossa Cluilia after their general, Gaius Cluilius, until it became obsolete. It was within this camp that the Alban king died suddenly. Mettius Fufetius was then made dictator of the Albans. Meanwhile, King Tullus, angry by the war and emboldened by Cluilius' death, proclaimed that the gods would punish the entire Alban people for starting an impious war, beginning with their king's death. Accordingly, he led his agitated army past the enemy's camp at night and invaded Alban territory. Mettius Fufetius, now forced to act by Tullus, left his camp and brought his forces as close to the Romans as possible. He then sent a messenger to Tullus, asking for a meeting before they fought, as he felt that he had information that was beneficial to both Rome and Alba Longa. Tullus, not entirely opposed to the meeting, still prepared his army in case the meeting led to nothing. The Albans did the same. Once both armies assembled in formation and were ready, their leaders came forward into the middle of the battlefield with a few nobles. Fufetius started the conversation. "I remember our late king, King Clulius, saying that this war was caused by unresolved disputes of property and broken treaties. I've no doubt, Tullus, that you claim the same. However, if we're honest with ourselves, you and I, our true reason is the desire for power over one another which has stimulated our two related and neighboring peoples to arms. I don't know if this war is right or wrong; it was the decision of King Clulius, but I was chosen to lead the Albans in carrying on this war." "I'd like to remind you, Tullus, about the powerful Etruscans who surround us, especially you. You know full well which one of us is closer to them. These people are strong on land and even stronger at sea. The second you signal your men to charge into battle, the Etruscans will be watching the spectacle and waiting, ready to attack both the exhausted winner and vanquished loser. Therefore, if the gods favor it, I propose we find a way to avoid losing our freedom for the uncertain fate of victory or slavery. Instead, let's decide between ourselves who'll rule the other without causing too much damage or loss of life for both people." Tullus made no objection, even though he was naturally inclined to violence and was hopeful of victory. While both sides considered what to do, a plan soon presented itself which seemed to be provided by Fortune itself.

1.24 It so happened that in both armies at that time there were sets of triplet brothers, all the same age and strength. It is quite certain that they were known as the Horatii and Curiatii and there is hardly any other ancient event more noble. Despite the fame of the event, it's unclear which group belonged to which nation. Some ancient sources say the Horatii were Romans, and I tend to agree. The kings asked the brothers to fight for their own cities with the sword. The winning side would rule over the other. The brothers agreed, and a time and place for the fight were set. Before the fight, a formal treaty was established between the Romans and the Albans. They agreed that the nation whose champions won the fight would rule the other, but in peace. Different treaties have different terms but all was ratified in the same ceremonial manner. According to tradition, this process was traditional. This is the earliest Roman treaty ever recorded. I'll describe how it was done, as was handed down by tradition: King Tullus was asked by a fetial, "Do you command me, O King, to make a treaty with the Pater Patratus of the Alban people?" Tullus gave his approval. The fetial then said, "O King, I request from you the sagmina [sacred grass and herbs]." The king replied, "Take it free from impurities." The fetials went to the Citadel and brought back glades of pure grass. The fetial then asked the king, "O King, do you make me the royal messenger of the Roman people, the Quirites, giving me the right to take with me my sacred vessels and attendants?" King Tullus replied, "As long as it is done without deceit or harm to me and to the Roman people, the Quirites, I grant it." The fetial was Marcus Valerius. He then appointed Spurius Fusius as the Pater Patratus for the Romans, touching his head and hair with the sacred verbena herb. The Pater Patratus was responsible for solemnizing the treaty and sealing it with an oath. This he did in a long traditional poem, too long to relate here, and the treaty was ratified. The treaty terms were then recited. Fusius then said, "Listen, Jupiter! Listen, Pater Patratus of the Alban people! Listen, Alban people! As these words were recited from the wax tables today, clearly, without deception, and in their entirety, so shall the Roman people remain faithful to this treaty. But if the Roman people break this treaty first by a deliberate and dishonest council, then, O Jupiter, strike the Roman people as I now strike this pig, and strike them even harder with all your divine power." After he said this, he hit the pig with piece of flint as a symbol. The Albans did the same and also performed their poems and took their oath of law with their own leader and priests.

1.25 After the treaty was signed, the two sets of triplets, as agreed, prepared for battle. Their friends reminded them that their City, their gods, their parents, and their fellow countrymen, both at home and in the army, were watching them. Encouraged by these words, the brothers stepped into the middle between the two armies. The armies watched from their camps, free from immediate danger but unable to intervene. The fate of their nations depended on the bravery and luck of these few men. With tense anticipation, they focused their minds on what would become a very unpleasant spectacle. The signal was given, and the triplets on each side charged at each other with fierce determination carrying the spirits of entire armies with them. Neither side cared about their own safety but only about the future of their City which they were now responsible for. At the first clashing sound of swords and shields the spectators watched in immense horror. When it was uncertain as to who was winning, the crowd became silent, holding their breath in suspense. Then in the hand-to-hand fighting, when the struggling bodies and sword thrusts still did not find a winner, it became a spectacle of wounds and blood. They watched as two of the Romans fell, one on top of the other, dying, but not before wounding all three of the Albans. When they fell, the Alban army roared with cheers while the Roman legions felt defeated. However, their hope was not entirely lost as their remaining brother, Horatius, was still standing surrounded by the three Curiatii. Perhaps Horatius was unharmed, but he knew he couldn't fight all three Albans simultaneously. He was confident he could defeat them individually, however. So, he started to run, hoping to separate them, assuming they would follow at different speeds due to their injuries. When he arrived some distance from where the fight had taken place, he looked back and saw they were following at great intervals as he had planned, and one was not far from him. He quickly turned and fiercely rushed at the closest Alban, killing him while the Alban army was calling out to the other two Curiatii to come to his aid. But the others were still too far away to help him. This time, it was the Romans who, surprised at this quick victory, roared with elation. Horatius, feeling victorious, immediately looked around for the second Curiatii. And before the last Curiatii could catch up, Horatius quickly killed the second Curiatii who had been injured. At this point, there was one brother left on each side, but they weren't equal in strength or hope. Horatius was unharmed and had already won twice, while the last Alban, exhausted from his wounds and dragging his body to keep up, was demoralized by the deaths of his brothers. Nevertheless, he threw himself at Horatius. This wasn't a real fight, and Horatius knew it. He shouted, "I've killed two enemies so that the souls of my two brothers can rest. I'll kill a third so that Rome shall rule Alba, the prize of this fight." With this, he killed the remaining brother quickly, his sword plunging into the upper throat of the Curiatii who was struggling under the weight of his arms. He then looted the corpse where he lay, as was customary. The Romans, cheering and congratulating, welcomed Horatius back in his victory, their joy all the greater since just a moment before they feared defeat. Both sides then buried their fallen brothers. The Romans were happy because they had won the war, while the Albans were sad because they had lost their independence. The tombs of the brothers can still be seen in the places where they fell. The two Romans are buried together closer to Alba Longa, and the three Albans are buried closer to Rome, each grave at an interval from the other, just like in their final battle with Horatius.

1.26 Before they went their separate ways, Mettius then asked King Tullus for his orders, in accordance with the treaty. Tullus told him to keep the young soldiers armed and ready, as he planned to use them in case a war with Veii broke out. Both armies returned home. Horatius led the army back to Rome, carrying the spoils of the three dead Curiatii brothers. His sister, Horatia, who was engaged to one of the dead Curiatii brothers, met him at the Capena gate. She immediately recognized the military cloak of her fiancé on her brother's shoulders, as she had made it. Horatia, in her grief, loosened her hair and tearfully cried out in mourning for her dead lover. The entire spectacle made Horatius become enraged at the extent of his sister's grief during his victory celebration. He drew his sword and immediately struck her down, shouting "Go to your lover, then! You who have no love for your dead brothers or for me, your family, or your City! So should it be for any Roman woman who mourns our enemies!" Despite Horatius' heroics, the murder of his sister in front of them shocked both the senators and the plebeians. His recent victory shielded him from the immediate punishment of the mob. Nevertheless, he was taken before King Tullus for judgment. Tullus was unwilling to take responsibility for what would likely be a harsh and unpopular verdict. As an execution might follow, he summoned a council of the people and told them, "I will appoint two duumviri to judge Horatius for treason according to the law." The law was grimly worded. Duumviri would judge the accused of treason. If he was charged by the duumviri as guilty, he can plead his case before the people. If Horatius were still found guilty, his head would be covered with a hood and he would be hanged by a rope from a tree or be beaten to death either inside or outside the pomerium. By this law, the duumviri were created. The two judges were appointed and, believing the law left them no choice, ruled that even an innocent man could not be absolved under such a law. The judges found him guilty, and one of them pronounced the sentence, "Publius Horatius, we find you guilty of treason. Lictor, bind his hands." The lictor approached and was preparing the noose to be placed around Horatius' neck. Then Horatius, at the instigation of Tullus, who was a lenient interpreter of the law, said, "I appeal." And so, the appeal was taken to the Roman people for a final decision. The people were deeply moved during the trial, especially when Horatius' father spoke in his defense. He said that his daughter had been justly slain. If it were unjust, he himself, as the father, would have lawfully punished his son. He then prayed that they would not make him, who just a short time ago stood before them as a proud father of a noble son, a father without children. As he spoke, the old man embraced his son, pointing to the spoils of the Curiatii which had been placed in the Forum at the site called the Pila Horatia. Horatius's father exclaimed, "How can this young man you have just decorated and cheered in victory as he entered the city, be bound under a gallows, tortured, and whipped? Even the Albans could scarcely bear so ugly a spectacle. Go, lictor, and tie up those hands that just won Rome's supremacy with a spear and a shield! Go, put a hood over the man that just liberated you and hang him from that unlucky tree! Whip him within the pomerium walls, amid all of this booty from his fallen foes! Better yet, do it outside the sacred boundaries of our City, next to the tombs where the Curiatii brothers he fought are now buried! Wherever you take him, he will be surrounded by the symbols of his victory that demands he be spared such a disgrace!" The people were visibly upset by the father's tears. They found it difficult to condemn a man who was ready to accept danger that most wouldn't. They acquitted Horatius, but it wasn't based on the justice of the case. It was out of admiration for his courage. However, to atone for the murder, the father was ordered to perform a ritual at public expense. He performed sacrifices of reparation handed down in the Horatii family. He then made his son walk under a beam laid across the road with his head covered, as if under a yoke of submission. This beam still exists today and is publicly maintained; they call it "The Sister's Beam." The tomb of Horatia was built with a square stone and was erected where she had been killed.

1.27 The peace with Alba Longa didn't last long. The Alban people were extremely unhappy because the fate and fortune of their state had been risked on only three soldiers. The people's unhappiness so affected Mettius Fufetius that evil began to eat away at his weak character. Since he had been unsuccessful in winning back the Albans through legitimate means, he tried to win the Albans' favor back through dishonesty. Just as he'd once used war to secure peace, he now sought to use peace to provoke war. Fufetius understood that Alba had a stronger desire to fight than the actual resources to fight, so he decided to stir up other nations to go to war with Rome openly and by decree, while he secretly planned to betray Rome under the guise of their alliance. The people of Fidenae, a Roman colony, were persuaded to revolt after their allies, the Veientes, joined them and they received a secret assurance that the Albans would betray Rome. When Fidenae openly rebelled, Tullus Mettius called up Fufetius and his army from Alba Longa to march against the enemy. After crossing the Anio River, he set up camp at the junction of the Tiber and Anio rivers. Between that location and Fidenae, the Veiian army had crossed the Tiber and occupied the right wing near the river, while the Fidenates were on the left near the mountains. Tullus positioned the Roman army opposite the Veientes. Fufetius and the Albans would be opposite the Fidenates. However, Fufetius, lacking courage and loyalty, was afraid to stay and fight the Fidenates, and was afraid to desert the Romans. Instead, he slowly retreated the Alban army toward the mountains. When he thought they were far enough away, and close enough to the mountains, he brought his whole battle line to an elevated position and slowly prepared for battle. It was a way of buying time for the Albans. They would join whichever side seemed to be winning. The Romans were shocked when they saw their flanks exposed by the departure of their Alban allies. A cavalryman hurried his horse to inform the King that the Albans were retreating. In this critical situation, Tullus, in a state of alarm, vowed to establish twelve salii priesthoods, a temple to Pallor, the goddess of Fear, and a temple to Pavor, the god of Panic. And then loudly, so the enemy would hear, he ordered them to return to the battle, that there was no need for alarm. He said that he ordered the Alban army to be led around so they could attack the Fidenates from behind. He also ordered the cavalry to raise their spears. This action prevented a large part of the Roman infantry from seeing the retreating Alban army. Those who had seen the Albans retreating also heard Tullus, so they believed what he said. This made the Romans fight even more fiercely. Terror seized the enemies. The Fidenates had also heard Tullus yelling and as a great part of them were Roman colonists who understood Latin, they feared being cut off from the town by the Alban armies rushing down from the hills, and so, they fled. Tullus pressed forward, routing the Fidenates' left flank and turning his forces against the Veientes, who were struck with fear at their allies' collapse. Unable to withstand his attack, the Veientes attempted to flee, but the river behind them hindered their escape. With nowhere to turn, some shamefully threw away their weapons and ran blindly into the river, while others who hesitated on the banks were cut down as they wavered between flight and resistance. No other Roman battle before this was more brutal.

1.28 The Alban army, who had been merely watching the battle happen the entire time, was then led down to the fields by Mettius Fufetius. He congratulated Tullus on his victory over the enemy, and Tullus responded with equal kindness, ordering the Albans to combine their camp with the Roman camp, hoping it would benefit both sides, and make preparations for a purification ceremony the next day. When dawn came and everything for the ceremony was ready, Tullus ordered both armies to gather, as was the custom. Messengers started from the outskirts of camp, calling the Albans in first. The Albans, curious about the novelty of hearing the King address the soldiers, moved forward and stood near, eager to hear the Roman king speak. As he began his speech, armed Romans immediately surrounded the Albans. It had all been planned in advance, and centurions were told to execute the operation as fast as they could. Tullus continued: "Romans, if there was ever a time to be grateful, first to the immortal gods, then to your own bravery, it was after yesterday's battle. We weren't just fighting against enemies, but also against the treachery and betrayal of our allies, which is even more serious and dangerous." "I want to clear up any misunderstandings. The Alban army moved to the mountains without my order. That was not my command but a deliberate act of deception, and a pretense of command. I wanted to keep you focused on the battle, unaware that you had been abandoned by our allies, and to scare the enemy into thinking they were being attacked at the rear, so they would retreat." "Not all Albans are responsible for this, however. They were following their leader, just like you would have done if I had ordered you to move. Mettius Fufetius was the leader of that retreat, the instigator of this war, and the one who broke the treaty between Rome and Alba Longa. Let no one else dare to do such things. If anyone should resort to such treachery in the future, this will happen to them." The armed centurions surrounded Fufetius. "May what I do be good for the Roman people, for me, and for you, Albans," said Tullus, "I'm planning to move all the Alban people to Rome. I'll give your plebeians the rights of citizenship, and your leaders will join the Senate. We will become one City, one Republic. Just as the Alban state was once split from one people into two, it'll now become one again." The young Alban men, unarmed and surrounded by armed soldiers, remained silent. Regardless of their feelings, they were united in their fear. Tullus continued: "Mettius Fufetius, if you were capable of learning faithfulness and honoring treaties, I'd have taught you and spared your life. But since you can't change, your punishment will serve as a lesson to the human race to respect what you have violated. Just as you were torn between Fidenae and Rome, so now will your body be torn apart." Two chariots, each pulled by four horses, were brought forward and Fufetius was tied down to them. The horses were then driven in opposite directions, tearing Fufetius apart instantly and carrying off his limbs still tied to the restraints. Everyone turned away from the gruesome sight. This was the first and last time the Romans used a punishment that was so inhumane. In all other cases, however, they could proudly claim that no nation had ever adopted milder punishments.

1.29 Meanwhile, the cavalry was sent ahead to Alba Longa to move the people to Rome. Then the Roman legions were sent in with orders to destroy the city. When the cavalry arrived at the gates, there wasn't the usual chaos and fear that happens when a city is captured. There were no gates being broken down or walls shattered with a battering ram. The citadel wasn't being taken by force. There were no enemy shouts or the rush of armed men running through the city spreading destruction by sword and fire. Instead, there was a sorrowful silence and mute despair in every heart. Out of fear, they stood in their doorways asking each other what to do, unable to make a decision about what to take with them and what to leave behind. They wandered through their homes, memorizing each room, knowing it was the last time they would see them. The cavalry started shouting for them to leave as the sounds of homes being pulled down on the outskirts of the city could be heard throughout. Dust from the farthest places filled the air like a cloud. People grabbed whatever they could and left, leaving behind their family gods, stores of provisions, and the homes they were born and raised in. The roads were soon filled with a continuous stream of people leaving the city and seeing others in the same situation made them cry even more. The women cried out especially when they passed by the sacred temples, now filled with armed soldiers, seeing their sacred gods abandoned as if they were prisoners. Once the Albans had left the city of Alba Longa, the Roman soldiers pulled down all the buildings, both public and private reducing everything to the ground. The city that had stood for four hundred years was reduced to a pile of rubble in just one hour. The only buildings spared were the temples of the gods, just as King Tullus had ordered.

1.30 Rome grew in size from Alba's ruins, and its number of citizens doubled. The Caelian Hill became part of the City. To make it more populated, King Tullus chose it for his palace and lived there. To strengthen the state further, he added the leading families of Alba Longa to the Senate, ensuring the number of patricians also expanded. This included families like the Julii, Servilii, Quinctii, Geganii, Curiatii, and Cloelii. Tullus then built a senate-house for the increased number of senators, establishing the Curia Hostilia, and this remained in use up until the time of our fathers. And so that the forces of all ranks might be supplemented from the new people, he recruited ten companies of cavalry from the Albans, then replenished the old legions with the Albans, and enlisted new ones. With confidence in the increased military strength, Tullus declared war on the Sabines, a people who were now only second to the Etruscans in terms of numbers and military strength. Both sides had done wrong to each other and had continued to refuse to make amends. Tullus complained that some Roman merchants who had been busy in the market had been arrested near the Temple of Feronia. On the other side, the Sabines said that some of their people had taken refuge in a grove in Rome and were now being held there against their will. These were the official reasons for the war. The Sabines were quite aware that some of their people, their military strength, had been moved to Rome in the past by Titus Tatius when he co-ruled with Romulus in earlier times. They also knew that Rome had recently grown by adding the Albans. So, they started looking for help from other places. The Etruscans were the closest and, of all the Etruscans, the Veientes were the nearest. They received some volunteers from there who were particularly tempted to defect, mainly because of old grudges and anger stemming from past wars. Some travelers joined and some mercenaries from the poor plebeians joined merely for the pay. However, they didn't get any assistance from the government of Veii. The Veientes wanted to keep their peace agreement with Rome that they originally made with Romulus. Since both sides were going to throw a lot of resources into the war, it was advantageous to be the first to attack while the other side was still preparing. Therefore, Tullus decided he would be first, and took the initiative to cross into Sabine territory. A fierce battle took place at the Malitiosa Forest. The Roman army was especially victorious because of their new Alban cavalry. When the Roman cavalry charged, the Sabine soldiers were thrown into such chaos that they couldn't fight back or retreat without a great slaughter.

1.31 After the Sabines were defeated, the Romans' victory only added to the glory of King Tullus' rule as well as the entire Roman state, whose wealth, respect, and strength continued to grow. However, strange news reached the King and senators at this time: stones were raining down on Mount Alba. This was difficult to believe, so Tullus sent people to check what was happening. Upon arrival, they indeed saw a heavy shower of stones falling from the sky, almost like hailstones driven by the wind. They also thought they heard a loud voice from the grove at the top of the hill. The voice demanded that the Albans perform their forgotten religious rituals, which they had abandoned along with their homeland. By this time, the Albans had either adopted Roman gods or, possibly out of anger at their fate, stopped worshipping the Alban gods altogether. As a result of this omen, the Romans instituted a nine-day ritual called a Novendiale. This could have been in response to the voice from Mount Alba, or, on the advice of the aruspices [the priests who read and interpreted entrails]. From then on, a nine-day festival was held whenever the same event was reported. Not long after this happened, a plague spread among the people and made the soldiers too ill to serve. Despite their sickness, the warlike king didn't allow them to rest. He believed that the military life kept the body stronger and healthier than remaining at home. Everything changed when King Tullus, too, became sick from the disease. The illness made him less fierce and more superstitious. Here was a man who had previously despised religious devotion as unworthy of a king suddenly becoming enslaved to every kind of superstition, both great and small. As a result, he filled the people's minds with all kinds of religious fears and the people ultimately followed along with their King. A general desire grew among the Romans to return to more peaceful times such as those under King Numa. The only way to heal their bodies, they believed, was to make peace with the gods and heaven. It's said that, while reading Numa's commentaries, Tullus discovered a description of a certain secret sacrifice that had been made to Jupiter Elicio. He withdrew into private and tried to perform this ritual to Jupiter Elicio himself, except the ceremony hadn't been properly started or was carried out incorrectly. After he completed the ritual, he not only didn't receive a sign from heaven, but he provoked Jupiter's wrath with such a flawed ritual. He was immediately struck by lightning and his body burned along with his house. King Tullus reigned for thirty-two years and was known primarily for the great glory of his military achievements.

1.32 When King Tullus died, the government was handed back to the Senate. They again chose an interrex who held an election, and the people voted for Ancus Marcius to be king. The Senate, in response, confirmed their choice. King Ancus Marcius was the grandson of King Numa Pompilius. His mother was Numa's daughter. Now that Ancus had become king, he thought a lot about his grandfather's reputation. While the previous reign was successful in many ways, in fact it was very prosperous, he felt it had failed in one area: religion. Either the religious rituals were completely ignored, or they were done incorrectly. Ancus believed it was very important to reform this part of Roman life and perform these rites correctly, just as Numa had established them. He ordered the pontiff to write down all the rituals from the king's notes on white tablets and display them in a public place for everyone to see. From this, both the Roman citizens, who were weary of war and were hoping for peace, and the neighboring cities, hoped that the king would adopt his grandfather's customs and institutions. The Latins, who had made a treaty with Tullus, saw this as an opportunity and became more confident in their strength. They invaded and plundered Roman lands, responding disrespectfully and haughtily when the Romans asked for their property back. The Latins thought that this new king would be overly pious with his religious duties, spending time in his chapels and altars, and uninterested in fighting back. As far as personality, Ancus was a mix of his grandfather, King Numa, and King Romulus. While peace was necessary during the constant violence of his grandfather's time, Ancus felt he couldn't enjoy peace if the Romans were under constant attack. He felt that his patience was being tested and taken for granted and that, in the current times, a warlike king like Tullus was needed more than a king like Numa. Just as Numa had performed religious rituals during peacetime, Ancus decided he himself should perform warlike ceremonies, and wars would not only be waged but also declared by some ritual. He borrowed the ritual for addressing grievances from an ancient tribe of Aequians. It is still repeated by fetials to this day. The ritual went like this: When a fetial priest arrived at the borders of the people with whom the Romans had a grievance, he covered his head with a wool veil and said: "Hear me, Jupiter! Hear me, borders of …" then named whichever nation was being addressed, and then, "Hear me, Divine Law!" "I am the official messenger of the Roman people. I come in righteousness and piety as an ambassador. Let my words be believed." At this point, he recited the demands for restitution. To finish, he called upon Jupiter as his witness, saying: "If I demand unjustly and am asking impiously for the surrender of these people and these possessions, then may you never let me return to my homeland safely." He said these words multiple times: when he crossed the border, when he came across the first people inside the territory, and when he entered the city gates. Also, he said them when he entered into their forum, with only a few changes in the form and wording of the oath. If the demands weren't met within thirty-three days, for so many are festival days, he declared war thus: "Hear, Jupiter! Hear, Janus Quirinus! Hear all heavenly gods, gods of earth, and gods of the lower world! I ask you to witness that this nation…", naming whatever people it is, "is unjust and did not make fair reparations. Now, we will consult the elders in our City as to how we may obtain our rights." At that point, the fetial returns to Rome for further instructions. Immediately, the King would consult the senators, using words such as these: "Concerning the matter of stolen property, disputes, and other grievances declared by the pater patratus or head fetial, of the Roman people against the pater patratus of the Ancient Latins and the men of the Ancient Latins, grievances which they haven't delivered, nor fulfilled, nor satisfied, things which ought to have been delivered, fulfilled, and satisfied, tell me," turning to the man whose opinion he would typically ask first, "what do you think?" Then the senator would reply: "I believe that restitution should be sought in warfare that is just and reverent. I give my consent and approval." The other senators were then asked, in order, and when the majority of those present consented in favor of war, it was settled. War had been agreed upon. It was then customary for the fetial to carry an iron or blood-stained wooden spear to the border of the other nation and, in the presence of at least three adult men, say: "Whereas the tribes of the Ancient Latins and men of the Ancient Latins have been guilty of acts and offenses against the Roman people; and whereas the Roman people have commanded that war be made on the Ancient Latins, and the Senate of the Roman people has approved, agreed, and voted for a war with the Ancient Latins. For this reason, I and the Roman people declare and make war on the tribes of the Ancient Latins and the men of the Ancient Latins." Having said this, he would throw his spear over the border into their territory signaling the official beginning of war. This is the way in which war was declared against the Latins during Ancus Marcius' reign and was preserved as the traditional Roman method of declaring war for future generations.

1.33 After entrusting the sacred duties he instituted to the flamens and other priests, King Ancus enlisted a new army and he marched to war. He successfully captured Politorium, a city of the Latins. Following the tradition of previous kings who expanded Rome by incorporating defeated enemies as citizens, he moved all the citizens from Politorium to Rome. The earliest Romans had settled the Palatine Hill. The Sabines occupied the Capitoline Hill with the Citadel, to the west. The Albans lived on the Caelian Hill, to the east, which was the old Romans' home. The Aventine Hill was given to the new arriving citizens. When both Telleni and Ficana were captured, these new citizens were also added to the Aventine Hill. Later, the town of Politorium, which was left deserted, was repopulated by Ancient Latins and had to be recaptured again, Accordingly, after recapturing it, the Romans then razed the city to the ground so enemies wouldn't use it in the future. Finally, the remaining Latins were driven into Medullia, where various battles were fought with various victories as the town was well-defended and had a strong garrison. The Latin army had set up camp in the open fields and several times they brought their standards close to the Romans for battles. Ultimately, however, King Ancus, having combined all his forces, led them to a decisive victory. He returned to Rome with significant spoils, and also took many thousands of Latins into the City. They were given a district to live near the Temple of Murcia, which connected the Aventine Hill to the Palatine Hill. The Janiculum, the second-tallest hill, was also incorporated into Rome, not because of a lack of space, but to prevent it from being taken and used by enemies. It was decided not only to fortify it, but also to connect it to the City by the Pons Sublicius, a wooden bridge over the Tiber River, the first of its kind. Ancus also built the Fossa Quiritium, a large defensive ditch to protect the lower, more accessible parts of the City. With the City's population growing rapidly, crime increased. With no clear distinction between right and wrong in such a large population, crimes were committed in secret. To instill fear and to stop the rising audacity, King Ancus built a prison in the middle of the City, looming over the Forum. Not only did the City grow under King Ancus, but also its territory and borders. He took the Maesian Forest from the Veientes, extended Roman control to the sea, and built the city of Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber River. He also created salt-pits around it and expanded the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius to celebrate his great military victories.

1.34 During King Ancus' reign, a wealthy and ambitious man named Lucumo moved to Rome. He hoped to gain power and status there, something he couldn't achieve in his hometown of Tarquinii due to his foreign ancestry. Lucumo was the son of Damaratus, a Corinthian who had fled due to political unrest and had settled in the Etruscan city of Tarquinii. Damaratus married a local woman and had two sons, Lucumo and Arruns. Lucumo inherited all of Damaratus' wealth when he passed away because Arruns died before his father, leaving his wife pregnant. Damaratus didn't know that his daughter-in-law was pregnant and, failing to include a grandson in his will, died without making provisions for him. Because of this, the child was named Egerius, meaning needy, because of his poverty from having no share in the inheritance. Lucumo, now wealthy, married Tanaquil, a woman from a high-ranking family. She was proud of her lineage and not content with their low status in Tarquinii, especially as Lucumo was looked down upon for his non-Etruscan, foreign roots. Tanaquil felt no true connection to the Etruscans and was indignant that they had snubbed her husband, so she proposed that they move to Rome. In Rome, it was said, nobility was based on merit rather than birthright. After all, previous Roman kings had diverse origins. Tatius co-ruled with Romulus, but he was a Sabine. Numa was called from Cures. Ancus had a Sabine mother but was related to Numa. Lucumo's ambitions were huge, so he needed little convincing and, having packed their belongings, they moved to Rome. Fortune brought them to the Janiculum. There, as he sat in his carriage with this wife, an eagle. lowering its suspended wings, gently took away his cap. Then, flying over the carriage with a great scream, placed it back on his head correctly as if by a heaven-sent sign. From there it flew away. Tanaquil was knowledgeable in interpreting celestial omens, as many Etruscans were, and was overjoyed to receive this sign. She encouraged her husband to aspire to greatness. She noted that the bird, coming from the heavens, was a messenger of the gods and had taken a token from a man's head only to return so that it might be divinely restored to him. Carrying these hopes and thoughts with them, they entered the City. After finding a suitable place to live in Rome, Lucumo began announcing himself as Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. His foreign origins and immense wealth made him stand out among the Romans, and he enhanced his fortune through his friendliness, courteous hospitality, and generous favors which made him popular. His reputation eventually reached the royal palace. Soon, by diligently and skillfully handling both public and private matters, Tarquin earned the king's trust and friendship, becoming a close confidant. Through his experience in all the affairs of state, both military and domestic, and having proved himself in all things, he was ultimately named guardian of the royal children in King Ancus' will.

1.35 King Ancus reigned for twenty-four years, matching the previous kings in both war and peace, and in skill and glory. Upon his death, Ancus' sons were almost teenagers, which made Tarquin nervous and eager to hold an election for a king as soon as possible. When the election assembly was finally announced, and since he was their guardian, Tarquin sent Ancus' sons away on a hunting trip at the appointed time. Sources say that Tarquin was one of the first to campaign actively for the crown, making an impassioned speech to win the support of the people, the plebeians. He told the people he wasn't doing anything new, as he wasn't the first foreigner to want to be king of Rome, which anyone might be indignant or surprised at. In fact, he was the third foreigner seeking kingship. Titus Tatius, who was not only a foreigner but a Sabine enemy, had been made king together with Romulus. Numa, who wasn't familiar with the City, and wasn't seeking to be king, had been invited to the throne. And he himself, he explained, had moved to Rome with his wife, his wealth, and all of his belongings and had spent more time in Rome than in his homeland of Tarquinii. He had learned the Roman laws and customs in both peace and war while serving under King Ancus. And he had been loyal and devoted to the king and had rivaled Ancus himself in generosity to others. As Tarquin spoke to the people, they believed his words to be true and elected him king by a large majority. Though he was still a good man, King Tarquin remained ambitious for power. He wanted to strengthen his power as he was strengthening the power of the state, so he added a hundred loyal people to the Senate, who were then called the Lesser Houses of Patricians [Minorum Gentium]. These people fervently supported the king because he had helped them get into the Senate. Tarquin's first war was with the Latins, and he took the town of Apiolae by storm. He brought back more spoils than expected and used them to celebrate with games that were more expensive and grander than the previous kings' games. He marked out the place for the circus, now called Circus Maximus. Specific seating areas inside were then reserved for the senators and cavalrymen where each group could set up their own viewing area the way they wanted. These areas became known as fori. They were on elevated wooden platforms, twelve feet high, and supported by forked beams. Horse racing and boxing were initially presented, mainly from the Etruscans. Over time, these games became an annual solemn tradition, known variously as the "Roman Games" or the "Great Games." Tarquin also developed the Roman Forum area marking off spaces for private construction and overseeing the building of covered walkways [porticoes] and market stalls.

1.36 King Tarquin was planning to build a stone wall surrounding the City when a war with the Sabines interrupted his plans. The attack was so sudden that the enemy crossed the Anio River before the Roman army could stop them, causing panic in Rome. The initial battles were fierce and bloody, with no clear winner. Then, after driving the Sabines back to their camp, the Romans took time to recruit more soldiers and prepare for war. Tarquin believed his army needed more cavalry, so he decided to expand the existing cavalry units, the Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres, which Romulus had established. He wanted to name the new units after himself. This was because Romulus had done this when he was inaugurated. However, Attus Navius, a famous augur at that time, argued that no changes or additions could be made unless the birds gave a favorable omen, as Romulus had originally created them through augury. Tarquin was enraged and mocked the augur's beliefs. According to legend he decided to test the validity of augury and said, " Come now, diviner, tell me through augury whether it's possible to do what I'm now thinking." When Attus performed the augury and declared that it could indeed be done, Tarquin revealed his thought: "I had in mind for you to cut a whetstone in half with a razor. Now take these and do what your birds say is possible." Without hesitation, Attus Navius took a razor and split the whetstone in two. A statue of Attus Navius, with his head covered, was placed on the steps to the left of the Curia at the exact spot where this event occurred. The split whetstone was also kept there as a monument of this miracle for posterity. The event greatly increased the respect for augury and the priesthood of the augurs. From that point on, no private or public affairs, whether war or peace, were conducted without augury. Assemblies of the people, military mobilizations, and major decisions of state were all subject to the approval of the birds. Nor did Tarquin change anything about the centuries of cavalry except doubling their size to eighteen hundred in three centuries. The new additions were called the posteriores [back ranks], but they kept the same names as the original units. Today, with the additions, they're referred to as the Six Centuries because the original three were doubled.

1.37 Now with a larger cavalry, they again clashed with the Sabines. In addition to their increased strength, the Romans also used a clever stratagem to win the battle. Tarquin sent men to gather a large quantity of wood found on the bank of the Anio River. He order them to set it on fire and throw it into the river. With the help of the wind, the burning wood crashed into rafts setting them on fire which, in turn, crashed into the temporary escape bridge the Sabines had made. The rafts, now jammed in place by the current, quickly ignited the bridge. Seeing their only means of escape now on fire not only created immediate panic in the Sabine army, but it also blocked their retreat after their defeat. Many who had just escaped the Romans subsequently drowned in the river's strong current. The Sabines' weapons and bodies floated down the Tiber River to the City, announcing the victory to the Roman public before any news could reach there. The new Roman cavalry particularly stood out in this battle. As the story goes, they were positioned on both flanks of the Roman army. When the center lines of infantry were being pushed back, they attacked the flank of the Sabines so strongly that they not only stopped them from pushing the Romans back but also made them panic and flee. The retreating Sabines, in chaos, tried to escape to the mountains, but most were driven into the river by the Roman cavalry. Tarquin, seeing the Sabines in full retreat, decided to strike while they were weak. He first sent the captured spoils and prisoners to Rome, then offered some enemy spoils as a sacrifice to Vulcan, burning them in a great pile. Then he led his army deeper into Sabine territory. The Sabines were still dealing with the issues of their disastrous loss and, hearing that the Romans were on the way, quickly tried to assemble whatever army was left, lacking any time to do it. Their army was soundly defeated quickly. At this point, the Sabines were desperate and negotiated for peace.

1.38 The town of Collatia and its surrounding lands were then taken from the Sabines. King Tarquin's nephew Egerius was left there to lead the garrison. Sources have written that this was how the people of Collatia surrendered to Tarquin: The king questioned, "Are you ambassadors and orators sent by the citizens of Collatia to carry out the surrender of yourselves and the citizens of Collatia?" "We are." "And are the citizens of Collatia a free people?" "We are." "Do you surrender yourselves, the citizens of Collatia, your city, your lands, your water, your boundaries, your temples, your tools, and all divine and human things into my power and that of the Roman people?" "We surrender them." "Then I receive you," said Tarquin. Now having ended the Sabine conflict, Tarquin returned to Rome in Triumph. Afterward, he started a war with the ancient Latins. Tarquin didn't engage in a major battle with the Latins, but instead fought different towns one by one. In this way, he was able to conquer the entire Latin nation: Corniculum, Ficula Vetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, and Nomentum. All of these were the towns of the ancient Latins or who had defected to them. After this, peace was made. Tarquin then began public works during this time of peace with greater enthusiasm than he had waged wars, and there was no more rest for the people than there had been in the army. His plan was to surround the City with a stone wall, the beginning of which had been disturbed by the Sabine war and which he had not yet finished fortifying. He also drained the lower parts of the City, around the Forum, and other valleys between the hills. These areas had trouble draining water because they were flat. He did this by building sewers that were built to slope down and drain into the Tiber River. Tarquin also started building the foundation for a temple to Jupiter on the Capitoline, which he had promised to do during the wars with the Sabines. Even then, he had a sense of the importance of this place in the future.

1.39 At that time, a prodigy [omen] happened in the palace, both in sight and in effect. Sources have written that, while a servant boy named Servius Tullius was sleeping, his head blazed with an aura of fire which many people saw. The outcry about this miracle woke up the royal family and they went to see what was happening. As a servant tried to extinguish the fire with water, the queen stopped him. She said not to disturb the boy until he woke up naturally. When he did wake up, the fire went out. Queen Tanaquil, being an expert in omens as has been said, spoke to King Tarquin in a secret room about what they had seen. "Do you see this boy that we're raising in such a humble way? I believe he will be our guiding light in tough times and protect our royal house when we're in trouble. Therefore, we should nourish this boy with great care, as he may be destined to be the source of great honor for both the state and for ourselves personally." From then on, they treated him like their own son. They trained him in the kinds of things he needed to know to be a great leader. The task was an easy one, as it was carrying out the will of the gods. The young man turned out to be of truly royal character and when it was time for Tarquin's and Tanaquil's daughter to get married, none of the other Roman youths compared to Servius Tullius. So, they arranged for their daughter to marry him. This honor makes it hard to believe that, as some have written, he was the son of a slave or that he was a slave himself when he was young. I'm inclined to believe that when the city of Corniculum was captured, Servius Tullius's pregnant mother was taken prisoner. Because of her high status as the wife of Corniculum's leader, who had been killed in the battle, Tanaquil spared her from slavery. She gave birth to Servius in this house of Tarquinius Priscus, the king of Rome. This act of kindness strengthened the bond between the two women. The boy was raised in the house from a young age and was loved and respected, but because his mother was captured by the enemy, some people thought he was the son of a slave.

1.40 In the thirty-eighth year of King Tarquin's reign, Servius Tullius held a place of honor among the royal family and was highly respected by the senators and plebeians, as well. By this time, the two sons of Ancus, the former king, held years of resentment. They had always felt it was a great insult that they had lost their father's crown due to King Tarquin, once their trusted guardian, who betrayed them by sending them off to hunt when the elections for king were happening. They were also angry that a foreigner, who wasn't even from an Italian family, was ruling Rome. Their anger boiled over when they realized that, after Tarquin, the crown wouldn't return to them. Instead, it would go to a slave. They couldn't believe that one hundred years after Romulus, a god-like figure, ruled Rome, a slave born of a slave would now take the throne. They felt it would be a disgrace to the Roman name and their family if a slave ruled Rome while there were still male descendants of King Ancus alive, so they decided to stop this from happening through force. The brothers' anger was directed more toward King Tarquin than Servius. They knew that a king would be able to seek revenge for an attempted assassination with more strength and more resources than a common person would. They also thought that if Servius were killed, Tarquin would simply choose another son-in-law and make him heir to the throne. So, they planned to kill the king, choosing two of the most desperate shepherds to carry out the plan. As the story goes, the shepherds faked a fight on the entranceway of the palace drawing all the royal attendants to them. Then when both were calling for the king and their cries had reached the king's ears, he called them in. At first, they both shouted at each other in unison. Restrained by the lictor, they were ordered to speak taking turns. While the king was listening to one of them, turning his body to face him, the other hit him in the head with an axe. They left the axe in the wound and both rushed out of the palace.

1.41 As those nearby tended to the dying Tarquin, the lictors captured the shepherd assassins trying to flee. This caused a commotion, and a crowd gathered, curious about what was happening. Queen Tanaquil, amidst the chaos, ordered the palace to be closed and expelled everyone present. She quickly arranged for the king's wound to be treated, hoping he might survive. At the same time, she planned for other safety measures in case he did not. She urgently called for Servius and showed him her dying husband, nearly bloodless. Holding his hand, she pleaded with him to avenge her husband's death and protect her from the mockery of their enemies. "Servius," she said, "if you are brave, this kingdom is yours, not theirs who committed this terrible crime. Stand up and follow the gods and leaders who once predicted your greatness with an aura of fire. Let their divine prediction encourage you to rise and claim your destiny. We were foreigners, though we have ruled. Consider who you are today, not where you were born. If you're unprepared to follow your own plans due to all of this happening so quickly, then follow my plans instead." When the crowd's uproar became almost unbearable and couldn't be ignored anymore, Tanaquil spoke to them from the palace's upper windows that faced Via Nova, since the king lived near the Temple of Jupiter Stator. She told them to be of good cheer. The king was still recovering from the shock of the attack. In fact, she said, the weapon hadn't deeply penetrated his body, and he was regaining consciousness. The wound had been examined and the blood had been wiped away. All was favorable. She promised they would see him soon and, in the meantime, they should obey Servius Tullius. He would administer justice and perform all the king's duties. Servius appeared in royal attire, surrounded by lictors. He began making decisions sitting on the king's throne and, in some cases, he claimed he would consult the king privately. Thus, the king's death was kept secret for several days, and Servius consolidated his power under the guise of acting on the king's behalf. King Tarquin's death was finally discovered when ritual mourning was heard coming from inside the palace. At that point, Servius, surrounded by a strong guard, assumed the throne with the Senate's approval. He was the first king to serve without the consent of the people. The sons of Ancus, whose plot had been exposed, had already fled to Suessa Pometia when they heard that the assassin shepherds were captured and that the king was still alive, and that Servius Tullius' power was only increasing.

1.42 King Servius started to build his power, both in public with the citizens and in private with family. He was worried that King Tarquin's children might feel the same resentment towards him as Ancus' children had felt towards Tarquin. To prevent this, he married his two daughters to the young princes Lucius and Aruns Tarquinii. However, even these measures couldn't prevent jealousy and betrayal from arising within his own family due to his position of power. The truce between Rome and Veii had now expired, so war resumed with the Veientes and other Etruscans. These wars came at a good time because they helped maintain tranquility within Rome. In this war, Servius' courage and good fortune was evident. After he had routed a vast army of the enemy, he returned to Rome a king beyond any doubt of the Senate or the people. After the war, Servius started a significant peace project. Just as Numa had established religious institutions, Servius wanted to be remembered as the one who created a system to differentiate social and economic status. He introduced the census, a critical tool for such a great empire. The census would allow the various duties of peace and war to be assigned based on someone's wealth rather than indiscriminately, as it had been done before. Servius organized the classes and centuries according to the results of the completed census, and it was a system that worked well in times of peace or war.

1.43 He divided the Roman citizens into five classes based on their wealth: The First Class consisted of those with one-hundred thousand pounds of aes rude or more. He divided this class into eighty centuries, half older men and half younger men. The older men, called seniors, were tasked with guarding the City, while the younger men, the juniors, were sent to fight wars abroad. Their armor included a helmet, a round shield, greaves, and a breastplate, all made of brass. These were to cover their body. Their weapons were a spear and a sword. Two centuries of unarmed engineers were added to this class, whose job was making war machines. The Second Class included those with estates ranging from seventy-five thousand to one-hundred thousand pounds of aes rude. They were divided into twenty centuries of seniors and juniors. Their armor was similar to that of the first class, but they carried oblong shields and didn't have a breastplate of bronze. The Third Class was made up of those with fifty-thousand pounds of aes rude. They had the same number of centuries and similar armor to the Second Class but without greaves. The Fourth Class, with property worth twenty-five thousand pounds of aes rude. They had the same number of centuries but nothing was given except a spear and a long javelin. The Fifth Class was the largest, with thirty centuries. They carried slings and stones for throwing. This class also included two centuries of horn-blowers and trumpeters. Their property was valued at eleven thousand pounds of aes rude. Those with less wealth comprised the rest of the citizens who were grouped into a single century and were exempted from serving in the war. Thus, the infantry was equipped and distributed. Servius also formed twelve centuries of cavalry from the wealthiest citizens. He also formed six additional centuries under the same names as those inaugurated by Romulus from the three original tribes, Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres. For the purchase of horses they were given ten thousand pounds of aes rude from the public revenue, and certain rich widows were assigned to support the upkeep, each paying two thousand pounds of aes rude per year. The financial burden was thus shifted from the poor to the rich by Servius. In return, additional privileges were given to the wealthy. Unlike former kings, who had allowed equal voting rights to all individuals, Servius introduced a graduation so that while no one was ostensibly deprived of his vote, all the voting power was concentrated in the hands of the wealthiest men of Rome: the cavalry was called to vote first, then the eighty centuries of the First Class. If they disagreed, which was rare, the centuries of the Second Class were called. The lower classes rarely got a chance to vote. This system ensured that most of the power remained with the wealthiest citizens. It isn't surprising that the system today, after the expansion to thirty-five tribes and their number doubled by the centuries of the younger and older, doesn't match the total established by Servius Tullius. He divided Rome into four parts, or tribes, based on the regions and hills which were inhabited. The word "tribes" likely came from the word "tribute" because Servius' tax system was based on one's census rating. These original four tribes didn't have anything to do with the distribution or number of centuries, however.

1.44 King Servius sped up the census by passing a law that threatened those who didn't participate with jail or death. After it was finally completed, he ordered all Roman citizens, both cavalry and infantry, to gather at the Campus Martius at dawn. Each person was to be in their assigned century. There he surveyed the entire army in formation with their own uniforms. He then purified it with a triple sacrifice of a pig, a sheep, and an ox [suovetaurilia]. This marked the official end of the census period, also known as the closing of the lustrum. In the end, it's said that eighty-thousand citizens were counted in the census. However, Fabius Pictor, the oldest source, says this was actually the number of men who were able to bear arms. It became obvious that the City needed to be bigger to accommodate such a population. Servius added two hills, the Quirinal and the Viminal, and expanded the Esquiline Hill, where he lived to make the area more desirable. He surrounded the City with a rampart, ditches, and a wall. He also expanded the pomerium, the sacred border of Rome. Some people think the pomerium is the land outside the walls, but it's actually the space on both sides of the wall. When the Etruscans built cities, they would consecrate this space, leaving room inside and outside from where they planned to build the wall. This was so houses wouldn't be built right up against the wall on the inside, and there would be some open space outside. It was this space, which couldn't be farmed or lived in, that was called the pomerium by the Romans. As the City grew bigger, new walls were built further out and, thus, the sacred boundary stones of the pomerium were moved further out, as well.

1.45 The population and size of the City had now increased, and everything in Rome was now arranged for both war and peace. King Servius wanted to expand Roman power and wealth by diplomacy rather than always relying on arms. At the same time he wanted to add a touch of glory by beautifying the City. The Temple of Diana in Ephesus was famous at that time and was known to have been built by all the cities of Asia. Being among the leading men of the Latin communities, Servius purposely cultivated friendships both officially and privately with them and greatly praised this cooperation and the uniting of the gods. By often repeating this idea, he eventually convinced the Latin people to build a temple to Diana in Rome together with the Roman people. In a way, this was an admission that Rome was the leader of both nations, a point they had often gone to war over. Even though the Latins had given up on the idea of superiority over Rome after many failed attempts at war, a Sabine saw an opportunity to regain superiority for his city when a bull of extraordinary size and beauty was born to his family. Its horns, later displayed in the Temple of Diana, were a testament to it as a miracle. The event was seen as a prodigy and seers prophesied that the city of the man that sacrificed this bull to Diana would become an empire. That prophesy reached the high priest of the Temple of Diana in Rome. The Sabine who owned the cow waited for a day that was suitable for sacrifice and brought the bull to Rome to the Temple of Diana setting it before the altar. The priest, impressed by the greatness of the bull's fame and remembering the prophecy, addressed the Sabine: "Why are you, stranger, preparing to offer an unclean sacrifice to Diana? Go and bathe yourself first in running water. The Tiber River is flowing down there at the bottom of the valley." The Sabine, moved by religion, anxious and wanting to do everything properly so that the event might correspond to the prodigy, went to the Tiber River to cleanse himself. Meanwhile, the Roman high priest sacrificed the bull to Diana. This delighted Servius and the people.

1.46 Time passed and Servius had now been king for a long time. However, he knew that young Lucius Tarquinius often belittled him, saying he wasn't the rightful king because the people hadn't chosen him. To fight back against this and win the consent of the plebeians, Servius divided the territory he had captured from his enemies among his men. After that, he boldly asked the people if they would consent to him being king. Of course, they all agreed, more than they had for any previous king. However, the young Tarquinius was unimpressed. He still wanted to be king. Instead of it discouraging him, it was the opposite. He was encouraged. The people had gotten land against the Senate's wishes, he observed, and this was his chance to turn the Senate against Servius and raise his own standing there. Tarquinius was known for being hot-tempered and ambitious, and his wife, Tullia, inflamed this ambition even further. The crimes that would follow their house in taking power by force would be a legendary tragedy, rivaling those of Ancient Greece, such that royalty would be forever banned, with disgust, in the name of liberty. It isn't clear whether Lucius Tarquinius was the son or grandson of King Tarquin. I follow the majority of historical writers and say he was his son and he had another son, Aruns Tarquinius, a young man of gentle disposition. Now, as has been said before, Tarquinius and his brother Aruns were both married to King Servius' daughters, who were completely different in character. The ambitious Tullia the Younger was initially married to the mild-mannered Aruns, while the peaceful Tullia the Elder was married to the fiery Lucius Tarquinius. As Fortune would have it, this arrangement slowed down the two violent partners from getting together so that King Servius' reign would be long enough to cement a national sense of morality among the Roman people. In time, the ambitious younger Tullia became frustrated with Aruns' lack of ambition or fear of pursuing greatness. She admired her brother-in-law, Tarquinius, and thought he was the one who should be king. She mocked her sister for being too timid and her husband who acted like a woman. As like attracts like, so does evil attract evil. The beginning of the disturbance came from the woman. So, Tullia the Younger started spending time with Tarquinius, having secret conversations and talking badly about her husband and her sister. She had no scruples about doing this, telling Tarquinius that it would be better for her to be a widow and he a bachelor than their mutual ambitiousness be stifled by people who were unworthy and weak. If the gods had given her a husband worthy of her, she said, she would already be seeing a crown in her own home, like the one she saw at her father's. She quickly infected young Tarquinius, as he shared her ambitions. It's written that Aruns and the elder Tullia mysteriously died, as Tarquinius and the ambitious younger Tullia held funerals almost back-to-back which emptied their houses for a new marriage. And soon afterward, they married. Servius didn't forbid the marriage nor did he approve of it. However, he gave in and didn't stop them.

1.47 The later years of King Servius were filled with increasing deceit and danger. Tarquinius' ambitious new wife turned her mind from one crime to another constantly pushing him and didn't allow him any peace, day or night lest the murders they had already committed proved to be in vain. Tullia didn't want a husband she could simply live with quietly; she wanted a man who believed he was worthy of the throne, who remembered he was King Tarquin's son, and would rather rule a kingdom than merely just hope for it. Tullia said to him: "If you're the man to whom I thought I was married, then I'll call you my husband and my king. However, if not, then I've changed my condition for the worse because you aren't just a coward but a criminal, as well." "Why don't you prepare yourself for action? Unlike your father, you aren't a native of Corinth or Tarquinii. You don't have a foreign crown you need to win. Your father's household gods, your father's image, the royal palace, the kingly throne within it, the very name of Tarquinius – all of these declare you king." "If you don't have enough courage for this, why indulge your empty hopes here? Why do you allow yourself to be looked down upon as merely a prince? Make your way back to Tarquinii or Corinth. Slink back to the place from where you came. You have your brother's nature. Not your father's." She constantly prodded him with such words, frustrated that Tanaquil, a foreign woman, could act as kingmaker and secure two successive thrones both for her husband and son-in-law while she, of royal blood, had no influence in granting or taking away a kingdom. Driven by this relentless pushing, Tarquinius began to seek the support of the senators, particularly younger ones from less prestigious families. He reminded them of his father's kindness and asked for their loyalty in return. Tarquinius won over the young men with gifts, promising great things about himself while taking every opportunity to criticize King Servius. When the time was right to strike, he stormed into the Forum with a group of armed men and, while everyone watched in fear, he sat on the throne in front of the Curia Hostilia. Then, he ordered a messenger to summon the senators to attend a meeting with King Tarquinius. They gathered quickly; some had prepared for this, others attended out of fear of the consequences of not attending. The senators were astonished by the novelty and amazed by Tarquinius, believing that Servius had already been dealt with. On the throne, Tarquinius began to speak out against Servius, starting with his lineage. He criticized him for being a slave and the son of a slave woman. He accused him of seizing the throne after the disgraceful death of his predecessor, King Tarquin, without any interregnum, without elections being held, without a vote from the people or the Senate's approval, but as a gift from a woman, Tanaquil! This man, born and made king this way, a supporter of the lowest class of people from which he came, had robbed the nobles of their land and divided it amongst the poorest people out of hatred of the others' nobility. He had placed all the burdens of society which had once been shared by all, on the wealthy. He created the census that made the wealth of the rich visible such that people became jealous of them, and made it an easily available source for Servius to shower handouts on the poor and needy whenever he wished.

1.48 When King Servius heard the alarming news from an out-of-breath messenger, he rushed to the Senate, shouting from the steps of the vestibule while Tarquinius was speaking. "Tarquinius, what is this?" he screamed. "With what audacity have you dared to summon the senators or sit on my throne while I'm still alive?" Tarquinius angrily snapped back at him that he was the son of King Tarquin and a better successor than a slave like himself. He accused Servius of playing a reckless game and disrespecting his masters long enough with his lawless rule. A shouting arose among the supporters of both men, and a crowd of people rushed into the Senate. It was clear that whoever won this fight would become the next king. Now forced by necessity to dare to continue to the end, Tarquinius, who was much younger and stronger, seized Servius around the waist and threw him down from the steps of the Curia and into the lower part of the Forum. He then returned inside to convene the senators. Servius' companions and attendants immediately fled. Servius himself, now losing blood, was killed as he tried to return back to the palace without his terrified royal entourage. The killers had been sent by Tarquinius who pursued him as he fled. Some sources believe that Tullia advised him to finish off her father like this, though all sources agree that she drove her chariot into the Forum, and not respecting the assembly of men, she called her husband out of the Curia and was the first to call him king. Ordered by him to leave amid the chaos, she was returning home and reached the top of Cyprium Street, where the Temple of Diana had been until recently. The cart was turning to the right up the slope of Clivum Urbium Street ascending up the Esquiline Hill, when her driver, frightened, stopped and held back the reins, then showed the lady the murdered Servius lying there. A foul and inhuman crime is reported to have happened there. The place became a monument to the horror, and they called it Sceleratus Street or the Street of Crime. It's said that Tullia, driven to madness by the furies of her sister and former husband, drove her chariot over her father's corpse. Then, Tullia, now contaminated and spattered with his blood, carried part of his blood and slaughter in the blood-stained chariot, taking it to her own and her husband's household gods, who, being angered by the evil beginning of his reign would soon bring about a similar downfall. King Servius Tullius had reigned for forty-four years in a way that would be hard for even a good and moderate successor to match. Yet his glory was further enhanced by the fact that the end of his reign marks the end of just and lawful kingship in Rome. Some sources say Servius was even considering resigning his position just to liberate his countrymen, so gentle and moderate was his rule, but his family's wickedness interfered with his plans.

1.49 Thus, Lucius Tarquinius started his reign. He was known as Superbus, the proud or arrogant, because he denied his father-in-law, King Servius, a proper burial, claiming that even King Romulus, the founder of Rome, didn't have one. He then executed the top senators he thought were loyal to Servius. Tarquinius knew that others might try to take the crown from him the same ill-advised way that he did, so he was always surrounded by a body of armed men. While he made an issue of Servius not having the approval of the people when he became king, Tarquinius also didn't have the approval of the people or the Senate. His only claim to the throne was through violence. Tarquinius had no hope of winning the affection of the people, so he ruled through fear. He judged serious crimes by himself, without any advisors, to spread that fear. It gave him the power to put anyone to death, exile them, or confiscate their property. He used his power not just upon those he suspected or disliked, but against anyone from whom he hoped to profit. Naturally, the number of senators decreased. Tarquinius didn't replace them. It made the Senate, now weakened from its small numbers, seem more contemptible. The senators remaining were less likely to object to having no influence on him. Tarquinius was the first king to ignore the tradition of consulting the Senate on all matters which had been handed down from his predecessors, and he administered the state by his own private counsel. He made and dissolved wars, peace, treaties, and alliances by himself, without the approval of the people or the Senate. He then tried to win over the Latins so that, through foreign support, he could increase his security domestically among his own subjects. He made alliances with their leaders and even married his daughter to Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, who was, by far, the most eminent leader of Latium, and, if we are to believe the tradition, who was believed to be a descendant of Ulysses and the goddess Circe. This marriage brought Tarquinius powerful and well-connected allies from Mamilius' family and friends.

1.50 As his influence grew, Tarquinius eventually gained significant power among the leading men of the Latins. At one point, his power had grown so greatly that he called for a meeting of the Latins at the Ferentina Grove to discuss some important matters of mutual interest. Many of these leaders came from far away to gather at dawn for the meeting. Tarquinius, however, wasn't there. Instead, he arrived many hours later, just before sunset. Throughout the day, however, as they waited, the Latin leaders talked over many matters among themselves. Turnus Herdonius from Aricia was the first to attack Tarquinius while he was absent. It was no surprise that people in Rome were calling him "Superbus" [arrogant] behind his back, he said. Could anything be more arrogant than to mock the whole Latin name this way? All these princes had been summoned to a location far from home, and the man who had called the council in the first place disrespected them all by not bothering to show up. In reality, he suggested, Tarquinius was testing their patience. If they accepted his rule, he could oppress them as dependents. Who could not see that he was aiming to impose his rule on the Latins? If his own people had willingly entrusted him with power, or if he had gained it by election rather than seizing it through murder, then perhaps the Latins might be expected to accept him, even though he was still a foreigner. But if his own people now regret giving him power, given how some are killed one after the other, or others are driven into exile, and their property confiscated, they shouldn't expect better treatment as foreigners. He advocated going home and ignoring the meeting just like Tarquinius did. While Turnus, known to be a rebellious and troublemaking leader, was saying these things, the discussion abruptly halted as Tarquinius arrived. Everyone turned to greet him. After they exchanged pleasantries, Tarquinius was urged by those nearest him to explain his late arrival. He was late, he explained, because he was chosen as a mediator to resolve a dispute between a father and a son and had delayed out of concern for reconciling them. Since that business had taken up the whole day, he promised to discuss the important matters the next day. Turnus could not keep his mouth shut without a challenge, saying that a dispute between a father and son should be relatively easy to resolve. It could be settled in a few words, and if the son does not obey the father, he will suffer the consequences.

1.51 Turnus left the meeting, having expressed his concerns about Tarquinius. Though he appeared outwardly calm, Tarquinius immediately began plotting Turnus' death. He wanted to instill the same fear in the Latins that he had used to break the Romans. Since he couldn't openly kill Turnus, by virtue of his sovereign authority, he decided to falsely accuse him of a crime. Through certain opposing factions from Aricia, he bribed one of Turnus' servants with gold so that he would secretly allow a large number of swords to be hidden in Turnus' quarters. When this had been accomplished during the night, Tarquinius summoned the Latin leaders a little before dawn and pretended to be alarmed by a strange event. It must have been divine intervention that made him late, he said, which saved himself and them because he had been told that Turnus had planned to attack them all during the previous day's meeting so that he might seize control over the Latins. Instead, Turnus postponed it because the person who called the meeting, himself, his primary target, was absent. That was the reason for Turnus' aggressive speech in his absence, because his plan was canceled by the delay. Tarquinius then said he had no doubt that, if the reports were true, Turnus would arrive at the morning's council armed and with a band of conspirators. The source also claimed that a large number of swords had been smuggled into Turnus' quarters to carry out the plot. Whether this was true or not could be easily proven, he said, and asked the Latin leaders to accompany him to Turnus' quarters so that they might verify these claims. The leaders were skeptical of Tarquinius' claims. However, they also thought it was strange that Turnus, who was known for a fiery temper, made an extremely negative speech the day before and that Tarquinius' delay now seemed to have prevented the assassination. They agreed to go but considered these claims to be false unless they found the existence of the swords. When they arrived at Turnus' quarters, they surrounded him with guards and woke him up. Turnus' servants tried to defend their master out of loyalty, but they were restrained. When the hidden swords were found in many parts of his quarters, the matter was clearly seen, and Turnus was immediately arrested. A meeting of the Latins was immediately called amidst great confusion. At the meeting, the swords were displayed prominently for all to see. The mere sight of them stirred up such intense anger among the leaders that Turnus wasn't allowed to defend himself. In a unique form of execution, he was thrown into the Ferentina water reservoir, covered with a frame of wood, and drowned by stones thrown on top of it.

1.52 Tarquinius called the Latins back to a meeting, praising those who had caught and punished Turnus for trying to stir up a revolution as having correctly punished him for treason. He then spoke: "It's well within my rights to use a long-established treaty to rule the Latins. All Latins come from Alba. This means you were once part of the treaty that made Alba and its colonies part of Rome under King Tullus. I think it's better for everyone involved if we renew that treaty. I want the Latins to share in Rome's success instead of constantly fearing or suffering the destruction of their cities and the devastation of their lands, as they did under King Ancus and, again, under my own father." Even though the treaty favored Rome, the Latins didn't need much persuasion to agree with the King. They knew that Latin leadership generally agreed with the King, and they also saw what had happened to Turnus when someone dared step out of line to oppose him. The treaty was renewed. An order was then given that Latin men of military age should be present in large numbers, armed, and at the Ferentina Grove on a certain day, as the treaty required. When they gathered from all the states at the Roman king's command, Tarquinius mixed both Latin and Roman soldiers together. He did this strategically so they wouldn't have their own leader, separate orders, or their own standards. He created new maniples by combining the existing Roman and Latin units into one, such that these new maniples would be mixed from the beginning. Then, he put centurions in charge of the newly doubled maniples.

1.53 King Tarquinius was a harsh ruler during peaceful times, but he wasn't a weak military leader. He could have been as good as his predecessors if his degeneracy in other aspects hadn't overshadowed his abilities. He was the first to fight against the Volsci, a fight that continued for two-hundred years after his reign. He successfully captured an important Volscian city, Suessa Pometia, and sold the spoils to gather forty talents of silver. With this wealth, he planned to build a grand temple for Jupiter that would be worthy of the king of gods and men, worthy of the Roman empire, and worthy of the majesty of the place upon which it would be built. He set aside the war booty to fund the temple's construction. However, a more challenging war soon came his way. He tried to capture Gabii, a nearby city, by force, and failed. He then laid siege to it but was unsuccessful. When he couldn't take the walls by force, he resorted to deceit and fraud, which wasn't a typical Roman tactic. Acting as if the war had ended, he pretended to be busy with laying the foundations of the temple and other urban projects. Tarquinius then ordered his son Sextus Tarquinius, who was the youngest of the three, to pretend to flee to Gabii claiming he could no longer endure his father's cruelty. Sextus did as he was told. After he arrived, he confided to the Gabians that his father was cruel, even to his own family. That his father was also weary of the company of his children and was planning to destroy his own household in the same way as he had emptied the Senate of its members, so that he would leave no descendants, and no heir to the throne. There was no choice, Sextus said, he had indeed escaped the arrows and swords of his father, believing there was nowhere safe except among the enemies of Lucius Tarquinius. He then warned the Gabians not to be fooled, that his father hadn't given up the war. He was just pretending a false peace. His father would attack again when they least expect it. If they couldn't offer him refuge, he would be forced to wander through all Latium, and from there he would seek help from the Volscians, the Aequians, or the Hernicians until he reached those who knew how to protect their children from the cruel and impious punishments of their fathers. Perhaps he would find some group with a passion for war and arms willing to rise against the most arrogant king and the most violent people. When he seemed ready to leave in anger if they refused him shelter, the Gabians warmly welcomed him with kindness. They said that, as his father was towards his people, and as he was towards his allies, it was no wonder that he would ultimately be so savage towards his children. They thought that Tarquinius Superbus would eventually burn out and turn his anger on himself if he ran out of targets. But they were glad of Sextus' arrival and believed that it would soon be possible, with his help, to transfer the war from the gates of Gabii to the walls of Rome.

1.54 Sextus was allowed to join the public meetings in Gabii. Although he said he would follow the advice of Gabii's older residents on most issues, he was a firm supporter of renewing the war. He claimed to know more about the topic because he understood the strengths of both nations as well as, internally, how unbearable the King's arrogance was to his people and his own children. Gradually, Sextus convinced Gabii's leading men to renew the war against Rome. He led the most energetic young men on raids and military expeditions backing up his words with actions that were designed to deceive. His false reputation for loyalty grew and was believed by the soldiers. Eventually, he was chosen as the war's main leader. During the war, the people didn't fully understand what was happening. There were several small battles with the Romans, and the Gabians usually won. Everyone in Gabii, from the richest to the poorest, came to believe that Sextus Tarquinius was their leader sent as a gift from the gods. He put himself in danger, endured the fatigues of war along with everyone else, and was generous in distributing the plunder among the people. His bravery and generosity made him so popular with the soldiers that he had more power in Gabii than Tarquinius Superbus, his father, had in Rome. When he felt he had enough support from the Gabians, Sextus sent a trusted messenger to Rome to ask his father for advice as to what to do next, now that the gods had given him free reign in Gabii. King Tarquinius wasn't sure whether to trust this messenger and didn't answer verbally. Instead, he walked around the garden with the messenger and knocked the heads off the tallest poppies with his staff. The messenger, tired of asking questions and waiting for an answer, thinking that he wasn't going to receive an answer, returned to Gabii and reported what he had said and what he had seen: that the king, whether from anger, or hatred, or from arrogance, true to his nature, had not uttered a word. But Sextus understood his father's silent message: he should eliminate Gabii's most influential men. Sextus started spreading false accusations about some of the leading men of the city before the people. Some men were publicly executed on these false charges, and others whom the public accusations were less convincing were secretly killed. Some escaped by fleeing. Some were driven into exile and the property of both the absent and the executed was confiscated and distributed. Then gifts and spoils were also given out and the people were so distracted by being enriched from these benefits that they didn't notice the damage being done to their city. In time, having been stripped of its leadership and unable to help themselves or appeal to others for help, Gabii was handed over to Tarquinius without any resistance.

1.55 Having taken control of Gabii, Tarquinius made peace with the Aequi people and renewed the treaty with the Etruscans. He then focused on the City's affairs. His main project now was constructing the Temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian Mount, a monument to his name and reign. This temple was a project started by his father, but it would be completed by him. Tarquinius decided to deconsecrate several small temples and chapels to ensure that the area was solely dedicated to Jupiter and his temple. These temples had been initially vowed by Titus Tatius during his battle with King Romulus and were later consecrated and dedicated. As the construction began, it's said that the gods showed signs of the empire's future greatness. The augural birds approved the deconsecrating of all the temples except for the Temple of Terminus, the god of the boundary stones. It was interpreted to mean that because Terminus wouldn't be removed and would stay within the sacred boundaries of Rome, the empire would be long-lasting and stable. This auspice of perpetuity was followed by another prodigy, predicting the empire's future greatness; it's said that a man's head, with the face still intact, was uncovered by those who dug the temple's foundation. This was interpreted as a sign that the temple would be the head of the empire and the center of power. The seers in the City interpreted it this way, as well as the Etruscan seers brought in for consultation. Tarquinius was encouraged by these signs, so he increased the project's budget. However, the money raised from selling the spoils from Pometia, which he originally thought would allow him to complete the work, barely covered the cost of the foundation. This leads me to believe Fabius Pictor, an older historian, who claimed that only forty talents were set aside for the project, rather than Piso, who claimed that forty thousand pounds of silver were allocated for the purpose. The latter amount seems too large for the spoils of one city at that time and more than enough for any building project, even one as large as the foundation of such a massive structure.

1.56 However, Tarquinius was determined to finish building the Temple of Jupiter. He used not only public money for this purpose, but also the labor of the plebeians, and he hired Etruscan craftsmen from all over. Although the labor was considerable and added to the military obligations of the plebeians, they preferred building temples for the gods with their own hands. They grew more burdened when they were transferred to other, less glamorous projects that required more effort, like building the seating in the Circus Maximus and constructing the City's great sewer system underground, the Cloaca Maxima. The scale of these projects was so impressive that the renovations made recently in our time, as impressive as they are, don't compare with the original. Since the plebeians were worn out from their labor, Tarquinius thought having such a large population inside the City was a burden because they were unemployed and had nothing to do. Because he wished to occupy the wider borders of the empire, he sent colonists to two colonies which would serve as protective outposts. The first colony was at Signia, giving the Romans a land-based defense. The second was Circeii, which grew their coastal defense. While all this was happening, Tarquinius saw a terrifying omen. A snake slithered out of a wooden column, causing panic and flight in the palace when it was reported. The omen didn't panic Tarquinius, but it did make him deeply worried about what would happen in the future. Accordingly, since only Etruscan oracles were employed for public prodigies, and terrified by this sight, as if it were a personal one, he decided to send people to Delphi, home of the most famous oracle in the world, to understand the omen. However, he didn't entrust the task to messengers, instead sending two of his own sons, Titus and Aruns, on what would be a dangerous journey across unknown lands and still more unknown seas to Greece. They were joined by Lucius Junius Brutus, son of the king's sister, Tarquinia and Tarquinius' nephew as their companion. Brutus was actually quite smart but pretended to be stupid for his own safety, as he understood that people who crossed Tarquinius somehow ended up dead. The leading men of the state, among whom was his own brother, had been killed by his uncle. Brutus wanted to be sure that, in his mind, his uncle would have nothing to fear from him, and, among his possessions, his uncle would have nothing to steal. In fact, he even let the king take control of his property and he accepted the nickname Brutus, which means "foolish." He hid his intelligence under this disguise, as there was little protection under the law, and as the future liberator of the Roman people, he waited for the right time to free the Roman people. Taken to Delphi by the Tarquinii as a joke more than a true companion, Brutus brought a gift for Apollo. A golden staff enclosed in a larger hollow one made of cornel wood, or cherry dogwood. This was a clever symbol of the genius of Brutus. Having arrived and having completed their father's wishes, the brothers then asked the oracle which of Tarquinius' sons would rule Rome. It is said that a voice was heard from the lowest cave with the answer: "He who kisses his mother first shall be the first among you to have supreme power in Rome." The brothers decided to keep this a secret with the utmost care from their other brother, Sextus, who had been left behind in Rome. Sextus would be unaware of the answer and would have no share in the power. They drew lots to decide who would kiss their mother first when they returned. But Brutus interpreted Pythia's words differently. He pretended to fall and kissed the ground, considering it the common mother of all mortals. After returning to Rome, they found the City preparing for a great war against the Rutulians.

1.57 The Rutulians, a wealthy nation during that time, controlled the city of Ardea. Their wealth sparked a war because Tarquinius, who had spent all his money on public works, wanted to increase his own wealth and also appease the plebeians by sharing the spoils with them. Beyond their general hatred of his arrogance, the plebeians were now enraged because they had been conscripted to do manual labor for Tarquinius' internal construction projects, work which they saw as fit only for slaves. The king tried to capture Ardea forcefully; however, when that failed, he blockaded the city. As often happens during long-term operations like a siege, war was slow and the soldiers had a lot of free time, especially the officers, more than the regular soldiers. The young princes would often spend their free time feasting and partying. One day, while they were drinking in the tent of Sextus Tarquinius, Collatinus, son of Egerius, was also there. They started arguing about whose wife was the best. The discussion became absurd as each man made larger and larger boasts about his wife. Collatinus said the discussion was over. His wife was the best. To prove it, they should ride to Rome and in a few hours they could see how much his Lucretia excelled over the others. He said, "If we still have the energy, why not mount our horses and see firsthand what our wives are doing? What each man sees upon our unannounced arrival should be the truest measure of character." Warmed with wine, they all agreed and yelled, "Let's do it!" Calling for their horses, they galloped off toward Rome. They reached Rome just as the sun began to set and observed the royal daughters-in-law wasting time at banquets and enjoying luxury with their friends. From there, they rode to the town of Collatia, where they found Collatinus' wife, Lucretia. Unlike the other wives, Lucretia was working with her maids, spinning by the light of oil lamps, even though it was late at night. The men agreed that Lucretia was the best wife. Collatinus and the Tarquinii were warmly welcomed. Delighted by his victory, Collatinus invited the young royals to stay. But in that moment Sextus Tarquinius was immediately overcome with lust for Lucretia, wanting to immediately take her by force and rape her. It wasn't only her beauty but her virtue that inflamed him. After their drunken outing, the princes then returned to the camp.

1.58 A few days later, Sextus secretly revisited the town of Collatia with only one servant. Collatinus was unaware any of this was happening. He returned to Collatinus' home and was warmly welcomed by the unsuspecting hosts. After dinner, he was shown to the guest room. Burning with desire, Sextus waited until it was safe enough and everyone was asleep, then he went to Lucretia as she slept with his sword drawn and pressed his left hand on her breast saying, "Be quiet, Lucretia. I am Sextus Tarquinius; the sword is in my hand and you will die if you utter a word.". Lucretia woke up, terrified, seeing no help, and feeling that death was almost imminent. Sextus then confessed his desire for her, alternating between pleading and threatening her. He tried to manipulate her emotions in every way he could think of. However, when he saw she wouldn't yield to him, nor was she unshaken by the fear of death, he added disgrace to her fear; he said that once she was dead, he would place a naked body of a dead slave next to her body. This would make it appear to her husband, family, and friends that she was killed while during a shameful act of adultery with one of her slaves, a humiliating and despicable thing. Conquered by that threat, not by temptation, lust triumphed over her determined virtue as though by force. Sextus Tarquinius, feeling exultant in having conquered the beautiful woman, departed having violated her honor. Lucretia, saddened by such an evil thing, sent a message to her father in Rome and to her husband in Ardea: asking each to come quickly with a trusted friend. Something terrible had happened and needed urgent attention. Her father, Spurius Lucretius, came with Publius Valerius, the son of Volesus, and her husband, Collatinus, arrived with Lucius Junius Brutus with whom he had chanced to meet on his way back to with the news of his wife. They found Lucretia in her room, deeply upset. Upon seeing her loved ones, she broke down in tears. When her husband asked, "Are you well?" she replied, "No. For what is well in a woman who has lost her virtue? The marks of another man are in your bed, Collatinus. But only my body has been violated, my mind is innocent. Death shall be my witness. But give me your hands and swear to me that the adulterer shall not go unpunished. Sextus Tarquinius is the man who came as a guest, but acted like an enemy, and stole from me by force a deadly joy that should be ruinous to him, if you are men". To this, they all promised to seek justice. Then, the men tried to comfort her, saying that she wasn't at fault. She was forced. They told her that it's the mind that sins, not the body, and without consent, there can be no guilt. Lucretia responded, "You may decide what is owed to him. As for myself, although I absolve myself of sin, I do not free myself from punishment. No shameless woman shall ever live by Lucretia's example." Before anything else could be said, Lucretia pulled out a dagger she kept beneath her dress and plunged it right it into her heart. She fell forward into the wound, dying in front of the men. Her husband and father immediately cried out in grief together.

1.59 Brutus, overwhelmed with shock and sadness, pulled the knife from the Lucretia's wound. He held it up, still dripping with blood, and made a vow: " I swear by this blood, most virtuous before the royal insult, and I call on the gods to witness: that I will execute Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, with his wicked wife and all his children and descendants, with sword, fire, and by whatever force I can, and will not allow them or anyone else to rule in Rome." Brutus then passed the knife to Collatinus, who swore similarly. Then, to Lucretius. Then, Valerius. They all joined him, amazed to suddenly see a side of Brutus that they had never seen before, revealing a new nature hidden within him. They swore as had been commanded and turning from mourning to anger, followed Brutus as the leader, who was now calling for them to overthrow the monarchy in Rome once and for all. The men moved Lucretia's body from her home to the Forum, drawing a crowd, as often happens, because of the shocking and disgraceful nature of the event. One after the other, people in the crowd voiced their outrage at the rape that Sextus had committed. The grief of the father moved them deeply. But it was Brutus chastising the mob for their crying and useless complaints that stirred them the most. He called on them to act as men, like Romans, and take up arms against those who committed such violence just as they would against the enemy. The fiercest of the young men volunteered immediately with weapons in hand. The rest of the youth followed. Leaving Lucretia's father behind as commander in charge of a garrison at the city gates of Collatia so that a warning wouldn't get out to Tarquinius, the rest of the armed men, led by Brutus, set out for Rome. The sight of the men arriving caused panic among the citizens of the City. However, when the people then saw their leaders joining the cause, they knew it was likely a worthy one. The news quickly spread about Sextus, and it caused as much outrage and disgust in Rome as it had in Collatia. From all parts of the city, people crowded into the Forum as they were summoned by heralds to come before the Tribunus Celerum, which was Brutus' official title, as head of the cavalry and head of the king's bodyguard. Brutus gave a passionate speech to the Romans, shocking them that he was no longer the quiet dullard they thought he was. He spoke about Sextus Tarquinius' violence and lust, of the abominable rape of Lucretia, her pitiful death, her father's grief, whose sorrow was worsened by the horror of how she died. He then added the arrogance of King Tarquinius and the sufferings of the plebeians who were turned into manual laborers who dug ditches and sewers. These Roman men, conquerors of many lands, were made craftsmen and stonemasons instead of warriors. He reminded them about the murder of the previous king, Servius Tullius, and how his daughter Tullia had driven over her own father's body with her chariot. He called upon the gods who punish crimes against parents. His fiery words of these and, I believe, others more horrible than these, which makes it hard to relate here, enraged the crowd and stirred them into action. They immediately sought to strip King Tarquinius of his power and banish the King and the entire Tarquinius family forever. Brutus having selected and armed a group of young men who volunteered, headed toward the army camp at Ardea to raise an army against the king. He left Lucretius, Lucretia's father, who had previously been appointed City prefect under Tarquinius, in charge of the City. As this happened, Servius Tullius' daughter, Tullia, fled from home. Everyone she passed had heard what she had done. Men and women cursed her and called for the Furies of her parents to punish her for her crimes.

1.60 When news of these events reached the camp at Ardea, King Tarquinius was alarmed. He immediately left for Rome to suppress the mob and its unrest. Brutus, on the same road, anticipated the king's arrival and diverted his route to avoid meeting him. Around the same time, the two men reached their destinations. Brutus arrived at the camp at Ardea and Tarquinius arrived at Rome. As Tarquinius approached Rome, he discovered that the gates had been closed and the Romans were now refusing him entry. The Senate had passed a decree banishing him permanently, and Tarquinius learned he would now be exiled from Rome forever. For Brutus, it was the opposite reaction. The soldiers at the army camp in Ardea joyfully welcomed him and he was celebrated as a liberator of the City. The soldiers drove out the king's two sons immediately. The two followed their father who, having been exiled, went to Caere, an Etruscan city. Sextus Tarquinius set out for Gabii, which he still considered his personal kingdom. Instead of being welcomed, he was killed by those seeking revenge for crimes which he had committed through murders and robberies. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, also known as the Proud or Arrogant, had ruled for twenty-five years. The entire Roman monarchy lasted for two-hundred forty-four years, from the City's founding until its liberation. Two consuls were then elected by the prefect of the City in the Comitia Centuriata, the assembly of Centuries. This was done in accordance with Servius Tullius' rules. The new consuls' names were Lucius Junius Brutus, the mastermind of the rebellion, and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, the husband of Lucretia.

2.1 From this point on, I'll describe the history of the Roman people, in both war and peace, who were now free. I'll write about their yearly leaders and the supremacy of their laws, which are stronger than any individual. The now-deposed tyrant King Tarquinius' arrogance made this freedom even more appreciated. The previous kings ruled in such a way that each king could rightfully be considered as the founder of the part of the City that he had added for the growing population. There is no doubt that the same Brutus, who is now praised for expelling Tarquinius Superbus, would have harmed the public good if he had taken the kingdom from any of the previous kings too quickly in his desire for freedom. The mob of shepherds and foreigners, the plebeians, were refugees from their own lands. Imagine if they had found freedom, or at least no punishment, under the protection of the sanctuary of Rome and then had started to cause trouble and fight with the City's leaders before everyone had time to grow. Imagine if they had done this before they had time to become attached to their new home through their wives, children, and love for the land itself. The entire state would have been torn to pieces by internal problems. Instead, it was the calm moderation of the kings that nurtured the people and allowed them to become strong enough to enjoy the benefits of freedom. We can consider this time the birth of freedom because, unlike kings, consuls were elected yearly and their authority lasted for only a year. This yearly change allowed freedom to flourish rather than any reduction in the authority of the office, which was still like the power of a king. The first consuls, Brutus and Collatinus, had all the privileges and symbols of power. However, in order to not frighten the people with a double terror, only one consul at a time would have the fasces [a bundle of rods and an axe, symbolizing authority]. Brutus would be the first person to have the fasces, with the agreement of Collatinus. He was as eager to protect this new freedom as he had been to establish it. First, Brutus made the people, still excited about their freedom, swear an oath that they wouldn't allow anyone to be king in Rome. This was to prevent them from being persuaded by the royal family's incoming pleas and bribes. Next, as Tarquinius Superbus' murders had reduced the number of senators, he increased the number of senators to three hundred to strengthen them. Leading men of the equestrian rank were selected for this job. Those who were newly appointed into the Senate were called Conscripti, or newly enrolled. The older senators were called Patres. This worked well to promote harmony inside the City, and it also brought both patricians and plebeians together.

2.2 Public attention then shifted to religious matters. Since some parts of public worship had been performed by the kings themselves, a Rex Sacrorum or "king of the sacrifices" was created to ensure no aspect was overlooked. This position was made subordinate to the chief priest, the Pontifex Maximus, so that the title of "king" would carry no real power and pose no threat to the people's newfound freedom, which was their main concern. However, they may have gone too far in their efforts to protect their liberty, even in minor matters. For instance, the people didn't like the name of one of the consuls. The people were disgusted by the mere name of Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, even though they knew he had done nothing wrong and was on their side. The Tarquin family had a long history of ruling; Priscus was the first, followed by Servius Tullus. Even though there was a gap, Tarquinius Superbus, viewing the kingdom as his family's property, reclaimed it through criminal acts and violence. After Tarquinius Superbus was expelled, the government now had Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus as Consul and in a position of authority. The entire family was seen as not being able to live normal, average lives for very long, so even their name was seen as a threat to liberty. Such discussions gradually spread throughout the state, stirring up the plebeians' emotions. Once it became clear that the issue wouldn't go away, Brutus called a meeting with the people. He began by reciting the oath, which stated that they wouldn't allow a king or any potential threat to their liberty in Rome. Then, he emphasized the importance of defending their freedom at all costs. Brutus was reluctant to speak about Collatinus out of the regard he had for his colleague. However, he told the people that he understood that they didn't feel completely free because the royal family's name wasn't just inside Rome, it was also still at the highest ranks of Roman leadership. This was seen as a threat to their liberty. Brutus then turned to address Collatinus, saying, "By your own free will, Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, remove this fear. We remember and acknowledge that you helped drive out the kings. Finish your great service by removing the royal name of Tarquinius from among us. Your fellow citizens will not only return your property, through my authority, but if anything is lacking, they will magnanimously increase it. Go, friend, and free the city from a fear that may be foolish but is deeply rooted in our minds: that with any Tarquin, kingship will return to Rome." Initially, Collatinus was taken aback. It was an unexpected request from his colleague, and he struggled to respond. However, the City's leading men surrounded him and urged him to comply. They were unsuccessful in persuading him to step down. However, when Spurius Lucretius, his father-in-law and a respected elder, pleaded and advised him to yield to the City's wishes, Collatinus reluctantly agreed because he knew that even if he didn't resign, he still might face future problems and lose his property anyway. He resigned his consulship, moved his belongings to Lavinium, and left the City. The Senate passed a decree banning Tarquins. Brutus declared that all members of the Tarquin family were to be banished from Rome. In a meeting in the Comitia Centuriata, he conducted an election for a new consul. The Centuries voted in Publius Valerius, also known as Publicola, who had helped him expel the king, as Brutus' new colleague.

2.3 Everyone believed that war with the Tarquins was inevitable as they tried to regain power from afar, but it started slower than everyone anticipated. What wasn't expected was that the Romans' newly won freedom was almost lost by deceit and betrayal. Among the young Romans, there were several from prominent families who had enjoyed unrestrained freedom during the reign of King Tarquinius and the Tarquin family. These young men, who were of the same age and friends with the young Tarquins, were used to living like royalty. They missed these benefits and, now that everyone had equal rights, they felt oppressed. They argued that a king was a person who could be reasoned with, whether for right or wrong reasons. A king could show favor, kindness, anger, and forgiveness. A king could distinguish between a friend and an enemy. Laws, on the other hand, were inflexible and favored the poor over the rich. They argued that it was dangerous to live in a society where human errors weren't tolerated and everyone had to live by strict rules. As the young Romans continued to work themselves into a state of unhappiness, ambassadors from the Tarquin family arrived unexpectedly. The ambassadors asked for the return of Tarquin family property, which had been confiscated, but they didn't mention anything about returning to power. The Senate listened to the ambassadors and took several days to consider the request. They feared that refusing the request might lead to a war, while agreeing to it might provide money and resources to the Tarquins so that they could make a war. While this was happening, the ambassadors were quietly working on other things. While their official purpose for being in Rome was asking for the Tarquins' property, they began working on a way to regain the throne. They started to test the waters with the young Romans by privately discussing the idea of the Tarquins returning to power. For those who were sympathetic to the cause, they gave letters from the Tarquins and secretly proposed that the royal family be brought into the City at night, under the cover of darkness.

2.4 The task of executing this plan was initially given to the Vitellii brothers and the Aquilii brothers. A sister of the Vitellii brothers, married to Consul Brutus, and their sons, Titus and Tiberius, were also drawn into the plot by their uncles, as well. Some young nobles were also involved, but their names have been forgotten over time. Meanwhile, the Senate had decided to return the property. The ambassadors used this as a convenient excuse to prolong their stay in Rome, requesting extra time to arrange for the transportation of the royal family's belongings out of the City. This request was granted by the consuls. With little time to spare, the ambassadors then began making formal plans with the conspirators, asking for letters from them to give to the Tarquins. Without these letters, how could the Tarquins believe the ambassadors' reports on such a huge matter? The letters, meant to prove their honesty, ultimately revealed their plot. The day before the ambassadors left to return to the Tarquins, they had dinner at the house of the Vitellii. The conspirators were discussing their plans privately when a slave named Vindicius overheard them and took notice of what was happening. He waited until the letters were given to the ambassadors, knowing that their discovery would confirm the plot. When he saw that the letters had changed hands, he told the consuls everything. The consuls immediately left their homes to arrest the ambassadors and conspirators, effectively stopping the plot before anything took place. They took special care of the letters, to ensure they weren't lost, and immediately imprisoned the traitors. There was some hesitation about dealing with the ambassadors. They were seen as enemies, but ambassadors were protected by the Law of Nations.

2.5 The issue of what to do with all the possessions of the Tarquin family, which the Senate had previously voted on, was returned back to the Senate. The senators, now enraged, explicitly prohibited these items from being returned to the Tarquins or from being seized by the public treasury. Instead, they were given to the plebeians to be looted. This was done so that, after sharing in the spoils of the tyrants, people would abandon any hope of reconciling with the Tarquins. The Tarquins' land, a field located between the City and the Tiber River, was seized, dedicated to Mars, and named the Campus Martius. At the time, this field of spelt, a type of grain, was ready for harvest, however, it was considered sacrilegious to eat produce from consecrated land. So, the crops were harvested, and a large number of people hauled off the grain and straw in baskets, dumping them all into the Tiber. The river was shallow due to the summer heat, and the piles of grain became lodged in the shallows and covered with mud. Over time, with the addition of other debris brought by the river, an island gradually formed. I believe that mounds were added later by human intervention which helped to strengthen the surface, making it solid enough to support the temples and porticoes there today. After looting the tyrants' possessions, the traitors were found guilty and sentenced to death. The punishment was particularly striking because Consul Brutus, who was also the father of two of the traitors, was tasked with carrying out the sentence when he should have been removed as a spectator. The young Romans of high status were tied to a stake, but the Consul's sons drew the attention of all the spectators who felt pity for them not just because of the harsh punishment, but also because of the terrible crime they had committed: that they, in the very same year that Rome had been liberated and her liberator was their own father, and the first consulship had come from their house of Junius, had betrayed their countrymen, the Senate, the plebeians, whatever gods and men there were of the Romans, all for a ruthless, arrogant tyrannical king, now an enemy in exile. The consuls took their seats, and the lictors [specialized bodyguards] were sent to carry out the punishment. They stripped the traitors naked, beat them with rods, and beheaded them. Throughout this, the mob watched Brutus' face for signs of expression. His demeanor was stern, though occasionally his emotions, as any father might feel, surfaced. After the guilty were executed, and so that there would be an example on both sides, deterring crime and rewarding loyalty, a sum of money was awarded from the treasury to the informer. This slave, named Vindicius, was also granted freedom and the rights of citizenship. It's said that he was the first person to be freed by the ‘vindicta,' a small rod that is tapped on the slave's head when freed, and some believe that the term vindicta is derived from his name. From then on, it became a rule that those who were freed in this way were considered to have the rights of Roman citizens.

2.6 A detailed report of what had happened reached Tarquinius. As his hopes of returning as king had been dashed, the former king was now filled with a mix of rage and disappointment. Since deception wasn't working, he decided to resort to an open call for war against his former subjects. He pleaded with the Etruscan cities, asking them not to abandon him. He especially pleaded with the Veientes and Tarquinians. After all, he was a man of their own blood, a man who had recently ruled a great kingdom but was now exiled and impoverished. They would not let him perish before their very eyes with his young children. While other kings had been invited to rule Rome from foreign lands, Tarquinius maintained that he had been born into it and had dutifully expanded Rome's empire by war until he was ousted by a treacherous plot by those closest to him. The Romans had carved up his kingdom among themselves, he maintained, because not one of them was worthy to rule. They allowed his possessions to be looted by the people so that everyone would be guilty of the crimes against him. Tarquinius wanted his crown and his kingdom back at any cost. Then, he would exact revenge by punishing his ungrateful subjects. If the Etruscans would help him, he proposed, they could also avenge the wrongs done to them in the past, as the Romans had defeated their armies and taken their land from them. Among the Etruscans, his pleas convinced the people of Veii, whose citizens announced that they were eager to erase their past humiliation and regain what they had lost in war, except now under the leadership of a Roman general. The people of Tarquinii were swayed by his name and their shared heritage. They, too, decided to support him, seeing it as an honor that one of their own should rule Rome. Thus, the armies of these two states joined Tarquinius in his quest to reclaim his kingdom and exact revenge on the Romans. As their combined army entered Roman territories, the Roman consuls marched to meet them. Consul Valerius led the infantry in a phalanx or tightly packed formation, while Consul Brutus rode ahead with the cavalry to scout the enemy. Similarly, the enemy's cavalry was in front. Tarquinius' son, Arruns Tarquinius, led their cavalry, with the king himself following with the legions. While still at a distance, Arruns recognized Consul Brutus by his escort of lictors. As they drew nearer, he clearly recognized the Consul by his face, and, in a fit of rage, exclaimed, "That is the man who drove us into exile from our City! Look at him proudly parading, flaunting our insignias! Gods, avengers of kings, help me now!" With these words, he dug spurs into his horse and rode straight at the Consul. Brutus saw that he was aiming toward him. It was a point of honor in those days for the leaders to engage in single combat, so he eagerly accepted the challenge. They charged at each other with such fury, neither of them thinking of protecting himself and thinking only to wound the other, that each drove his spear at the same moment through the other's shield, and they fell dying from their horses, with their spears still sticking in them. The rest of the cavalry began to fight, soon followed by the infantry. The battle was evenly matched, with both sides gaining and losing ground. On both sides, the right wings were victorious, while the left wings were defeated. The Veientes, accustomed to being defeated at the hands of the Romans, were routed and fled. The Tarquinians, the new enemy from Tarquinii, not only held their ground but also forced the Romans to retreat.

2.7 Though the battle ended this way, Tarquinius and the Etruscan armies were so traumatized by the battle that they decided the war should be abandoned for now. They returned home in the darkness of night. There are strange stories associated with this battle. It's said that during the silence of the next night, a loud voice came from the Arsian Forest. People believed it was the voice of the god Silvanus, saying that because one more Etruscan had died in the battle than had died on the Roman side, the Romans had won the war. Indeed, the Romans left the battlefield as winners, and the Etruscans as losers. As soon as daylight came and no enemy was in sight, the Consul gathered the spoils and returned to Rome in Triumph. There, he held a grand funeral for his colleague as elaborately as he could at that time. The public grief was a great honor to Brutus' death. He was especially mourned by the women for a year, as if he were a parent, because he had been such a fierce avenger of violated virtue. The surviving Consul, Publius Valerius, had always found favor with the plebeians, but as public opinion is very fickle and can change easily, he now faced suspicion from the people. Rumors spread that he wanted to be king because he hadn't yet chosen a colleague to replace Brutus. He was also building an impregnable citadel in a high and well-defended place on top of Mount Velia to use as his private residence. When these rumors reached Valerius, he was upset and called the people to a meeting. In front of the people, Valerius stood on the rostrum and lowered the fasces, the symbols of authority. The people were pleased to see this sign of respect, and that he acknowledged their power was greater than his. After the people had quieted down, Valerius praised Brutus' good fortune, saying that he had died a hero, defending the Republic, at the height of his glory, before it turned into jealousy. Valerius said that he, himself, having outlived his glory, was now the target of accusations and suspicion. From being the liberator of the Republic, he was now being compared to the traitors, the Aquilii and Vitellii. "Would there ever be any virtue so highly regarded by you that it wouldn't turn to suspicion?" he asked the people. "How could I, a fierce opponent of kings, be accused of wanting to be king? If I were to live in the very Citadel on the Capitoline Hill, should I fear that I wouldn't be trusted by my own fellow citizens? Is my reputation with you so easily swayed? Is your faith in me so fragile that where I am matters more than who I am? I promise you that the house of Publius Valerius won't threaten your freedom, Quirites. Velia will be safe for you. I'll move the house down to the base of Mount Velia, on level ground, so that anyone can live above me. Now, anyone you decide loves liberty more than Publius Valerius may live above me!" Immediately, he ordered all materials to be moved to the foot of Mount Velia, and the house was built at the foot of the mount where the Temple of Vica Pota now stands.

2.8 Following this, a procession of laws followed that not only absolved Valerius from any suspicion of seeking royal power, but also swung so far in the opposite direction that it made him appear as a champion of the people. As a result, he was given the nickname Publicola [meaning "one who courts the people."] The laws which were well-received among the people were ones that granted the people the right to appeal against the magistrates and ones which ordered the loss of property and death to anyone who attempted to seize power to become king. After Publicola passed these laws as the sole consul, earning all the credit, he organized an assembly to elect a new colleague. Spurius Lucretius was elected as consul, but due to his old age and declining strength, he was unable to fulfill his duties and passed away after a few days. Marcus Horatius Pulvillus was chosen to replace Lucretius. Some old records don't mention Lucretius as a consul and instead list Horatius immediately after Brutus. I suspect that's because Lucretius' term as Consul was uneventful, so it was overlooked. The Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill hadn't yet been dedicated. Consul Valerius and Consul Horatius drew lots to decide who would have the honor of dedicating it. The lot fell to Horatius. Valerius Publicola left to fight in the war against the Veientes. The supporters of Valerius were more upset than they should have been that the dedication of such a famous temple was given to Consul Horatius. They tried everything to prevent it. When all their attempts had failed, they resorted to cruelty by bringing the disgraceful news to Consul Horatius at the very moment he began the ritual of prayer to the gods, just as he grabbed the doorpost, that his son had been killed and that he could not continue the dedication because his family was now in mourning. Whether he didn't believe them or just had incredible self-control isn't known for sure and is hard to guess. He allowed this message to interrupt him only to order that his son be buried. Still holding onto the doorpost, he finished the prayer and dedicated the temple. These were the events that took place at home and in war during the first year after the kings were expelled.

2.9 After this, Publius Valerius was elected consul for the second time, along with Titus Lucretius. At this point, the Tarquin family had sought refuge with Lars Porsena, the king of Clusium. There, they combined their pleas with advice. Sometimes, they implored him not to let them live in exile and poverty as they were of Etruscan descent and shared the same blood and name. Other times, they suggested that he shouldn't allow this new trend of expelling kings to go unpunished. The allure of freedom was strong and, unless rulers defended their positions as fiercely as the people fought for their freedom, the highest would become equal to the lowest, and there would be no one superior or distinguished. It would lead to the end of monarchy, the most beautiful form of government among both gods and men. Lars Porsena believed that it would not only be a safe thing but an honor for there to be an Etruscan king in Rome, so he immediately began leading an invading army towards Rome. Hearing about this, the Senate was gripped with a panic unlike anything they had experienced so far. Lars Porsena was well-known and Clusium was thought to be exceptionally powerful. They worried not only about their enemies but also about their own citizens. The plebeians, in their fear, might welcome the Tarquin family back into the City, accepting peace even if it meant also accepting slavery. So, the Senate made many concessions to the plebeians to gain their trust. They focused on the markets, sending people to the Volscians and Cumae to buy grain. The government took over the sale of salt, which had been an overpriced monopoly, and removed it from private hands. The plebeians were also relieved of tolls and taxes, with the burden falling on the rich. The poor were considered to have paid enough if they were raising their children. This considerate approach by the Senate maintained unity during the subsequent hardships of the siege and famine. The dislike for the idea of a king was shared by all, from the highest to the lowest. No single person was as popular as the entire Senate, which was due to their smart governance.

2.10 On the appearance of the enemy, the plebeians out in the country fled into the City as best they could. The weak places in the defenses were occupied by military posts. Beyond this, the walls of the City and the Tiber River were deemed sufficient for protection. However, the Sublician bridge, spanning the Tiber, was a weakness. The enemy would have forced their way over it had it not been for one man, Horatius Cocles. He was the guard at the bridge that day. When he saw the Janiculum Hill taken by a surprise attack and the enemy rushing down from there, he noticed his own terrified men were throwing down their arms and deserting their posts. He stopped them one by one, appealing to remember their duty to their gods and their people. Running away from the situation wouldn't help, he said. The enemy would easily cross the bridge and soon be on the Palatine Hill and the Capitoline Hill. In fact, there would be more enemies there than would be on the Janiculum Hill. He shouted at them to, instead, destroy the bridge by fire, by sword, or by whatever means they could, and promised to hold off the enemy as much as one man could. Cocles ran to the entrance of the bridge, standing out among those who were retreating, and faced the enemy, impressing them with such bravado. Two men, Spurius Larcius and Titus Herminius, both from famous families and known for brave deeds, also stayed with him due to their sense of honor. The men faced the initial danger and the worst part of the battle together. When those who were tasked with destroying the bridge called for them all to retreat, Cocles made them move to a safe part of the bridge. He then looked at all the Etruscan officers, challenging them and accusing them of being slaves to tyrants who were trying to take away the freedom of others. The Etruscans hesitated, looking at each other, unsure of who should start the fight. Eventually, they were moved by shame and started hurling javelins at him from all sides. All the javelins stuck in his raised shield, but Cocles held his ground, maintaining his position on the bridge. The Etruscans then tried to push him off the bridge, but then retreated in panic when they were interrupted by the sound of the bridge starting to come apart and fall, along with the cheering of the Romans. Cocles then shouted a prayer: "Father Tiber, I solemnly invoke you! Receive these arms and this soldier into your merciful stream!" He then jumped into the Tiber River in full armor and, under a shower of Etruscan missiles, swam across the river unharmed, back to the Romans. As far as posterity is concerned, in my opinion, this story is likely to have been popular, though not as believable. Regardless, the City was grateful for his bravery and erected a statue of him in the Forum. He was also given as much land as he could plow in one day. Private citizens also showed their appreciation. Even though they were poor, each gave him something from their own supplies, depriving themselves to reward his bravery.

2.11 As King Porsena's initial blitz was unsuccessful, he shifted his strategy from assault to blockade. After establishing a military base on the Janiculum Hill, he set up his camp on the plains and along the Tiber River. He then called for boats from all areas to patrol the river, preventing any food or supplies from reaching Rome. The boats were also used to transport his soldiers across the river to raid various locations as needed. In a short time, Porsena made the areas surrounding Rome so dangerous that all resources, including livestock, were moved into the City for protection. No one dared to leave the City gates. The Romans allowed the Etruscans to move around freely on orders of Valerius. He was waiting for the right moment to surprise a large number of men and chose to hold back his retaliation for a bigger impact. To set a trap for the raiders, Valerius instructed his men to drive their livestock out of the Esquiline Gate, the one farthest from the enemy. He assumed they would learn of this because some slaves would likely betray them due to the blockade and famine. As expected, a deserter informed the Etruscans, and larger than usual groups of the enemy crossed the river in hopes of capturing all the livestock. Publius Valerius then ordered Titus Herminius to hide and lie in ambush with a small group of soldiers at the second stone or about two miles from the City on the Gabina Road. He also instructed Spurius Larcius to position himself at the Colline Gate with a group of young, lightly-armed soldiers. They were to block the enemy's return path to the river once they had passed. The other Consul, Titus Lucretius, left the City through the Naevian Gate with several maniples of soldiers. Valerius himself led a handpicked group of soldiers to the Caelian Hill. These last were the first to be seen by the enemy. Just as planned, when Herminius became aware that fighting had begun, he emerged from his hiding place and attacked the rear of the Etruscans who were engaged with Valerius. Then, with a shout, Roman soldiers came from both sides, from the Colline Gate to the right and the Naevian Gate to the left. The Etruscans were trapped. Outmatched in strength for battle, yet also not able to escape as all routes had been blocked by the Romans, they were slaughtered in the middle. This put an end to such irregular and scattered raids by the Etruscans across Roman territory.

2.12 The siege continued, however. With the protracted blockade came a shortage of grain, which then led to skyrocketing prices. King Porsena still remained hopeful and believed that by maintaining his position, he would eventually wear down and conquer the City. Gaius Mucius, a young Roman nobleman, felt it was a disgrace that the Romans, who had never been confined within their walls during any war nor by any enemy when they were under the rule of kings, were now trapped by the very same Etruscans that they had once conquered. This humiliation, he believed, needed to be avenged by something bold and daring. Initially, he had planned to infiltrate the enemy's camp entirely by himself. However, he feared that if he did so without the consuls' permission or anyone's knowledge, he might be captured by Roman guards and accused of desertion. Given the City's current situation, such a charge would be plausible. So, he decided to approach the Senate. "Fathers," he addressed them, "I plan to cross the Tiber and enter the enemy's camp, if possible. I don't intend to loot. Nor do I seek revenge for their destruction. I have a greater plan in mind, provided the gods are on my side." The Senate gave their approval. Mucius left, armed with a hidden sword under his robe. Upon reaching the enemy camp, he positioned himself in a dense crowd, near the king's tribunal. Today happened to be the soldiers' payday. As the soldiers received their pay, Mucius observed that two men seemed to be in charge of the event. They both sat next to each other and wore similar clothing. One of these men was Lars Porsena, he thought, but who was the other man? Soldiers kept coming up to the other man more frequently. Was he Lars Porsena? Afraid to ask, as this ignorance about who was king would betray him, Mucius decided to strike the man who had the respect of the soldiers. Unfortunately, the man he killed was the king's scribe, not the king. As he tried to flee, pushing through the crowd with his blood-stained dagger, the shouting crowds made it clear where he was. He was immediately seized by bodyguards and brought before King Porsena. Even in this dire situation, Mucius remained fearless, declaring, "I am a citizen of Rome. My name is Gaius Mucius. I came to kill an enemy, and I have as much courage to meet death as I had to inflict it. It's the Roman nature to act bravely and to suffer bravely. I'm not alone in having made this resolve against you. Behind me, there is a long list of others who aspire to the same distinction. If it's your wish to continue this war, be prepared for a struggle in which you'll have to fight for your life every hour. A war that will be sending more assassins like me to the very entrance of your door. This is the kind of war which we, the youth of Rome, declare against you. Don't fear an army or formal battles. The matter will be settled between you, alone, and each one of us, individually." Porsena, both enraged and terrified, demanded to know the details of the assassination plot that Mucius had hinted at. When Mucius didn't comply, the king tried to intimidate him with being burned alive. "Look," Mucius responded, "This is how lightly we regard our bodies when greater glory is in our future." He thrusted his right hand into a fire burning on the altar and showed no signs of pain. The king, shocked by this performance, jumped from his seat and ordered Mucius to be removed from the altar. He told Mucius, "Leave our camp. You have acted more like an enemy to yourself than to me. If you were on my side, I'd praise your courage. Instead, I release you now, unharmed and untouched, exempt from the rules of war." In response to the king's benevolence, Mucius revealed, "Since you honor bravery, I'll tell you something. Three hundred of us, the best of the Roman youth, have conspired to attack you in this manner. I was chosen by lot to go first. The rest will follow, each in his turn, until Fortune gives us the opportunity to strike you down."

2.13 When Mucius was released and returned to Rome, he became known as Scaevola, "the left-handed one," due to the loss of his right hand from the fire. Shortly thereafter, ambassadors from King Porsena followed Mucius and came to Rome. The danger of Mucius' initial assassination attempt, which had only been thwarted by an attacker's error, and the repeated risks associated with the numerous conspirators, had gotten to Porsena, deeply affecting him. As a result, he voluntarily proposed peace to the Romans. Within the peace talks, Porsena talked of restoring the Tarquin family to the throne, knowing it was fruitless and that the Romans would reject it. He did it only because he promised the Tarquin family that he would make this request. Porsena did manage to secure a condition that the Veientes' territory be returned. There was also a requirement that hostages were to be given to the Romans if they wanted Porsena's troops to be removed from the Janiculum Hill and taken out of Roman territory. Once peace was agreed upon, Porsena withdrew his troops from the Janiculum Hill and left the Roman lands. In recognition of his bravery, Mucius was awarded lands across the Tiber, which later became known as the Mucian Meadows. This public honor of courage and valor inspired the women to strive for similar recognition. Near the Tiber, where the Etruscans had set up camp, a young woman named Cloelia, one of the Roman hostages, managed to escape. She led a group of young women hostages across the river, evading enemy attacks, and returned them all safely to their families. When Porsena learned of this, he initially was enraged, demanding the return of the mastermind behind the plot, Cloelia. He didn't care about the other hostage women, just Cloelia. If she wasn't returned, all treaties would be considered invalid. Porsena soon came to admire her bravery, stating that her actions surpassed those of Cocles and Mucius. He modified his terms, saying that he would still consider the treaties broken if the Romans didn't hand over Cloelia, but that he would give his word that she would return safely and unharmed once she was handed over. Both parties agreed to these terms and the treaties were saved. The Romans returned Cloelia to King Porsena, who kept his word. Not only did he not harm her, but he also honored her upon her arrival. After praising her heroism, he offered to release half of the remaining hostages as a gift to her, allowing her to choose who would be freed. She chose the youngest boys, a decision that was both modest and agreed upon by the hostages, themselves, as the youngest were the most vulnerable to abuse. With peace restored, the Romans honored Cloelia's extraordinary bravery with an equally extraordinary tribute: a statue of her on horseback, placed at the summit of the Via Sacra.

2.14 The peaceful exit of the Etruscan king from the Janiculum Hill area of the City seems to contradict an old tradition that continues to this day at public auctions. When things that were looted are sold in present day, it's referred to as "selling the goods of King Porsena." The origin of this practice must have either started during the war and continued into peacetime, or it could have evolved from a more good-natured practice, and not just a notice of the sale of enemy property, as the phrase suggests. The most believable explanation passed down is that Porsena, when leaving the Janiculum Hill, gifted the Romans with his well-supplied camp, which was filled with provisions from the nearby fertile Etruscan fields. The City was depleted from the long siege at the time. To prevent the goods from being mobbed and plundered by the people, they were sold to the people who were allowed in. This was then referred to as the "goods of Porsena." The phrase seems to express more gratitude for the gift than the selling of the king's wealth, which the Roman people didn't have the right to do. After ending the war with Rome, Porsena sent his son Arruns and part of his army to besiege Aricia to avoid the appearance of his army having been deployed without achieving anything worthwhile. The Aricians were initially surprised and scared, as they didn't expect this. However, help from the people of Latium and Cumae gave them hope, and they decided to confront the Etruscans in battle. At the start of the battle, the Etruscans' first charge was so fierce that they defeated the Aricians immediately. However, the Cumae cleverly moved soldiers to one side. When the Etruscans flew past them in a chaotic charge, the Cumae turned around and attacked them from behind. This stratagem led to the Etruscans, who were close to victory, being surrounded and cut down in the center. A small group of them survived, and having lost their general and with no other refuge, they fled to Rome unarmed, looking like beggars. They were welcomed warmly and distributed amongst different houses. Once their wounds healed, many returned home and spoke of the kindness they had received from Rome. Some, however, chose to stay in Rome out of affection for their hosts and the City. They were given a district in which they could live, now called the Tuscan Quarter.

2.15 Spurius Larcius and Titus Herminius were the next consuls for the following year. Then, after that year, Publius Lucretius and Publius Valerius, also known as Publicola, were next chosen as consuls. In that year, ambassadors from King Porsena arrived for the final time, discussing the possibility of restoring Tarquinius to the throne. The Senate didn't give an answer but responded by sending Porsena an official delegation of the most distinguished senators. While a simple answer could have been provided to Porsena's ambassadors in Rome, the delegation wanted to ensure that the topic would be closed forever. They wanted to prevent any kind of disruption to their mutual goodwill by Porsena continuing to make requests for the Tarquin family. These requests by Porsena were clearly against the freedom of the Roman people and would never be approved, but they didn't want to deny Porsena anything unless his request would lead to Rome's own downfall. The delegation from the Senate helped King Porsena understand that the Roman people were no longer under a king, but were free, and would rather welcome enemies than kings. They wished for their City to exist as long as there was freedom. If Porsena wanted Rome to be safe, they asked him to let it be free. The king, humbled, said, "Since you're so determined, I'll not bother you with these matters again, nor will I give false hope to the Tarquin family. Whether they need peace or war, they should look elsewhere for their exile, so that nothing disrupts the peace that you and I have." He followed his kind words with kind actions, returning the remaining Roman hostages and returning the land to the Veientes, which had been taken by the treaty at the Janiculum. Tarquinius and his family, now with no hope of returning to Rome as their king, went to Tusculum to live in exile with his son-in-law, Octavius Mamilius. This ensured the peace between King Porsena and the Romans was maintained.

2.16 Marcus Valerius, brother of Publius Valerius Publicola, and Publius Postumius were next elected as consuls. During this year, they successfully waged war against the Sabines and were honored with a Triumph back in Rome. Having been defeated by the Romans, the Sabines prepared for a larger scale war. To confront them the following year, and to prevent any sudden threat from Tusculum from where they anticipated a war, although it wasn't yet declared, Publius Valerius Publicola, was next elected Consul for the fourth time, and Titus Lucretius was elected for the second time. At this time, conflict arose among the Sabines between those advocating for war and those advocating for peace. This conflict gave the Romans an advantage. Attius Clausus, a Sabine who later would become known as Appius Claudius in Rome, was an advocate for peace. However, he found himself at odds with the Sabine war faction and unable to compete with them. As a result, he defected from Regillum to Rome, bringing with him many clients [loyal freedmen and followers]. They were all granted Roman citizenship rights and land beyond the Anio River. This group was known as the Old Claudian tribe, and it grew with the addition of tribesmen from that region. Appius was elected to the Senate and quickly rose to its highest rank. Consul Valerius and Consul Lucretius, with their army, invaded the Sabine territories. They devastated their land and defeated them in battle, weakening the Sabines to the point where they posed no immediate threat. They then returned to Rome in Triumph. The following year, Agrippa Menenius and Publius Postumius were elected as consuls. Publius Valerius Publicola, widely recognized as the most capable man in Rome in both peace and war, passed away. Despite his glory, he died impoverished. The City covered his funeral expenses. The women of Rome mourned for him as they had for Brutus, his former colleague. That same year, two Roman colonies, Pometia and Cora, defected to the Auruncians. The Romans declared war on the Auruncians and defeated their large army who had boldly confronted the consuls at their borders. The entire Auruncian war was then focused on Pometia. The Romans were so enraged that these two colonies had defected that they didn't stop the slaughter even after the battles ended. They killed more people than they captured, executing all the prisoners. The Auruncians, in their anger, also didn't spare the three hundred Roman hostages they had taken. The consuls celebrated another Triumph in Rome that year.

2.17 The next consuls, Opiter Verginius and Spurius Cassius, initially tried to capture Pometia by force. When that failed, the Romans attempted to build wooden siege equipment like vineae [protective roofs or sheds] to aid in their efforts. However, the Auruncians, driven more by their deep-seated hatred for the consuls than by any real hope of victory, launched a counterattack. They stormed out of Pometia armed with flaming torches, causing fire and destruction wherever they went. They managed to burn down the vineae, parts of the siege equipment, and then killed and injured many of the Romans. They nearly killed one of the consuls, who had been thrown from his horse and badly injured. The identity of this consul isn't specified by historical sources. After this disaster, the Romans returned home. They carried a substantial number of wounded soldiers back, among them the Consul, whose condition was critical. Following a brief period of recovery for the soldiers and a fresh addition of new soldiers and supplies, the consuls returned back to Pometia even angrier than before. This time, the wooden siege equipment had been prebuilt and other war preparations were made ahead of time. The Romans were ascending the walls when Pometia decided to surrender. However, the Romans weren't interested in accepting their surrender this time. In fact, it would have been better for the Pometians to fight, since the outcomes were ultimately the same. They beheaded the Auruncian leaders as if the city had been captured by force. The remaining townsfolk were sold off as slaves. Pometia was razed to the ground and the land was sold. The consuls obtained a Triumph, not so much for the difficulty of the war which they had won, but more for the satisfaction of their revenge.

2.18 In the following year, Postumus Cominius and Titus Largius served as consuls. During a festival in Rome that year, some Sabine youths playfully abducted some prostitutes, leading to a public brawl that nearly escalated into a full-blown battle. This minor incident blew up, eventually inflaming all of Rome and pushing the Romans toward the possibility of a renewed conflict with the Sabines. Adding to their worries was the news that thirty different states had formed a conspiracy against Rome, spurred on by Octavius Mamilius, the son-in-law of Tarquinius. As the City prepared itself for whatever big events might happen, the idea of appointing a dictator was proposed for the first time. However, it's unclear when this happened, who the consuls were at the time, or who was chosen as the first dictator since some say the consuls were of the Tarquinian faction, which casts doubt on their credibility. There is also disagreement about who the first dictator was. According to some of the oldest records, Titus Largius was the first Dictator, with Spurius Cassius as his Master of the Horse. They were both men of consular rank, as required by the law for the election of a dictator. This leads me to believe that Titus Largius, a man of consular rank, was chosen to guide and teach the consuls, rather than Manius Valerius, the son of Marcus Volesi, and the grandson of Marcus Valerius, who hadn't yet been a consul. In fact, if they wished to choose a dictator from that family, they would have chosen their father, Marcus Valerius, a man of distinguished virtue and consular rank. When the first dictator was appointed in Rome, the sight of the fasces carried before him struck fear into the plebeians, making them more fanatical about obeying orders. There would be no more asking help from a second consul who shared power. There would be no more right to appeal. Obedience mattered, and nothing else. The appointment of a dictator also frightened the Sabines because they believed he was appointed specifically because of them. Accordingly, the Sabines sent ambassadors to ask for peace, claiming this whole misunderstanding was just youthful escapades. Rome's response was that the actions of young men could be forgiven, but the older men who constantly stirred up fresh wars could not. Negotiations for peace continued and would have been successful if the Sabines had agreed to pay for the war expenses, which they didn't. War was officially declared against the Sabines, but not acted upon. A mutual standstill between the two parties kept the rest of the year peaceful.

2.19 In the following year, Servius Sulpicius and Manius Tullius served as consuls. However, there were no significant events during their term that year. The next consuls after them were Titus Aebutius and Gaius Vetusius. During their term, Fidenae was under siege, Crustumeria was captured, and Praeneste switched sides from the Latins to the Romans. A war against the Latins, which had been brewing for several years, could no longer be postponed and it broke out. Aulus Postumius was appointed as Dictator, and Titus Aebutius served as his Master of the Horse. Together, they led a large army of cavalry and infantry to meet the Latin forces at Lake Regillus, located in the Tusculan territory. Upon hearing that the Tarquins were part of the Latin army, the Romans were filled with anger and could not be stopped. They rushed into battle, fighting with more intensity and bitterness than ever before. The generals weren't only giving strategic orders but jumped into the battle and were actively fighting, as well. In fact, almost all the high-ranking officers from both sides were injured, except for Dictator Postumius. As Postumius was rallying the troops on the front line, Tarquinius Superbus, despite his old age and lack of strength, rushed his horse in a fit of rage against Postumius. Struck from the side, he was quickly rescued by his men and brought to safety. On the other flank, Aebutius, the Master of the Horse, spurred his horse against Octavius Mamilius, the Tusculan general and Tarquinius' son-in-law. Mamilius noticed Aebutius charging so he, too, rode at Aebutius full speed. So terrific was the shock when their lances collided with each other that Aebutius' arm was pierced straight through and Mamilius was struck in the chest. He was immediately led off by the Latins into their second line, in the rear. Aebutius, unable to hold a weapon with his wounded arm, retired from the fighting. Mamilius, ignoring his wound, returned to command, urging on the battle. Seeing that his own men were retreating, he called up a cohort of Roman exiles led by Lucius Tarquinius, the former Roman king's son. Their anger at being banished from their homeland and losing their property fueled them to fight more angrily. For a short time, the exiles restored the battle with their determined assault.

2.20 As the Romans started to retreat, Marcus Valerius, the brother of Publicola, noticed the fiery young Lucius Tarquinius flaunting himself in the first line of the exiles, as if he were inviting an attack. Marcus Valerius, inspired by his brother's glory, felt that the family who expelled the Tarquins should also be credited with their death. He dug the spurs into his horse and charged Tarquinius, raising his spear. The young Tarquinius, enraged, evaded the charge by retreating into the ranks of the exiles and, as Valerius recklessly tried to pursue him, one of these soldiers plunged a spear through him from behind. Valerius' horse continued running at full speed despite the fatal wound until the dying Roman fell to the ground with his weapons and armor falling around him. Witnessing a brave soldier fall in such a shocking way, the Dictator saw his men were now losing the will to fight as the exiles continued their advance with added strength. In response, he ordered his personal cohort, a special force as his bodyguard, to treat any Roman soldier fleeing the battle as an enemy. The Roman soldiers now had no choice. They stopped fleeing and turned to face the enemy, reforming the battle lines. The Dictator's cohort then joined the battle, attacking the now-tiring exiles with renewed energy and determination, slaughtering many of them. Another battle broke out between the leading officers on both sides. General Mamilius of the Latins, noticing the exiles being surrounded by Dictator Postumius, rushed to the front line with several detachments from his reserve troops. Titus Herminius, a Roman legate or lieutenant-general, saw him coming with the column, and recognized the Latin general distinguished by his armor and clothing. Leading the cavalry, he attacked Mamilius with such force that he killed him with a single spear thrust through his side. However, while stripping the body of armor and weapons, Titus Herminius, himself, was hit with a spear. He later died back at camp while his wound was being treated. The Roman Dictator then rushed to the cavalry, ordering them to dismount from their horses and fight on foot, as the infantry was now exhausted, They obeyed, leaping off their horses, and rushed into the front line, placing their shields in front of the standard-bearers. This gave the infantry new courage, seeing the young elite youth sharing the danger of battle with them as equals. The Latins were finally driven back and retreated. The horses were brought forward so the cavalry could remount and chase the enemy, and the infantry followed. Dictator Postumius, wanting to secure both divine and human help, is said to have promised to build a Temple to Castor. He also promised rewards to the first and second soldiers who would enter the enemy's camp. The Romans were so eager that they took the camp with the same energy they had used to defeat the enemy in the field. This concluded the Battle at Lake Regillus. The Dictator and Master of the Horse returned to the City in Triumph.

2.21 Over the next three years, there was neither a stable peace nor an outright war. The consuls during this time were Quintus Cloelius and Titus Larcius, followed by Aulus Sempronius and Marcus Minucius. During their consulship, a temple was dedicated to the god Saturn, and the Saturnalia Festival was established as a holiday. Aulus Postumius and Titus Verginius were then elected as consuls. In some historical accounts, it's suggested that the Battle at Lake Regillus didn't occur until this year. It's also suggested that Aulus Postumius, due to doubts about Verginius' loyalty, resigned from his position as Consul and was subsequently appointed as Dictator. The differences in dates and the different arrangements of magistrates in the various historical sources I use make it difficult for me to determine which consuls followed which and what was done in each year. These events, and the people who recorded them, happened so long ago that they're now hidden in the shadows of ancient history. Appius Claudius and Publius Servilius were then elected as consuls. This year was notable for the news of Tarquinius Superbus' death. He died in Cumae, where he had sought refuge with the tyrant Aristodemus after the destruction of the Latins. The news of his death elevated the spirits of both the Senate and the plebeians. However, the senators' joy became excessively indulgent, and they began to oppress the plebeians, whom they had previously treated with respect. In the same year, the colony that King Tarquinius had sent to Signia was replenished by sending a number of colonists. The number of tribes in Rome was increased to twenty-one. The Temple of Mercury was also dedicated on May fifteenth.

2.22 At the time of the wars against the Latins, the Volscians had been neutral. They were neither at peace with Rome nor at war with it. The Volscians prepared to support the Latins with additional troops, and they would have done so had Dictator Postumius not acted swiftly to prevent this. His quick actions were aimed at preventing a situation where Romans would have to fight both the Latins and the Volscians simultaneously. Angrily, the Roman consuls led their armies into Volscian territory preemptively and surprised the Volscians, who hadn't anticipated any punishment for their intentions. They offered three-hundred children of their nobility from Cora and Pometia as hostages. Consequently, the Roman legions withdrew without any battle. Shortly afterward, the Volscians stopped fearing more repercussions and returned back to their usual deceit. They secretly prepared for war again, this time bringing the Hernicians in as allies and sending out ambassadors in all directions to agitate the other Latins into rebellion, as well. However, with the recent defeat at Lake Regillus still on their minds, the Latins instead became enraged and could barely keep from attacking the ambassadors as they suggested taking up arms against the Romans yet again. The Latins, disgusted, arrested the Volscian ambassadors and brought them to Rome. There, they presented them to the consuls and informed them that the Volscians and Hernicians were preparing for war against them. When the matter was referred to the Senate, they were so grateful that they released six-thousand prisoners back to the Latins and approved treaty negotiations, which had previously been almost entirely denied, to the incoming magistrates. The Latins were pleased with these actions, and those who had advocated for this peaceful resolution were highly regarded. They sent a golden crown as an offering to Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill. Along with the Latin ambassadors who brought this offering, a large crowd of formerly enslaved Latin prisoners who had been released came with them and returned to their Roman host families. They visited the homes of those who had kept them during their captivity, expressing thanks for their humane treatment during such a difficult time. They then established friendly relations. Never had the Latin name been more closely tied to the Roman state, either through public or private connections.

2.23 Despite now knowing war with the Volscians was imminent, the City was still torn with internal dissension. The patricians and the plebeians were bitterly hostile to one another, owing mainly to the desperate condition of the debtors. The plebeians voiced their grievances loudly, arguing that while they fought as soldiers for freedom and power abroad, they were oppressed and enslaved back at home by their own fellow citizens. They claimed that their freedom was more secure in war than in peace, and that their freedom was safer among enemies than it was among their own people. This discontent grew, and the harsh experiences of one man further inflamed it. An old man, bearing visible scars of all the evils he had suffered, suddenly appeared in the Forum. His clothing was covered with filth, he was thin and emaciated like a corpse, and his unkempt beard and hair made him look like a savage. Despite his appearance, he was recognized by the crowd. They said that he had once held rank as a centurion and were able to mention some of the military distinctions which he possessed. The crowd pitied him as he showed them the scars on his chest, proof of his participation in numerous honorable battles. When they asked him where this happened and why did he look this way, a small crowd gathered around him and grew into a large assembly. The man explained that he had served in the Sabine war. During this time, his land was raided by the enemy and his crops were gone. His farm was burned down, all his belongings were looted, and his livestock had been driven away. A war tax was imposed on him when he was least able to pay it, leading him to incur debt. This debt, swollen by interest, first took away his father's and grandfather's farm, then the rest of his property. Finally, like a plague, the debt affected his health. His creditor took him, not into normal servitude, but into a labor camp, a living death. He showed his back, marked with the fresh whip scars of his beatings. The sight and story in the Forum caused an uproar. Outcry spread throughout the City. Those currently in bondage for debt and those who had been released rushed into the streets, sharing their stories and pleading for the protection of the People. They found willing supporters everywhere as they ran through the streets to the Forum, shouting loudly. Some senators who were in the Forum at the time found themselves in a dangerous situation. Consuls Publius Servilius and Appius Claudius quickly intervened to calm the situation. The crowd turned against them, showing their chains and the signs of their misery. Former soldiers taunted the Consuls with their own military achievements and demanded, much more threateningly than submissively, that they convene the Senate. They surrounded the Curia, determined to be the judges and supervisors of the public discussions. Only a few senators, who happened to be nearby, joined the consuls. Fear kept the rest away from the Forum and the Curia, and the Senate could not act due to the lack of members. The people began to believe that their demands were being ignored and their grievances weren't being addressed. They thought that the absent senators were deliberately obstructing the process and accused the consuls of mocking their suffering. The situation had escalated to the point where even the authority of the consuls could barely control the people's rage. The senators, unsure whether they were in greater danger by staying home or going in, finally attended the Senate. However, even with enough people to conduct business, there was disagreement among the senators and between the consuls themselves. Appius Claudius, a hot-headed man, believed that the consuls' authority could resolve the issue by arresting and making an example of one or two people and this would calm the rest. Servilius, more moderate, thought it would be safer and easier to appease the people rather than confront them directly.

2.24 Amid these debates, a more serious threat emerged. A Latin messenger arrived in Rome at full speed, bringing the alarming news that the Volscian army was now advancing to attack the City. This report had a different impact on the patricians and the plebeians due to the anger that had divided the state. The plebeians were overjoyed, believing that the gods were punishing the tyranny of the patricians. They encouraged each other not to enlist, arguing that it was better for all to perish together than for them to die alone. Patricians, they said, should put on their armor and serve as soldiers! They should face the dangers of war, as they were the ones who profited from it the most! The Senate, however, was filled with fear and confusion because now there were threats from both their own people as well as the enemy. They pleaded with Consul Servilius, known for his conciliatory nature, to save the state from these threats. The Consul adjourned the Senate and appeared in the assembly to address the people. The Senate was concerned about the people's interests, he said. However, the imminent threat of war facing the whole Republic had interrupted their deliberations concerning one part of the City. Nor could he, when the enemy were almost at the gates, deal with any issue other than the war itself. Even if there were extra time for discussion, he argued that it was dishonorable for the plebeians to refuse to take up arms for their state until they had received a reward. It was also dishonorable, he argued, for the senators to be forced to help the citizens who were afflicted out of fear. Instead, they should be allowed to do this out of their own free will. To prove to the people that they could put their trust in him, the Consul issued an edict stating that no Roman citizen shall be kept in bondage or imprisoned preventing him from enlisting for military service. He also declared that no one should seize, sell, or interfere with a soldier's property, children or grandchildren while serving in the army for the duration of their service. As soon as the edict was announced, those present in the Forum who were in debt bondage came forward and immediately enlisted. Enslaved debtors from all over the City left their creditors, since they had no right to retain them, and rushed to the Forum to take the oath to serve. This resulted in a flood of enlistees who showed more bravery and energy in the Volscian war than the others. Consul Servilius then led his army against the enemy, setting up camp a short distance away from them.

2.25 The Volscians were still under the impression that there was severe disagreement among the Romans. The next night, they tried to infiltrate the Romans' camp, hoping that the darkness would encourage desertions and betrayals. However, the guards on duty spotted them. The army was alerted and, upon receiving the alarm, the soldiers rushed to their arms. This thwarted the Volscians' plan and both armies spent the rest of the night sleeping. At dawn, the Volscians filled the trenches and launched an attack on the rampart. As fortifications were being torn down from all sides, Consul Servilius waited to give the signal despite the cries from all around. The debtors were especially hungry for battle. He held back to gauge the soldiers' morale. When their eagerness for battle was evident, he finally gave the signal to charge. The soldiers, wild for battle, let loose on the enemy, defeating them at the very first charge. As the enemy retreated, they were pursued for as long as the Roman infantry could keep up. The cavalry then took over, driving them in panic all the way back to their camp. As the Roman legions continued to arrive and surround the enemy camp, the Volscians abandoned it and fled. Once the camp was surrounded, the Romans captured and looted it. The next day, the legions were led to Suessa Pometia, where the enemy had retreated. The town was captured within a few days and was handed over to the soldiers for plunder. This provided some relief to the impoverished soldiers. Consul Servilius, with great honor, led his victorious army back to Rome. As they were leaving for Rome, representatives from the Volscians at Ecetra approached him. They were fearful for their fate after the capture of Pometia and came to seek peace. The Senate granted them peace, but some of their land was confiscated.

2.26 Immediately after this had happened, the Sabines also stirred fear in Rome, although the commotion was more real than the war. During the night, news came in throughout the City that the Sabine army had reached the Anio River, plundering the land and setting farmhouses on fire after they had stolen all their contents. Aulus Postumius, who had previously served as a dictator during the Latin war, was quickly dispatched with the cavalry to confront them. Consul Servilius followed him, leading a select group of infantry. The cavalry managed to eliminate most of the stragglers who had fallen behind the Sabine army, and the full Sabine legion didn't put up any resistance against the infantry when they finally caught up with them. The Sabines were too exhausted from their march and their nighttime looting to put up a fight. Many of them had overindulged in food and wine from the farms, so they barely had enough energy to flee. The Sabine conflict was thus reported and concluded in a single night. The next day, as everyone had hoped that the wars had concluded and that peace was now assured everywhere, ambassadors from Aurunci arrived at the Senate declaring war unless Roman troops were pulled out from Volscian territory. The full Auruncian army had already left their home for Rome at the same time as the ambassadors. Then, news came in that the Auruncian army was spotted not far from Aricia. This caused such a commotion among the Romans that there was no time for the Senate to give an order to the consuls, nor could they give a peaceful response to the Aurunci who were already bearing arms, while they themselves were arming and preparing for war. So, the Romans marched in battle formation to meet them in Aricia. The two armies engaged not far from that town, ending the war in a single battle.

2.27 Having defeated the Aurunci, the Roman soldiers, who had won many wars within a few days, now waited for the promises of Consul Servilius and the Senate to be fulfilled. However, Appius Claudius, known for his innate love of tyranny and his desire to discredit his colleague, issued harsh decrees about borrowed money. People who had previously been bound by debts were handed back over to their creditors. Even worse, new citizens were now also taken into custody. When a soldier was affected by this, he would appeal to Consul Servilius, and a crowd would gather around him. They reminded him of his promises and their contributions to the wars, showing him their battle scars. Bring the matter to the Senate, they urged. Or, as a consul, help his fellow citizens. Or, as a general, be there for his soldiers. Servilius was indecisive. He was moved by their pleas, but the current political situation made him delay deciding what to do. His colleague had the steadfast support of the entire patrician class. And so, by trying to play both sides, he didn't escape the anger of the plebeians, nor did he win the favor of the senators. The senators saw him as a weak popularity-seeker, and the plebeians saw him as a dishonest trickster. It soon became clear that he was as disliked as Appius Claudius. A disagreement arose between the consuls about which of them should dedicate the Temple of Mercury. The Senate left the decision to the people. Whomever the people chose would also preside over the grain market, form a guild of merchants, and perform certain religious rites on behalf of the Pontifex Maximus. The people chose Marcus Laetorius, a centurion of the first rank, clearly done not to honor the man, as it was higher than his position merited, but was done solely to humiliate the consuls. Then, one of the consuls, along with the senators, began to rage against the plebeians even more. However, the spirit of the plebeians was strong and they were pursuing a course far different than the one they planned. For despairing at first when they saw there was no aid from the consuls and the Senate, when they saw a debtor being dragged to court, they rushed in from all sides, gathering together and shouting, creating an uproar. The consul's sentence could not be heard over the noise, and, even when it could be heard, no one obeyed it. Violence became commonplace. The fear and danger experienced by debtors was now transferred over to the creditors, who were singled out by the mob and beaten up in front of the consul. On top of this, a renewed fear of a war with the Sabines spread. However, when a draft was announced, no one enlisted. Appius Claudius was livid. He accused Servilius of betraying the Republic by currying the favor of the plebeians and remaining silent while not doing what he should have been doing: passing judgment against the debtors and raising troops for the draft by decree of the Senate. However, he said, the Republic wasn't altogether deserted, nor the consular authority thrown away. He, himself, single-handedly, would uphold the dignity of the consular office and the divine majesty of the Senate and that of his ancestors. When the daily mob of unruly people gathered around him again, this time he ordered the arrest of a man who appeared to be the ringleader. As the lictors were dragging the man away, he invoked his right to appeal. The consul wouldn't have allowed the appeal, for he was quite confident how the people would decide. But in the end, he gave in, not in response to the clamor of the crowd, but to the prudent advice and authority of the senators around him who persuaded him reluctantly to yield. Appius Claudius, the proud man that he was, was more than prepared to be hated by the people. The situation became more serious every day, not only through open protests but, what was far more dangerous, through secret meetings and plotting by the plebeians. Eventually, the consuls, who were universally hated by the plebeians, left office. Servilius was equally hated by both sides and Appius Claudius was hated by the plebeians but praised by the senators.

2.28 Next, Aulus Verginius and Titus Vetusius became consuls. The plebeians, unsure of what kind of leaders they would be, started holding secret meetings at night. Some met on the Esquiline Hill, others on the Aventine Hill. They did this to avoid making rushed decisions and pronouncements in the Forum. The consuls saw this as a dangerous act, as it was, and made a formal report to the Senate. Any hope for rational discussion was crushed as the Senate degenerated into shouting, indignant about having to deal with an unsavory issue that, in their minds, the consuls should have already handled by now. They already had the power to resolve it, so what was the problem. If there were real leadership in the Republic, they said, there would only be one single council in Rome and no meetings beyond that. Now the Republic is divided into a thousand little councils and assemblies, some on the Esquiline Hill, others on the Aventine Hill. They thought that a man like Appius Claudius, for he was stronger than any consul, would have easily broken up these private meetings. The consuls, now having been publicly reprimanded, continued to ask the senators what they should do. They wanted to give the issue the attention and energy that the senators wanted. Accordingly, the Senate passed a decree to start the draft as quickly and vigorously as possible, as the plebeians were becoming unruly due to lack of work. After the meeting, the consuls ascended the tribunal and summoned the young men of Rome who would be drafted, by their names. No one responded. Instead, the plebeians gathered around the consuls and said they wouldn't fight until the government kept its promises. They wanted their rights restored so that they were fighting for their nation and their fellow citizens, not for tyrannical leaders. The consuls understood the Senate's decree to begin the draft, but none of the senators who had spoken so boldly in the Senate were there to help them deal with the public's anger. The consuls felt a fierce battle with the plebeians was imminent. Therefore, before they tried the last resort, the consuls decided to return to the Senate and consult them a second time. This time, the younger senators rushed from their seats to confront the consuls, telling them to resign if they could not handle their duties.

2.29 Having had enough of trying to coerce the plebeians on the one hand and persuading the Senate to adopt a milder course on the other, the consuls finally told the Senate, "Honorable senators, we want to warn you that a significant disturbance is imminent. We ask those who criticize us the harshest for being cowardly to help us raise the draft to get needed soldiers. We will act according to the decision of the bravest among you, if that is what you wish." The consuls returned to their platform. They deliberately called out the name of one of the most rebellious people, one whom they could physically see, to be summoned for the draft. When the man remained silent, a group of men gathered around him in case he would be beaten. Since he didn't answer, the consuls sent a lictor to get him. The lictor was subsequently pushed back by the mob. The senators who were with the consuls were outraged by such blatant disrespect by the plebeians. They rushed from the platform to try to help the lictor. The mob then dropped their hostility toward the lictor, who was only being blocked from arresting the man, and aimed all their anger toward the senators. The consuls intervened and prevented a riot from happening. No stones or weapons had been used, so there was more heated rhetoric and shouting than physical injury done. The Senate was summoned and assembled in disorder. Those who had been roughly handled by the mob demanded an investigation, and the most aggressive members expressed their views as much through shouting and noise as through their votes. Finally, when their anger had cooled, the consuls scolded them for being as out of control in the Senate as it was in the Forum. Then, debate began in an orderly manner. There were three different policies advocated: Publius Verginius took a moderate stance. He suggested that they should only consider reinstating the freedom of those who, trusting in the promises made by former consul Publius Servilius, had fought in the wars against the Volscians, Auruncians, and Sabines. Titus Largius believed that the time had passed to reward only those who had served. He said that all the plebeians were drowned in debt, and the problem could not be solved unless steps were taken for everyone, universally. He also said that if different groups were treated differently, it would only increase divisions rather than resolve them. Appius Claudius, by nature merciless and brutal, had become even angrier from his hatred toward the plebeians on one hand and the praises from senators on the other. He said that the problems they were having weren't due to hardship, but to lawlessness. The plebeians were gathering not because of actual misery, but because they felt entitled. They were motivated by celebrating antisocial behavior more than anything else. The right to appeal, he argued, was the root cause of this serious problem. The consuls had only threats, not actual authority, because those who were part of a crime were allowed to appeal to people who were also criminals. "Come now," he said, "Let's appoint a Dictator from whom there is no appeal. This insanity which is setting everything on fire will immediately die down. I'd like to see anyone strike a lictor when he knows that his own life will be in the hands of the person whose authority he has just insulted!"

2.30 The reaction was mixed. Many senators thought Appius Claudius' motion was cruel and monstrous, which it actually was. On the other hand, the views of Publius Verginius and Titus Largius were seen as risky because of the precedent they set. Largius' opinion was particularly concerning because it would destroy trust. Verginius' opinion was considered the most balanced, a good middle ground between the other two. However, due to political divisions and personal interests, which have interfered and will always interfere with public policy, Appius' view ultimately won out. He was very close to being made dictator, himself. This move would have alienated the plebeians at a time when the Volscians, Aequians, and Sabines were all in arms together. However, the consuls and older senators ensured that the powerful position of dictator was given to a moderate man, Manius Valerius, the son of Volesus Valerius. The plebeians, even though they knew this official was chosen against their interests, were also not afraid of him or his family. They knew they had the right to appeal under the very same laws that were passed by his brother, Publius Valerius Publicola. An edict from Dictator Valerius followed, like one issued by Consul Servilius, which reassured them. The plebeians now felt as if they could trust the man and the authority of his position, so they stopped protesting and enlisted in the army. Ten legions were formed, the largest army ever. Each consul led three legions, and Dictator Valerius led four. The war could not be delayed any longer. The Aequi had invaded Latin territory, and the Latin envoys asked the Senate to either send reinforcements or permission to arm themselves to defend their borders. The Senate decided it was safer to defend the Latins without arming them, so Consul Vetusius and his legions were sent to help. This stopped the raids and the Aequi retreated from the plains to the highest ridges of the mountains, relying on the terrain rather than their weapons to protect them. The other Consul, Verginius, advanced against the Volscians. To speed up the process, he ransacked their fields with the idea of forcing them to move their camp nearer to his and bring on a battle. In the middle of the field between the two camps the two men stood in front of their respective ramparts, with their standards and their army behind them. The Volscians had considerably more soldiers and, accordingly, showed their contempt for their foe by charging recklessly into battle toward the Romans. However, the Roman consul ordered his army motionless and forbade them from shouting any battle cries. He ordered them to stand with their javelins planted in the ground and, when the enemy came within close range, to spring forward and attack at full force with their swords. The Volscians finally arrived at the Roman lines, now tired with their running and their shouting, and tried to attack, thinking that the Romans were frozen with fear. However, when they felt the strength of the counterattack and saw the swords flashing before them, they retreated in confusion just as if they had been caught in an ambush. As they had been running so fast and so carelessly into battle, they didn't have the strength to flee. The Romans, on the other hand, since the beginning of the battle they had remained quietly standing, were fresh and vigorous. They easily overtook the exhausted Volscians, took their camp, and pursued them all the way to Velitrae, the victors and the vanquished bursting headfirst into the city. More blood was shed in the indiscriminate slaughter in the city than in the battle, with only a few spared after they threw down their weapons and surrendered.

2.31 While events were unfolding among the Volscians, Dictator Valerius and his legions entered Sabine territory where the most serious part of the war was happening. There, he defeated and chased the Sabines out of their camp. The Dictator used his cavalry to disrupt the enemy's center line, as it was weak due to the line's flanks being overextended. The infantry attacked in this scattered chaos, capturing their camp and ending the war in one move. This battle was the most notable of its time, second only to the Battle of Lake Regillus. Dictator Valerius was celebrated with a Triumph upon his return to the City. In addition to the usual honors, he and his descendants were given a special place in the Circus Maximus to watch the public games, and a ceremonial curule chair was placed there. The lands of Velitrae were taken from the defeated Volscians and colonists from the City were sent to establish a colony there. Soon after, there was a clash with the Aequians. Consul Veturius was reluctant to pursue this battle because the mountainous terrain was dangerous, but the soldiers, suspicious, believed that the war was being deliberately prolonged so that the Dictator's term of office would expire before they returned home and, as before, his promises wouldn't be carried out. They pressured Veturius to act and so he recklessly led the army uphill into enemy territory. This risky move was successful only due to the enemy's cowardice. Before the Romans came within javelin range, the Aequians, astonished at the audacity of the Romans, abandoned their camp and their strongly fortified positions on the mountain, descended down the other side and fled into the valley below. The Romans found plenty of spoils in the camp, and victory was achieved without bloodshed. Despite three military successes, both the senators and the plebeians were still anxious about their internal conflicts. The creditors possessed such influence and had maneuvered so skillfully that they rendered the people and even the Dictator, himself, powerless. After Consul Veturius had returned, Dictator Valerius introduced a proposal as the very first business of the Senate, and on behalf of the debtor soldiers who had brought victory to Rome. He asked that they decide about how Rome would handle these debtors. His proposal was rejected. The Dictator responded to the Senate, "To you all, I'm not acceptable as an advocate of peace. Rest assured that you'll soon wish that the Roman plebeians had champions like me. As far as I'm concerned, I'll no longer encourage my fellow citizens in their hope. Nor will I be a dictator in vain. Internal dissensions and foreign wars have made this office necessary to the City. Peace has now been secured abroad, but, at home, it has been made impossible. I'd rather witness this mutiny as a private citizen than as Dictator." After these words, Marcus Valerius resigned his dictatorship and left the Senate. The plebeians understood the reason why he resigned and his indignation at not being able to help. And so, as if he had fulfilled his promises, even though it wasn't his fault he was blocked, they followed him home with admiration and praise.

2.32 The senators were now gripped by fear. If the army was disbanded, the secret meetings and conspiracies of the plebeians would start again. Although the army had been assembled by the Dictator, the soldiers were still bound by their oath to obey the consuls. At least, this is what the senators believed. Using the excuse of renewed hostilities with the Aequians, they ordered the legions to be led out of the City. However, this act accelerated the sedition. It's said that, initially, there were plans to kill the consuls so the soldiers could be released from their oath. However, they learned that a criminal act could not dissolve a religious obligation. Following the advice of Lucius Sicinius Vellutus, the soldiers left without the consuls' permission and retreated to the Sacred Mount, beyond the Anio river, three miles from the City. This version of events is more widely accepted than Piso's account, which claims the secession was made to the Aventine Hill. There, without a leader, the legions built and fortified a camp with a rampart and a trench. They remained peaceful, taking only what was necessary for survival, and didn't attack or get attacked for several days. Meanwhile, the City was in a state of panic and business came to a halt. The plebeians left inside the City feared the senators, while the senators feared the plebeians, unsure whether it was better for them to stay or leave. How long would the seceded group remain peaceful? What would happen if a foreign war broke out during this time? The patricians saw their only hope was in the unity of the citizens and decided to restore it by any means necessary, just or unjust. The consuls chose Menenius Agrippa to be their ambassador, an eloquent man who was well-liked by the plebeians. Agrippa was born a plebeian and was widely viewed as one of them. He was allowed into the legions' camp where he told the following story in an old-fashioned and crude style: There was a time when the parts of the human body didn't work together as they do now. Each part had its own plan and language. The other parts were angry that they worked hard to provide for the belly, which did nothing but enjoy the pleasures they provided. They conspired to prevent their hands from bringing food to their mouths, nor their mouths from accepting what was given them, nor their teeth from chewing what they were to receive. While they tried to starve the belly from their anger, this only led to the entire body becoming extremely weak and nearly wasting away. It became clear that the belly wasn't lazy, but rather, it distributed nourishment to all parts of the body. This blood, which we live and gain strength from, is sent to the veins after the food is digested. By comparing the rebellion of the body parts to the plebeians' anger towards the senators, he managed to influence the crowd.

2.33 The process of reconciliation began. Eventually, they agreed upon a compromise with the following terms: the plebeians would have their own leaders with unbreakable rights. These leaders would have the authority to provide help against actions by the consuls. Finally, no patrician would be allowed to hold this position. As a result, two plebeian tribunes were appointed, Gaius Licinius and Lucius Albinus. They chose three colleagues to join them. It's known that Lucius Sicinius Vellutus, the instigator of the rebellion, was one of them, but the identities of the other two are uncertain. Some believe that only two plebeian tribunes were elected on the Sacred Mount, and that the sacred law of inviolability was passed there. During the plebeians' secession, Spurius Cassius and Postumus Cominius began their consulship. Under their leadership, a treaty with the Latin states was finalized. One of the consuls stayed in Rome while the other, Consul Cominius, was sent to the Volscian War. He defeated and chased away the Volscians of Antium, driving them into the town of Longula, which he then captured. He then captured Polusca, another Volscian town, and then launched an attack on Corioli with his entire force. Among the most distinguished of the young soldiers in the camp was Gnaeus Marcius, who was known for his intelligence and bravery. Marcius later earned the nickname Coriolanus for his bravery at Corioli. During the siege of Corioli, the Romans had been concentrating on the townspeople imprisoned inside its walls. The Romans felt that they had everything under control and hadn't anticipated any external threats. Suddenly, Volscian legions from Antium appeared, surprising them, and immediately attacked. At the same time, the enemy burst out from Corioli to attack the Romans. As this happened, Marcius was on watch. He and a carefully chosen group of soldiers not only stopped the soldiers of Corioli from spilling out but also forced their way through the open gate. After killing many people around the city closest to them, Marcius grabbed a burning torch and threw it at the buildings that could be seen over the city walls. The cries of the townspeople and the wailing of the women and children increased the Romans' courage. It crushed the Volscians because they had come to help defend a city that was now in the hands of their enemies and on fire. As a result, the Volscians of Antium were defeated, and the town of Corioli was captured. Marcius' fame overshadowed Consul Cominius' reputation so much that if it weren't for the treaty with the Latins having been inscribed on a bronze column, which Consul Spurius Cassius alone concluded because his colleague was absent, people would have forgotten that Consul Postumus Cominius had led the war against the Volscians. That same year, Agrippa Menenius, a man loved by both senators and plebeians, died. He was even more beloved by the plebeians after the secession. He was the interpreter and mediator of civic peace, acting as ambassador between the Senate and the plebeians, Despite his role in restoring harmony among his countrymen and bringing the plebeian secessionists back to the City, he lacked the funds for his funeral. The people buried him themselves, each contributing one-sixth of an aes rude to cover the costs.

2.34 Titus Geganius and Publius Minucius were elected as the next consuls. In this year, undisturbed by war and civic dissent, the City was attacked by another much more serious evil: famine. First, there was a shortage of food, caused by fields remaining uncultivated during the secession. Then, there was a widespread, prolonged starvation such as what typically happens during a siege. It would have led to the deaths of the slaves in any case, and probably the plebeians would have died, had the consuls not provided for the emergency by sending agents in various directions to buy grain. The agents went not just to the Etruscans on the coast to the right of Ostia and through the Volscians along the coast on the left as far as Cumae, but also as far away as Sicily. The state's strained relations with its nearby neighbors forced it to seek help from distant lands, but they had problems with this strategy. When grain was bought at Cumae, the Roman ships were seized by Aristodemus, the local tyrant who was an heir to the Tarquins. When the Roman agents appealed to the Volscians and Pomptini people for grain, they not only refused, but the lives of the people sent to buy grain were in danger because of a hostile local population. In the end, it was negotiated that grain from the Etruscans would come to Rome via the Tiber. This helped sustain the people. During this food shortage, the City could have been further troubled by war from the Volscians if a plague hadn't struck the Volscians just as they were preparing for war. The disease scared the Volscians and even after it subsided, they were so ravaged by it that they were still fearful. The Romans took advantage of this and strengthened their colonies, sending more settlers to Velitrae and founding a new colony at Norba, high in the mountains, to act as a citadel above the Pomptine district. In the consulship of Marcus Minucius and Aulus Sempronius, a large amount of grain was imported from Sicily and the Senate debated on the price it should be sold to the plebeians. Many patricians thought that the time had come for the plebeians to be suppressed and to recover the rights which had been taken from the Senate by secession and force. Chief among them was Marcius Coriolanus, who was against the power of the plebeian tribunes, and he addressed his fellow senators: "If they want their grain at the old price, let them restore the old rights of the senators! Why do I see plebeian magistrates? Why do I see Sicinius in power after I was forced to submit under the yoke, then ransomed, as it were, from thieves. Am I to endure these indignities a moment longer than I can help? Am I, who could not put up with Tarquinius as king, to now put up with Sicinius? Let them secede now! Let him call out his plebeians! The way lies open to the Sacred Mount and to other hills. Let them seize the grain from our fields as they did three years ago! Let them enjoy the scarcity which, in their madness, they have caused! I'll venture to say that after they have been tamed by hunger, they would rather work as laborers in the fields, themselves, rather than prevent the fields from being cultivated by another armed secession." It isn't easy to say whether this should have been done, but it seems possible to me that the senators could have lowered the price of grain in exchange for formally ending the power of the plebeian tribunes and all the restrictions imposed on the Senate against their will.

2.35 The Senate found the proposal too severe, and it nearly provoked the plebeians to take up arms in their frustration. The plebeians felt as though they were being attacked with starvation, as if they were enemies. They believed they were being cheated out of food and sustenance and saw the foreign grain, an unexpected source of sustenance, being snatched from their mouths. They also felt this would continue unless the plebeian tribunes handed over Gnaeus Marcius Coriolanus in chains, and satisfaction was made for the lashes on the backs of the Roman plebeians. They saw him as the new executioner, one who ordered them to either die or become slaves. When Coriolanus left the Senate, he would have been attacked if the plebeian tribunes hadn't quickly set a date for his trial. This action calmed their anger, as everyone saw themselves as a judge and the master of the life and death of his enemy. At first Coriolanus listened to the threats of the plebeian tribunes with contempt, reminding them that their role was to provide aid, not punishment, and that they were representatives of the plebeians, not the patricians. However, the plebeians were so angry that the senators felt they had to protect themselves and sacrifice one of their own to appease them. Despite the plebeians' fury, the patricians withstood the anger and used their individual and collective powers by trying to disrupt the proceedings, placing their clients in various places to discourage individuals from attending the meetings and councils. But they were then ordered to proceed. Then all the senators came forward in a body, as if they were all guilty, prayerfully pleading with the plebeians to grant them one citizen, one senator. If they wouldn't acquit an innocent man, they asked, could they then pardon this senator as a gift, whom they might think guilty? However, when Coriolanus didn't attend the trial, the plebeians' anger prevailed and wouldn't let the matter go. Coriolanus was found guilty in his absence and went into exile to the Volscians, uttering threats against his homeland and considering Rome to be an enemy. The Volscians welcomed him and treated him increasingly well as his resentment towards his countrymen became more apparent to them and his complaints and threats became more frequent. He stayed with Attius Tullius, the leading man of the Volscian people and a long-time enemy of the Romans. Both Coriolanus and Attius Tullius, one driven by old animosity and the other by recent resentment, planned a war against Rome. They didn't immediately believe that their people could be persuaded to take up arms, given their many unsuccessful attempts in the past. With the loss of so many young men in the frequent wars and also in a recent plague, the morale of the Volscians was low. The two men decided they needed to use deception to reignite the Volscian animosity, now dulled with time, to provoke them with a new cause for anger.

2.36 In Rome, plans were underway to repeat the Great Games. During the morning before the previous games, a family head punished his slave by putting a cattle yoke on him and forcing him to run through the middle of the Circus Maximus while beating him. This all happened right before the performance began. Afterward, the games began as usual, just as if there were no religious significance as to what had just happened. Not long after, a plebeian named Titus Latinius had a dream where Jupiter told him that the presiding official of the games displeased him. Unless they were redone on an equally grand scale, the City would be in danger. He instructed Latinius to relay this message to the consuls. Although he was somewhat superstitious, Latinius' respect for the authority of the magistrates overpowered his religious fear. If it weren't true, he worried, he would become a joke among the people. This hesitation proved costly, as he lost his son within a few days. To remove any doubt about the cause of this tragedy, the same apparition appeared to him again. It seemed to ask him if he had received enough punishment for his disregard of the deity and warned of a heavier punishment unless he immediately delivered the message to the consuls. Despite the situation becoming more urgent, Latinius continued to hesitate and delay. He was then struck by partial paralysis. This finally awakened him to the gods' anger. Exhausted by his past sufferings and the threats of more to come, he called a meeting of his friends and told them everything he had seen and heard, including Jupiter's repeated appearances in his dreams and the divine threats being proven true by his own misfortunes. With the unanimous agreement of everyone at the meeting, he was carried in a litter to the consuls in the Forum. From there, he was taken to the Senate, where he relayed the same information to the senators. To everyone's astonishment, another miracle occurred. Latinius, who had been carried into the Senate because he was unable to use any of his limbs, is said to have walked home on his own after he had fulfilled his duty.

2.37 The Senate decided that the Great Games should be held on the largest scale possible. A multitude of Volscians attended these games, following the advice of Attius Tullius, the Volscian leader. Before the games began, Tullius, who had plotted this scheme ahead of time with Coriolanus, approached the consuls. He informed them that he wanted to discuss private matters concerning the state. All witnesses were ordered to be removed so that they could speak in private. Once all witnesses were gone, Tullius stated, "I'm hesitant to speak badly about my fellow Volscian countrymen. However, I'm not here to accuse them of any wrongdoing, but to prevent them from committing any wrongdoing. Our people are more unpredictable than I'd like. We have become this way through many misfortunes; we're still standing, not because of our own merits, but because of your patience. A large crowd of Volscians is currently here. The games are underway; the City is focused on the show. I remember what happened in this City during a similar event by the Sabine youth and I fear that something reckless and impulsive may occur. I thought it was necessary to inform you, consuls, about these concerns. As for me, I've decided to return home immediately, so that I'm not influenced by any harmful words or actions." After saying this, he left. When the consuls presented the matter to the Senate, the credibility of the source, rather than the evidence, persuaded them to take unnecessary precautions. The Senate passed a decree that all Volscians should leave the City immediately, and messengers were sent in various directions to order them to leave before nightfall. Initially, the Volscians were filled with fear as they rushed to their accommodations to gather their belongings. However, as they were on the way home, fear turned into resentment. Why were they expelled from the games? Were they criminals or people unfit for society? It was a time of festival, and they were being excluded from an event where, in a way, men and gods come together.

2.38 As they moved forward, leaving Rome in a nearly unbroken stream, Tullius went ahead and arrived at the top of the Ferentinum Road. He greeted each of the Volscian leaders as they arrived with their groups, asking questions and expressing his outrage. Their outrage reflected his own. While they listened attentively to his further words of anger, he guided those who felt the same, who, in turn, guided their groups, into a nearby field lying below the road. There, he began a speech as if it were a public address: Tullius said, "Even if you were to forget the past wrongs done by the Roman people and the disasters that fell upon the Volscian nation, how can you tolerate this latest insult given to you today when they began their games by mocking us? Didn't you feel that they were celebrating a victory over you? That you, when leaving, were a spectacle for all to see, by the citizens, by the foreigners, and by so many neighboring states? That your wives and your children were paraded in front of the crowd? What do you think those who heard the herald's announcements thought about us? What about those who saw us picking up and leaving? Or those who encountered our shameful procession home? What else could they think, except that we've committed some terrible crime that would taint the games and provoke the gods' displeasure? This is the reason, in their minds, why we were banished from their company and gatherings." "Doesn't it occur to you that we're alive only because we left quickly? That is, if this can even be called leaving and not what it really was: fleeing. Don't you see this as a city of enemies, where if you had stayed even one more day, you would have all been killed? War has been declared on you! It'll be a great misfortune for those who declared it, if you are men!" Already filled with resentment and inflamed even more by this speech, they each went back home, bringing the anger back to their own townspeople who also became outraged. In no time, the entire Volscian nation was livid, ready to rise up in revolt against Rome.

2.39 The Volscian generals unanimously chosen for the war were Attius Tullius and Gnaeus Marcius Coriolanus, the Roman exile. They placed their greatest hope in Coriolanus. He didn't let them down, proving that the strength of Rome lay more in its generals than its army. He led his troops to Circeii, drove out the Roman colonists, and gave the city back to the Volscians as a free city. Coriolanus then moved across the countryside, taking from the Romans their newly won towns of Satricum, Longula, Polusca, and Corioli, which he, himself, had recently captured for the Romans. He recaptured Lavinium and using back roads on the Latin Way, took Corbio, Vitellia, Trebia, Labici, and Pedum. Finally, he marched from Pedum to Rome, setting up his camp at the Cluilian Trenches five miles from the City. From there, he raided the Roman territory, but he sent guards with the raiders to make sure the lands of the senators weren't touched. This could have been because Coriolanus was more hostile to the plebeians, or because, strategically, he wanted to cause conflict between the senators and the plebeians. The conflict would certainly have arisen since the plebeian tribunes were stirring up the plebeians against Rome's leaders, accusing them of colluding with the enemy. But fear of the enemy kept them united even though they continued to be suspicious and hostile with one another. The only disagreement was that the Senate and consuls wanted to use military force, while the plebeians wanted to avoid war. Spurius Nautius and Sextus Furius were voted in as the next consuls. In this year, the consuls were organizing the legions and setting up guards along the walls and other strategic points when a large crowd demanding peace scared them with loud protests. They were then forced to call a Senate meeting to discuss sending Roman ambassadors to Coriolanus. The Senate agreed to this when they saw that the plebeians' morale was fading. Ambassadors were sent to Coriolanus to discuss peace, but they returned with a harsh response from him: if the territory taken by the Romans were restored to the Volscians, the question of peace could be discussed. But if Rome thought they could enjoy the spoils of war while living in peace, they would find he hadn't forgotten the wrongs inflicted upon him by the Romans nor the kindness shown by the Volscians who were now his hosts. He would make it clear that his spirit had been strengthened, not broken, by being exiled. When the same ambassadors were sent back a second time, they weren't allowed into the camp. It's said that the fetial priests, dressed in their ceremonial robes, also went to the enemy's camp to plead for peace, but they had no more influence on him than the ambassadors.

2.40 Then the matrons of Rome gathered in large numbers and went to the home of Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, and his wife, Volumnia. It's unclear to me whether this was due to a public decision or from the women's fear. Regardless, they succeeded in their plan, for both Veturia, an elderly woman now, and Volumnia were to take the two young sons of Coriolanus and enter the enemy camp. As the men were powerless to protect the City by their weapons, the women desired to do so by their tears and prayers. Upon their arrival at the camp, Coriolanus was informed of an immense number of women standing nearby. Being unmoved by the state's ambassadors and the priests' religious appeals, he was even more resistant to the women's tears. However, when one of his relatives recognized his mother, Veturia, who was standing among the others in a state of great sadness, he pointed her out to Coriolanus and said, "Unless my eyes are deceiving me," he said, "your mother is here along with your wife and children." Coriolanus, shocked, rushed to embrace his mother. But Veturia, instead of accepting his warm welcome, angrily spoke to him: "Before I accept your hug, are you my enemy or are you my son? Am I a prisoner of war in your camp or am I your mother? Has long life and an unhappy old age brought me to this, that I should see you both exiled and then an enemy?" "Could you bring yourself to destroy and plunder the City which gave you life and raised you? Couldn't you release that anger, no matter how hostile you felt when you came, as you passed the boundary to come here? Didn't you think to yourself, 'Within these walls are my home and my gods, my mother, my wife, and my children' as the City stood right in front of your eyes?" "Therefore, if I had not given birth, Rome would not have been besieged! If I had no son, I'd have died a free woman, in a free land! I can't suffer anything worse that would be more disgraceful to you or more miserable for myself than what I'm suffering now. I'm deeply sorrowful, but my own sorrows will soon be over. The next generation of young people will be the ones killed or enslaved if you continue what you began." This speech, the embraces of his wife and children, and the tears of the Roman women, weeping for their birth and their City, were too much. Coriolanus' resolve was broken, and he embraced his loved ones and then sent them home. He then moved his camp away from the City. After leading his army from Roman territory, it's poetically said that Coriolanus died overwhelmed by the resentment that this act caused; however, his actual cause of his death varies among different sources. According to Fabius, the most ancient author, Coriolanus lived until an old age and would say, in his advanced age, that exile was far worse for an old man. The men of Rome praised the women for their actions, such was the time where envy had no place. A temple was built in honor of the female Fortuna Muliebris, goddess of luck and good fortune, to serve as a memorial of their deed. The Volscians later returned to Roman territory with the Aequians, but the Aequians refused to have Attius Tullius as their leader. This led to a dispute between the two armies as to who should be the leader, and it grew into a fierce battle. The Roman people were indeed fortunate: both enemy armies in their stubborn struggle defeated each other. Next, Titus Sicinius and Gaius Aquillius were made consuls. Sicinius was assigned the province of the Volscians, and Aquillius that of the Hernicians as they, too, had taken up arms. That year, the Hernicians were defeated, but the conflict with the Volscians ended inconclusively, with neither side gaining the upper hand.

2.41 Spurius Cassius and Proculus Verginius were next appointed as consuls. During this year, Rome defeated the Hernicians in battle and a treaty was struck with them, taking two-thirds of their land. Consul Cassius planned to divide half of this land among the Latins and the other half among the plebeians. To this, he also wanted to add a significant amount of public-owned land, which he claimed had been appropriated by private individuals. Cassius' plan worried many patricians, as they were the ones who had taken possession of those former public lands. The patricians were also concerned that Cassius' gift would give him too much influence among the people and threaten their freedom. This was the first time an Agrarian Law was suggested in Rome's history, a law that would always cause major societal upheaval whenever it was brought up, all the way to present day. On the other hand, Consul Verginius opposed the land grants and, by doing so, was supported by the senators. Some plebeians were against it as they were offended that a gift of land would be given to foreign allies and not just Roman citizens. Verginius had warned the plebeians in meetings that Cassius' gift was dangerous and would lead to slavery for those who accepted it, implying that Cassius was trying to become a king. "What other reason is there," Verginius asked, "for including the Latin allies and restoring a third of the land to the Hernicians which we, ourselves, took from them? Were they not our enemies a short time ago? The reason is clear: these enemy tribes will have Cassius as their leader instead of Coriolanus." So Verginius, ironically, now became popular for opposing the Agrarian Law. Both consuls tried to win the favor of the plebeians. Verginius agreed to distribute the lands, however, the lands would go only to Roman citizens. Cassius, who had lost popularity among his countrymen for trying to win over the allies by giving them land, tried to regain the plebeians' favor by distributing the money received for Sicilian grain sales to the plebeians, but the damage was already done. The plebeians rejected this offer of money as an outright bribe to take royal power. Their innate suspicion of anything that had to do with royal ambition was such that they rejected Cassius' gift as if they had plenty of money themselves. All sources agree that after Cassius left office, he was immediately condemned and executed. Some sources say his father was the one who tried him at home, then had him whipped and executed. His son's private property was then consecrated to the goddess Ceres and proceeds were used to erect a statue in her honor that was inscribed "Given by the Family of Cassius". I find it easier to believe what others say, that he was tried for high treason by the quaestors, Caeso Fabius and Lucius Valerius, and was condemned by the people. His house, which stood on the open space in front of the Temple of Tellus, was torn down by public decree. Whether the trial was private or public, he was condemned during the consulship of Servius Cornelius Maluginensis and Quintus Fabius Vibulanus.

2.42 The plebeians' anger toward Cassius didn't last long. The appeal of the Agrarian Law, especially after its original proposer was gone, began to win over the plebeians. This sentiment was further fueled by the untrustworthy and stingy behavior of the senators. After the Volscians and Aequians were defeated that year, Consul Fabius cheated the soldiers out of their spoils of war by selling everything taken from the enemy and putting all the money in the treasury. The name Fabius became unpopular with the plebeians. Despite this, the Senate managed to get Caeso Fabius Vibulanus elected as Consul alongside Lucius Aemilius Mamercus. This further angered the plebeians who responded by causing sedition at home, stirring up a war abroad. This led to a pause in civil disagreements as war took precedence. The patricians and plebeians came together under the leadership of Consul Aemilius and defeated the Volscians and Aequians who had started fighting again. The enemy suffered more losses during their retreat than in the battle, as they were relentlessly chased by the cavalry. In the same year, the Temple of Castor was dedicated on the fifteenth of July. It had been promised during the war against the Latins under the dictatorship of Postumius. His son was elected a duumvir [two public magistrates sharing power] just so that he could dedicate it. That year, the plebeians returned back to the Agrarian Law. The plebeian tribunes aimed to increase their power by promoting this popular law. The senators, believing that the people were already too unruly without further provocation, were horrified by the idea of any handouts or incentives for misconduct. The senators found strong allies in the consuls in opposing this and, as a result, they were successful. The Senate succeeded in getting Marcus Fabius Vibulanus, Caeso's brother, elected as Consul for the next year, as well as Lucius Valerius Potitus. Lucius Valerius was especially disliked by the plebeians for his persecution of Spurius Cassius for proposing the Agrarian Law. That year also saw a struggle with the tribunes. The Agrarian Law was turning out to be something that could not be delivered, and its supporters and sponsors were seen as mere braggarts for offering many empty promises that could never be kept. The Fabius name started to gain respect after three consecutive consulships, all of which were marked by victory over the tribunes. As a result, the honor of the office stayed in the Fabius family for a long time. A war broke out at Veii, and the Volscians also started fighting again. However, while their strength was more than enough to fight Rome, they misused it by fighting among themselves. To the public's already troubled state of mind, omens from the heavens began to appear as threats almost daily in the City and the countryside. Seers, consulted by the state and private individuals, sometimes through examining the entrails of animals, sometimes through watching the movement of birds, declared that the only reason for the divine anger was that religious ceremonies weren't being properly observed. These bad omens ended when Oppia, a Vestal Virgin, was found guilty of breaking her vow of chastity and was punished.

2.43 Quintus Fabius Vibulanus and Gaius Julius Iullus were next appointed as consuls. This year was marked by ongoing internal strife while foreign wars escalated. The Aequians took up arms and the Veientes began carrying out raids on Roman territory. As the concern over these wars grew, the next year, they appointed Caeso Fabius Vibulanus, for the second time, and Spurius Furius Fusus as consuls. The Aequians were besieging Ortona, a Latin city, and the Veientes, having plundered enough, threatened to lay siege to Rome itself. These threats only increased the tension among the plebeians. However, the practice of refusing military service was becoming more common, not by choice, but because Spurius Licinius, a plebeian tribune, believed it was time to force the Senate to pass the Agrarian Law. He took it upon himself to obstruct military preparations. However, his tribune colleagues disagreed with him and joined the consuls in helping them raise an army. Two armies were drafted for the two wars. One was led by Consul Fabius against the Aequians, and the other by Consul Furius against the Veientes. The war against the Veientes didn't yield any significant results. In the campaign with the Aequi Fabius had more trouble with his own troops than with the enemy. He alone as Consul had held the state together, while the army, out of hatred for their commander, nearly betrayed the Republic. With his military skills and successful strategies, he routed the enemy's army by sending out his cavalry alone, but his infantry, out of spite, refused to pursue the scattered troops. Even when faced with their own disgrace at letting the enemy escape, and the potential danger that the Aequi might regroup and return, the infantry refused to speed up their pace or stand ready in battle formation. Without his orders, they bitterly returned to camp in a state of defeat, blaming him, and blaming the cavalry for following the commander's orders. Consul Fabius did not even try correct this disastrous defiance of his men. So often, even the greatest minds have more talent for conquering enemies than for governing fellow citizens. The Consul returned to Rome not with honor gained in war but with the hatred of his soldiers towards him inflamed even further. Despite this, the patricians kept the consulship within the Fabii family. They elected Marcus Fabius Vibulanus as Consul for the second time and assigned Gnaeus Manlius Cincinnatus as his colleague.

2.44 In this year, a plebeian tribune named Tiberius Pontificius proposed an Agrarian Law. He also did what Spurius Licinius had done before: he managed to delay the military draft for a short period. The senators were once again confused, but Appius Claudius argued that the tribunes' power had been defeated the previous year, and that it could possibly happen now, and potentially in the future, since it had been discovered that the office could be dissolved by pitting its own members against each other. He argued that there would always be at least one tribune who would want to gain a personal victory over the others and would want to gain favor with the more influential party by promoting the public good. Multiple tribunes would be ready to support the consuls, if needed, but even just one could be enough to counter all the others. The solution, he said, was kindness. He urged the consuls and leading senators to win over some, if not all, of the tribunes to the side of the City and the Senate. The senators and the entire assembly, persuaded by Appius' advice, began treating the tribunes with respect and courtesy, kindly making their appeal for what was beneficial to the state. Former consuls, by using their personal influence, partly by friendliness and partly by authority, were able to sway some of the tribunes. Then, with the help of four plebeian tribunes against the one, whom they claimed was obstructing the public good, the consuls were able to complete the draft of men for the army. The consuls then led the army to war against Veii. Support was gathered from all the Etruscans, not out of concern for Veii but because they hoped that Rome would be torn apart by their internal conflict. In the councils of all the Etruscan states, the leaders openly complained that Rome's power would last forever unless they were torn apart by internal strife. This was the one poison, the one downfall for wealthy states which made great empires mortal. This sickness had been endured for a long time partly through the leadership of the senators and partly through the patience of the plebeians. Now, it had come to a breaking point. Two cities had been made from one, with each party having its own magistrates and its own laws. While the Romans had always been rebellious during the draft to gather soldiers for war, once drafted, they had always obeyed their commanders. Regardless of what was happening inside the City, if military discipline could be maintained, Rome could withstand any conflict. However, now the custom of not obeying the magistrates was following the Roman soldier into the camp. In their latest war, when the army was ready for battle, at the very instant of conflict, they handed over the victory to the conquered Aequians. The Romans deserted their standards, left their general on the field, and had returned to camp without orders. The Etruscans knew, if they persisted, that they could defeat Rome by using its own soldiers against them. All they needed to do was declare war; they believed that fate and the gods would take care of the rest. This hope led the Etruscans, who had experienced many victories and defeats fighting against Rome, to take up arms.

2.45 At this point, the Roman consuls were afraid of nothing but their own forces and their own weapons. They remembered the disastrous results of the last war and didn't want to risk facing two armies at once. So, they kept everyone in camp, trying to avoid a double danger, hoping that time would allow the soldiers to simmer and come to their senses. Aware of this, the Veientes and other Etruscans were aggressive in trying to get them to act. They taunted the Romans first by riding up to the camp and challenging them to fight. When this didn't receive any response, they resorted to yelling insults saying that the consuls were using the internal conflict as an easy excuse for being cowards. They accused the consuls of distrusting their troops rather than believing their troops would fight to win. This was a new kind of mutiny, that fully armed men would be both silent and idle. There were also insults hurled about the Romans' heritage, mixing truth with lies. They shouted all these things close to the ramparts and gates of the camp so that everyone would hear. However, despite the insults, the consuls remained patient. The soldiers were affected by it, however, torn between anger and shame. They were distracted from their internal issues and wanted to punish the enemy. But they also didn't want the consuls or the patricians to claim the victory. They were torn between their hatred for the enemy and their resentment towards their leaders. Eventually, their anger toward the enemy won out, so proudly and insolently did the enemy mock them. They gathered at the consuls' tent, demanding to fight and requesting that the signal should be given. The consuls pretended to consider their request, taking time to talk among themselves. They wanted to fight. However, they decided to suppress this desire and continue to delay, hoping to sharpen the soldiers' eagerness to win. A response was given that it was too soon, it wasn't yet time to fight and all soldiers must stay in camp. Anyone who fought without orders would be executed as an enemy. Now dismissed, the soldiers were convinced that the consuls were refusing to fight. This only made the soldiers even more eager for battle. The enemy became more aggressive when they heard that the consuls had decided not to fight, knowing that they could now insult the Romans without consequences. They yelled that the Romans didn't trust their own troops; the army was close to mutiny; and the end of the Roman empire has come. Relying on these insults and many more, they arrived at the gates, stopping short of storming the Roman camp. The Roman soldiers could not tolerate this any longer. The entire camp rushed from all sides to the praetorium. This time they didn't make their demands gradually, as before, through the leaders of the centurions. Instead, they shouted together from everywhere. The time was right; yet why were the consuls hesitating? Fabius, realizing his colleague was beginning to concede for fear of a riot, commanded silence with a trumpet blast, and said: "I know that these men, Gnaeus Manlius, can be victorious. Whether they want to, they must show us. Therefore, it is decreed that no signal will be given unless they swear to the gods to return victorious from this battle. Once, in a battle, the soldiers betrayed a Roman consul; but they'll never betray the gods." A centurion named Marcus Flavoleius, was one of the leaders urging them on to fight. He said, "I'll return victorious from the field, Marcus Fabius," invoking the wrath of Jupiter, Mars Gradivus, and the other angry gods if he should fail to keep his vow. Likewise, the entire army followed, each individually swearing the same oath. Once all had sworn, the signal was given; they seized their weapons and went into battle full of anger and hope. They invited the Etruscans to continue hurling their insults. Now armed, each Roman wanted an enemy who was as ready with his sword as he was with his tongue. On that day, both among the plebeians and the patricians, there was exceptional valor; the name of the Fabii stood out the most. The leaders decided that this battle, and their heroism in it, had healed the bitter hostility of the plebeians toward their class.

2.46 Battle lines were formed. Neither the Veientes nor the Etruscans held back; they strongly hoped that the Romans wouldn't fight with them, just as the Romans hadn't fought with the Aequians. In fact, given everyone's heightened emotions and the criticalness of the situation, the Romans might even perform worse than before. However, the outcome was completely different. The Roman soldiers fought with more ferocity now than they had ever before, in any other war. This was due to the enemy's insults outside their camp, and the consuls delaying the war. The Etruscans barely had time to organize their ranks as Roman spears were hastily thrown, without aim. They then quickly closed in for the fiercest type of fighting: man-to-man, swords in hand, where Mars, the god of war, is most savage. The Fabian family stood out among the rest, setting an example for their fellow citizens. One of them, Quintus Fabius, who had been consul three years before, was leading an attack on a tightly packed group of Veientes. As he moved incautiously among the enemy, he was caught off-guard by an Etruscan warrior, fierce in strength and skilled in arms, who stabbed him in the chest with his sword. When the sword was pulled out, Fabius fell violently forward onto his wound. One man may have fallen, but both armies felt the impact of his fall, and the Romans began to retreat. Then Consul Marcus Fabius jumped over the fallen body and placed his shield over it, challenging his soldiers: "Was this what you swore, soldiers, that you would run away and return to your camp? Do you fear these cowardly enemies more than Jupiter and Mars, by whom you swore? But I, though I have sworn no oath, will either return victorious or I will die fighting here by you, Quintus Fabius!" Caeso Fabius, the consul of the previous year, told his brother, "Do you think any of your words will persuade them to fight, brother? They have sworn to the gods. Let the gods persuade them. And let's, as men of noble birth who are worthy of the Fabius name, inspire the courage of our soldiers by fighting rather than by preaching!" The two Fabii then charged to the front with their spears, leading the entire line with them.

2.47 While the battle resumed on one side, Consul Gnaeus Manlius jumped into the fight on the other side with equal energy. A similar outcome occurred here; just as the soldiers bravely followed Consul Fabius on one wing, they also followed Consul Manlius on this wing with just as much valor, pushing back the enemy to the point of defeat. However, when Manlius was seriously injured and had to withdraw from the battle, the soldiers started to retreat, thinking he had been killed. And they would have given the ground up entirely had not Consul Fabius, seeing the men retreating, quickly rode over with several squadrons of cavalry, shouting that Manlius was still alive and that he was here to help, having just won a victory by defeating the other wing. This stopped the retreat. Manlius then reappeared to help restore the battle line. The familiar voices of the two consuls reignited the soldiers' courage. At the same time, the enemy's line was now weakened because they detached their reserves, confident in their larger numbers, and sent them to attack the Romans' camp. This attack at the camp was met with little resistance and so the enemy frittered away their time, their thoughts focused more on looting than fighting. However, the Roman triarii [veteran soldiers] who had been guarding the camp but hadn't been able to withstand the enemy's first incursion, sent messengers to the consuls telling them the current situation. The triarii then joined together and went to defend the consuls' headquarters, the praetorium, on their own initiative without waiting for orders. Consul Manlius returned to the camp at once and stationed soldiers at all the gates, effectively blocking all possible escape routes. The enraged Etruscans, in despair, fought wildly rather than bravely. They charged repeatedly wherever hope showed them an exit, all in vain. Finally a group of young Etruscan soldiers attacked Consul Manlius, easily identifiable by his armor. The first attacks were blocked by those surrounding him, but, eventually, they could not hold off the onslaught. Manlius was fatally wounded and fell, and all around him were killed. The Etruscans then became even more reckless, sending fear through the Romans who were driven through the camp in a panic. The situation would have become dire if not for the legates, or lieutenant generals, who quickly grabbed Consul Manlius' body and opened a gate for the enemy to escape. The enemy rushed out of the gate in a chaotic column, and immediately ran into the other victorious Consul, Marcus Fabius and his soldiers, where the Etruscans were once again cut to pieces or fled in different directions. This was a significant victory, but it was marred by the deaths of two distinguished men, Quintus Fabius and Consul Manlius. Consul Fabius, despite being offered a Triumph by the Senate, declined. He said that if the army could Triumph without their general, he would readily agree to a Triumph in recognition of their exceptional performance in the war. However, with his family mourning the death of his brother Quintus Fabius, and the City grieving the loss of one of its consuls, he wouldn't accept the laurel tarnished by public and private sorrow. The Triumph he declined was more notable than any Triumph he could have accepted, proving that sometimes, refusing glory at the right time can make it shine even brighter. He then held two funerals in succession, one for his colleague and one for his brother, delivering the eulogies for both, and by praising them, he himself received the most praise. Remembering his initial goal as Consul, to regain the people's affection, he assigned the injured soldiers to the patricians for treatment. Most of them were given to the Fabii, who took better care of them than anyone else. From then on, the Fabii became popular, not through any schemes, but through their beneficial actions for the state.

2.48 The result was that Caeso Fabius was elected Consul alongside Titus Verginius. Caeso's election was supported by both the patricians and the plebeians. Instead of focusing on wars or recruitment, he aimed to unite the plebeians and the patricians as soon as possible. Accordingly, at the start of his term, before any tribune could suggest the Agrarian Law, Caeso recommended the patricians themselves should do their duty and give the land taken from the enemy in the recent battle to the plebeians as fairly as possible. He believed that those whose blood and sweat had fought for the land should own it. However, the patricians rejected his proposal. Some even criticized Consul Fabius himself, claiming he was becoming drunk with excessive glory and his once fiery genius was now growing weak and fading. After this, there were no other political struggles in the City. The Latins were troubled by constant raids by the Aequians. Consul Fabius was sent with an army into Aequian territory to ravage their land. The Aequians reacted by retreating into their towns and staying within their walls, so no significant battle took place. But a defeat was suffered at the hands of the Veientes due to the rashness of Consul Verginius. The army would have been completely destroyed if Consul Fabius hadn't arrived in time to help. From then on, there was neither peace nor war with the Veientes, and they acted like thieves. They would run from the Roman troops into their own city, then plunder the countryside when the troops left quietly avoiding war after war. This continuous loop of evasion and attack meant that the conflict could neither be completely abandoned nor decisively concluded. Other wars were also looming and imminent, such as with the Aequians and Volscians, who never stayed quiet for longer than it took to recover, and it appeared that they would soon stir up the ever-hostile Sabines and all of the Etruscans. The Veientes had also now become a persistent foe, rather than a dangerous one, who created more irritation to the Romans than alarm. It was never safe for the Romans to neglect the Veientes or to turn their attention elsewhere. The Fabian family went before the Senate about this issue. Consul Fabius, speaking on behalf of his entire family, addressed the senators: "As you know, senators, what we need for this war with Veii is a small, persistent force, not a large garrison. If you'll focus on the other wars, we, the Fabii, will take on the responsibility of dealing with the Veientes. We guarantee that the dignity of the Roman name will be safeguarded in that region. We intend to treat this conflict as a personal matter for our family, covering the costs ourselves. The state won't need to provide men or money for us." The Senate thanked them warmly. Consul Fabius left the Curia Hostilia, and returned to his house, accompanied by a procession of the Fabii who had been waiting for the Senate's decision in the vestibule. After receiving orders that they were to report to the Consul's threshold the next day, armed and ready, they all went home.

2.49 The news quickly spread throughout the entire City. The Fabii family was praised to the heavens for their taking on the responsibility of the state and making the war with Veii their personal battle. If there were two families as strong as the Fabii in the City, they could each take on the Volscians and the Aequians, and all neighboring states could be defeated while the Roman people enjoyed peace. The next day, the Fabii family prepared for battle and met where they were ordered. Consul Caeso Fabius, dressed in his military cloak, entered the vestibule of his house and saw his entire family ready to march. He joined them in the center and ordered the standards to be carried forward. Never did an army pass through the City smaller in number but greater in reputation and admiration by the people. All three hundred and six soldiers were patricians from the same family. Any one of them would be worthy of command, or could be a Senate in their own right in any era. They marched forward, threatening the Veii with destruction through the power of a single family. A crowd followed them, made up of their relatives and friends, as well as others who were driven not by hope or fear, but swept up in the emotion of the situation, some stirred by public concern, others stunned by admiration and support. They all admired the Fabii and wished them success, hoping that the Fabii would return with victories that matched their courage with promises of consulships and Triumphs, all rewards and all honors from the Roman people. As they passed the Capitoline Hill, the Citadel, and other sacred buildings, they prayed to whatever gods their eyes and minds saw that this column would go forth with good fortune and success and that they might quickly return safely to their home and their parents. But these prayers would prove to be in vain. They set out on an ill-fated path, leaving the City through the right portal of the Carmental Gate and arriving at the Cremera River, where they set up a defensive outpost. Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Servilius were then elected as consuls. The Fabii were able to protect their garrison and their own territories as long as the situation involved nothing but raids by the Veii. They were also able to keep the entire borderland between Etruscan territory and Roman territory safe for allies and dangerous for enemies as they roamed freely on both sides of the border. However, this situation changed when the Veientes brought in an Etruscan army and attacked the Fabian outpost at the Cremera River. Then Roman legions, led by Consul Aemilius, arrived and fought the Etruscans in a close, hand-to-hand battle. The Veientes became disorganized and barely had room to organize their line so that during their first panic, while their ranks were entering behind the standards and they were placing their reserves, a wing of the Roman cavalry suddenly charged from the side, not only preventing the battle from beginning, but preventing them from standing their ground, driving them back to Saxa Rubra, named for the red rocks nearby, where they had their camp. There, they begged for peace. However, due to the Veientes' fickle character, they soon changed their mind once the Roman garrison had been withdrawn from the Cremera River.

2.50 The Veiian state once again found itself in conflict with the Fabii family, despite having no additional military resources. This wasn't only a series of minor skirmishes or surprise attacks, but full-scale battles fought in open fields with standards raised. Remarkably, this single Roman family often emerged victorious over the one of the wealthiest Etruscan cities, which was one of the most powerful of its time. Initially, the idea of a single family defeating their army seemed bitter and unworthy to the Veientes. However, they eventually devised a plan to ambush their bold adversaries, taking advantage of the Fabii's growing overconfidence due to their repeated successes. The Veientes began to deliberately leave cattle in the fields seemingly unguarded, and the country people, fleeing, would leave their homes and fields unguarded in a fake retreat. Then, armed Veientes, sent to ward off the raids, feigned fear and ran away. This enticed the Fabii deeper into their territory and further lured them into a false sense of security. The Fabii's contempt for their enemy grew to the point where they eventually believed they could not be defeated, regardless of the circumstances. It was this overconfidence that led them into the Veientes' trap. They spotted some cattle in the distance from Cremera and rushed towards them, as it seemed there were few enemy forces visible. As they recklessly ran toward the cattle, passing the places of ambush, and were wandering everywhere as happens when in a disorganized panic, the Veiian soldiers stood up, surrounding the Fabii on all sides. Initially, the Fabii were terrified by the sudden shouting. Then, missiles began to rain down from all sides. The Etruscans encircled the Fabii with a continuous line of armed men, advancing towards them. The Fabii were forced to contract their ranks forming into a defensive, tight circle. However, this only highlighted their small numbers as compared to the Etruscans, with their ranks so densely packed together. Abandoning the circle strategy, the Fabii then focused all their efforts on breaking through the line by using their bodies and weapons in a wedge formation. They eventually forced their way through the line of Etruscans to a nearby gently rising hill. Once they reached the higher ground, they made at stand; soon the higher ground gave them space to catch their breath and regain their composure. They managed to hold off the advancing Veientes, and it seemed they might even win, thanks to their advantageous position. However, a Veiian detachment who had been sent around the ridge behind them emerged on the top of the hill, thus giving the enemy the advantage once again. In the end, all the Fabii were killed, and their outpost was captured. It is universally agreed that all three hundred and six Fabii were killed in the battle. Only one male, Quintus Fabius, a boy barely of age, was left behind to continue the Fabian line. He would later prove to be a crucial asset to the Roman people in times of both domestic and military crisis.

2.51 When the news of the Fabii disaster reached Rome, Gaius Horatius and Titus Menenius were serving as consuls. Menenius was quickly dispatched to confront the Etruscans, still joyous from their victory. Yet again, a battle ensued in which the Romans performed poorly, and the enemy then took control of the Janiculum Hill. The City was suffering from the war and food supplies were dwindling. They might have been besieged, since the Etruscans had crossed the Tiber, had it not been for Consul Horatius being recalled from the war with the Volscians. The war was so close to the City that the first battle took place near the Temple of Hope, with uncertain results, and a second one at the Colline Gate. Here, the Romans had a slight advantage, and the victory boosted the soldiers' morale for future battles. Aulus Verginius and Spurius Servilius were then elected as consuls. After their defeat in the last battle, the Veientes decided against outright confrontation in the form of war. Instead, they resorted to raiding Roman territory, treating the Janiculum Hill as their own private fortress. Neither the livestock nor the farmers were safe. However, the Romans used a trap against them similar to the one they, themselves, had used against the Fabii. They deliberately chased some cattle out to bait the Veientes, who then tried to capture them and thus fell into an ambush by the Romans. As the Veientes' numbers were greater, the slaughter was greater. The disaster fueled the bitter rage of the Veientes, ultimately leading to an even bigger disaster. They crossed the Tiber at night and tried to attack Consul Servilius' camp. Driven back by heavy losses, they barely managed to make it back to the Janiculum Hill. Consul Servilius, in response, then followed them, crossing the Tiber, and setting up his camp at the foot of the Janiculum Hill. The next morning, motivated by the previous day's successes, but more likely the shortage of grain, Servilius made hurried plans that would be his downfall. He recklessly led his battle line uphill, arriving in front of the enemy camp at the top of the Janiculum. He was then driven back more disgracefully than he had routed the enemy the day before. Luckily, they were saved by the timely arrival of his colleague, Consul Verginius. Then, the Etruscans, trapped between the two Roman armies, and forced to expose their backs, first to one and then the other, were completely wiped out. Thus, the Veientes' war, which had rashly been started in anger, was ended by a stroke of good fortune for the Romans.

2.52 With the return of peace, the City saw an increase in grain brought in from Campania. As fears of future famine subsided, the grain that had been hoarded was released. With abundance, plenty of time for leisure, and no external threats to complain about, the plebeians searched for problems at home. The plebeian tribunes, as usual, began to stir them up with their poison, pushing for an Agrarian Law and inciting them against any patricians who opposed it. This opposition wasn't just against the senators as a whole, but also against specific people. Quintus Considius and Titus Genucius, the sponsors of the Agrarian Law, set a trial date for Titus Menenius, charging him with the loss of the garrison at the Cremera Fort. This attack had occurred while he was consul and, despite his camp not being far away, he didn't offer assistance. The charge was overcome, since the senators made great efforts to defend him, as they had done for Coriolanus, and because of the lingering popularity of his father, Agrippa. The plebeian tribunes, however, imposed a fine of two-thousand pounds of aes rude upon him, even though they had accused him of a capital offense. He paid it himself. The penalty affected him deeply. It's said that he could not bear the disgrace and mental anguish, and that he died by illness as a result. At the beginning of the year, new consuls were elected, Gaius Nautius Rutilus and Publius Valerius Publicola. The former consul, Spurius Servilius, was indicted by the tribunes Lucius Caedicius and Titus Statius, just as he left office. Unlike Menenius, Servilius didn't rely on personal pleas for mercy or the intercession of the Senate, but instead faced them with total confidence in his innocence and his popularity. He was charged with the battle against the Etruscans at the Janiculum. However, he was just as bold defending himself as he was with defending the state. In a fiery speech, he reprimanded both the tribunes and the plebeians, then condemned them for the trial and death of Titus Menenius, whose father had previously helped the plebeians regain the very rights that they now enjoyed. His colleague Verginius was brought forward as a witness to support him, however, it was the condemnation of Menenius that helped him the most, as popular opinion on the matter had changed.

2.53 The fighting at home was over, but a new war with Veii had begun in which the Sabines had joined their forces. Consul Valerius Publicola, after calling for reinforcements from the Latins and Hernicians, was sent to Veii with an army. He immediately attacked the Sabine camp, which had been set up in front of the walls of Veii. This caused such a panic that the Sabines scattered in different directions to fend off the attack and the gate through which the Roman standards had entered was captured. Inside the rampart of the camp, it was more of a massacre than a battle. The pandemonium spread into the city of Veii, with the Veientes rushing to arm themselves in a panic as if Veii had been captured. Some went to support the Sabines, while others attacked the Romans, who had focused all their effort on the Sabine camp. For a short time, the Romans were disoriented and confused as they were attacked on two sides. Then they, too, formed two fronts with their standards turned in both directions, and held their ground. Consul Publicola ordered the cavalry to charge, which defeated the Etruscans and sent them fleeing. In the same hour, two armies and two of the most powerful neighboring states were defeated. While these events were happening at Veii, the Volscians and Aequians had set up their camp in the territory of Latin allies and were ravaging the land. The Latins, with the help of the Hernicians and without any Roman generals or Roman reinforcements, drove them out of their camp. In addition to recovering their own possessions, they gained a lot of spoils. However, Consul Nautius was sent from Rome to join the Latins and Hernicians to fight the Volscians. It was, I believe, not acceptable for allies to wage wars with their own forces and under their own command without a Roman general and troops. The Volscians were subjected to all kinds of abuse and humiliation, but they still refused to engage in a field battle.

2.54 Lucius Furius and Gaius Manlius Vulso were the next to become consuls. Manlius was given command of the forces against the Veientes. However, there was no war with them. Instead, a forty-year truce was agreed upon at the Veientes' request such that, instead of fighting, they were required to provide grain and pay tribute. Immediately following peace abroad, there was more unrest at home as the tribunes agitated for an Agrarian Law and goaded the plebeians into a frenzy. The consuls, neither deterred by Menenius' condemnation nor the danger faced by Servilius, fought back strongly. Gnaeus Genucius, a plebeian tribune, seized and impeached the consuls when they left office. Lucius Aemilius Mamercus for the third time and Opiter Verginius became the new consuls. In some records, instead of Verginius, Vopiscus Julius Iullus is listed as Consul. Whomever the consuls were, in this year the consuls from the previous year, Lucius Furius and Gaius Manlius, were called to trial before the people. Dressed as if they were in mourning, they appealed not just to the plebeians but also to younger senators with a warning: stay away from honors and the administration of public affairs. That the symbols of power: the consular fasces, the praetexta toga, and the curule chair were nothing more than funeral decorations, they said. Those who were adorned with these noble symbols were like victims crowned with sacrificial ribbons, destined for death. For those who still wanted to be consul, they said, those people should know that the consul's power was controlled and suppressed by the tribunes, and the consul had to obey the tribunes' orders as if he were a servant. If the consul sided with the patricians or thought there were any other group in the state besides the plebeians, he should remember the exile of Gnaeus Marcus Coriolanus and the humiliation and eventual death of Titus Menenius. These speeches stirred up the senators. From then on, they held their meetings in private and not in public, away from the scrutiny of others. They agreed that they had to save the accused, whether lawful or not. The most extreme proposals were the most popular and there was no shortage of someone bold enough to carry out even the most reckless plan. Upon the day of the trial, the plebeians waited in the Forum. They were surprised when the tribune who originally impeached the consuls, Gnaeus Genucius, didn't appear. When the delay became more suspicious, they believed he was being intimidated by the patricians and complained that the people's cause was being abandoned and betrayed. Finally, news came from those who had been to the tribune's doorway that the tribune had been found dead in his home. When this news was spread through the assembly it caused panic and, just as an army breaks up when its commander is killed, everyone scattered in all directions. The other tribunes were scared, as the death of their colleague made them realize that the Sacred Laws offered them little protection. However, the patricians barely concealed their joy. No one felt guilty about the crime they committed and even those who were innocent wished to appear guilty. They openly declared that the power of the tribunes should be tamed by violence.

2.55 Right after this win, which set a dangerous precedent, a new draft for soldiers was announced. With the tribunes now intimidated, the consuls were able to carry out their plan without any resistance. The plebeians were now angrier about the tribunes being silent and less angry about the consuls giving orders. They felt their freedom was over and that they were back to the old ways. The power of the tribunes, they said, had died with Tribune Genucius and was now buried with him. A new idea was needed to resist the senators. They believed that the only solution was for the plebeians to defend themselves, since nobody else was defending them. The consuls had twenty-four lictors and even these were plebeians. These men were the most contemptible and weakest of all. They could be easily defeated, if only the plebeians would stop being afraid and stand up to them. After stirring each other up about these issues, the consuls sent a lictor to arrest Volero Publilius, a plebeian, who, on the ground that he had been a centurion, now denied their right to make him a common soldier. He appealed to the tribunes, but none came to his aid. The consuls then ordered Volero to be stripped, and the rods prepared for punishment. "I appeal to the people," Volero said, "since the plebeian tribunes would rather see a Roman citizen whipped before their eyes than themselves be murdered by you in their beds." The more emphatically he shouted, the more violently the lictor tried to tear at his clothes and strip him. Then Volero, a man of exceptional strength, pushed the lictor off with the help of the crowd. Amidst the indignant yelling of his supporters at his treatment, he retreated into the thickest part of the crowd, crying out, "I appeal to the plebeians for your support! Stand by me, fellow citizens! Stand by me, fellow soldiers! There is no need to wait for the tribunes, who themselves need your help!" The men, excited, prepared themselves as if for battle, and it was clear that a critical confrontation would be imminent and nothing, public or private, would be held sacred. The consuls tried to face the situation but quickly found that there was little safety for authority without strength. Their lictors were then mobbed, the fasces were broken, and the consuls were driven from the Forum into the Curia, uncertain how far Volero would push his victory. Once the disturbance had calmed down, the consuls called a meeting of the Senate and complained about the outrage they suffered, the violence of the plebeians, and Volero's audacity and insolence. Although some gave violent speeches, the older members advised against reacting to the rashness of the plebeians with anger.

2.56 The plebeians, who strongly supported Volero, elected him as plebeian tribune in the next election for the year in which Lucius Pinarius and Publius Furius served as consuls. Despite expectations that Volero would use his position to harass the previous year's consuls, he prioritized public interest over his own personal grudges. He didn't criticize the consuls but instead proposed a law that plebeian tribunes should be elected at the Comitia by the tribes. The proposal seemed harmless at first, but it actually took away the power of the patricians to elect tribunes of their choice through the votes of their clients. This matter was welcomed by the plebeians. The Senate strongly opposed this proposal. There was one small vote, a veto, by some member of the tribune college. Despite their efforts, the Senate could not convince any of their colleagues, either consuls or patricians, to protest against it. The issue carried its own momentum and dragged on throughout the rest of the year without resolution. The plebeians re-elected Volero as tribune the following year. The patricians, anticipating a battle that might escalate into a crisis, elected Appius Claudius Crassus and Titus Quinctius Capitolinus as consuls. Even before he had taken office, Appius had a history of being hated by the plebeians as he was the son of the earlier Appius Claudius and he was hostile to them since his father's battles. At the start of the year, this new proposed law allowing plebeians to elect their own representatives, the Lex Publilia, was the single most important issue. Although Tribune Volero initiated it, his colleague, Tribune Gaius Laetorius, was a fresher and fiercer advocate whose courage in battle made him bold and there was no one his age more skilled in combat. While Volero focused on the law and avoided criticizing the consuls, Laetorius accused Appius and his family of being arrogant and cruel towards the Roman plebeians. Appius, he said, was elected by the patricians not as a consul, but as a butcher to torment and tear apart the plebeians. Being more a soldier than a speaker, his words didn't show his spirit and enthusiasm. Running out of words, he said, "I have difficulty speaking my mind to prove what I've said," he told them. "Quirites, be here tomorrow to support me. I'll either die here in your presence or carry through the law." On the next day, the tribunes seized the speaker's platform in the Comitium before anyone else. The consuls and patricians gathered in the assembly to block the law. Laetorius ordered everyone except voters to leave, but the young patricians ignored the tribune's attendant and refused to go, so he ordered them to be arrested. Consul Appius declared that a plebeian tribune had no authority over anyone except a plebeian. Laetorius could not even remove them by force, according to ancestral custom. All he was allowed to say was "If it pleases you, Quirites, depart." Appius then confused Laetorius by contemptuously debating the legalities. Laetorius, enraged, sent his attendant to Consul Appius, who responded by sending his own lictor back to the tribune, shouting at him that Laetorius was a private citizen who had no authority or office. Laetorius would have been roughly treated except the entire assembly rose up, angrily, to defend the tribune against the Consul. As this was happening, a rush of men from the whole city flooded into the Forum and joined the excited crowd to support the tribune. Despite the mounting tension, Appius Claudius stood firm. The situation could have escalated into bloodshed if not for the intervention of Consul Quinctius, who ordered the senators who had been prior consuls to remove Appius from the Forum with force, if necessary. Quinctius then tried to calm the angry plebeians with entreaties, then begged the tribunes to dismiss the assembly, to give them time to calm down, assuring them that a delay wouldn't diminish their power but would add wisdom to their strength. He also promised that the senators would be under the power of the plebeians, just as the consuls would be under the power of the senators.

2.57 While Consul Quinctius struggled to calm down the people, the senators had an even harder time calming down the other Consul, Appius Claudius. After the plebeian assembly was finally dismissed, the consuls called a meeting of the Senate. There, despite the varying opinions fluctuating between fear and anger, as time passed, the senators became less inclined to continue the conflict after they had been given a chance to think. They gave their thanks to Consul Quinctius for his efforts in calming the situation. They asked Appius Claudius to agree that the power of the consul should only be as great as it could be while still maintaining a peaceful state. If the plebeian tribunes were pulling all power toward themselves while the consuls were pulling all power to themselves, there was no strength left in the middle, no basis for common action. There was too much concern about who would rule the troubled and divided State, rather than on keeping it safe. Consul Appius, however, called on gods and men to witness that Rome was being betrayed and abandoned due to cowardice. It wasn't the consuls who were failing the Senate, but the Senate was failing the consuls. He argued that they were now accepting laws that were more oppressive than those approved on the Sacred Mount. However, defeated by the unanimous opinion of the senators, he gave in and the law, Lex Publilia, was passed in silence without any opposition.

2.58 For the first time, tribes elected the plebeian tribunes in the Comitia Tributa. Piso stated that three were added to the existing two. The plebeian tribunes were named Gnaeus Siccius, Lucius Numitorius, Marcus Duillius, Spurius Icilius, and Lucius Maecilius. During the period of unrest in Rome, a war with the Volscians and Aequians began. They had entered the Roman land laying waste wherever they went, providing a potential refuge for plebeians who might want to secede and join them. As the internal disputes were resolved, the enemy retreated to their camps and moved them further away. Appius Claudius was dispatched to confront the Volsci, while Quinctius was assigned the Aequians as his province. Appius Claudius was as harsh in war as he was at home, his severity unchecked due to his freedom from interference by the tribunes. He hated the plebeians, more than his father had. Why? Because they had defeated him and, when he was appointed as the one consul who could counter the tribunes' influence, the Lex Publilia was passed anyway. This was a law that previous consuls, obstructed much less than he was, were able to block. His anger and indignation stirred his domineering spirit to torment the army with harsh discipline. However, the soldiers could not be subdued. They carried out every order slowly, lazily, carelessly, and defiantly. Neither shame nor fear held them back. If he wanted the army to move quickly, they would march slowly and diligently. If he tried to encourage them, they would slacken their efforts even more. When he was present, they would lower their eyes, but as he passed by, they would curse him. Despite his outward indifference to plebeian hatred, he was still sometimes affected by it. After all attempts failed trying to accomplish anything with such harsh treatment, he stopped interacting with the soldiers. He claimed the army was corrupted by the centurions. Sometimes, mockingly, he would even call the plebeian tribunes "Volerones."

2.59 The Volscians became aware of the situation and pushed forward with increased energy. They hoped that the Roman army would resist Consul Appius just as they had resisted Consul Fabius in the past. In truth, the Roman army's hostility towards Appius was even stronger than it had been toward Fabius. Unlike Fabius' army who merely refused to win, the current army actively wanted to lose. When they were led to the battlefield, they retreated to their camp in a shameful flight. They only stood their ground when they saw the Volscians charging the standards against their ramparts and shamefully slaughtering their rear guard. At that point, they fought to prevent the nearly victorious enemy from breaching their ramparts. It was clear that the Roman soldiers didn't want their camp to be captured, but in all other areas they took pride in their defeat and humiliation. Despite these circumstances, Appius remained resolute and wanted to rage and punish even more. When he called an assembly, the legates and military tribunes rushed to him, warning him not to try to see how far he could stretch his authority, for his authority wholly depended upon the free consent of those who obeyed it. The soldiers refused to attend the assembly, and their complaints could be heard everywhere, demanding that the camp be moved away from Volscian territory. The generals warned him that the enemy had recently been at their gates and ramparts, and that there weren't only suspicions of a serious mutiny, but the evidence was now right before their eyes. Eventually, Appius gave in, realizing that they were gaining nothing but a delay in their punishment. He dismissed the assembly and orders were issued for a march the next morning. At dawn, the trumpet gave the signal for the march. As the column moved out of the camp, the Volscians, as if they had been alerted by the same signal, attacked the Romans from the rear. The panic spread to the front, causing such confusion that standards and formations were disrupted, commands could not be heard, and lines could not be formed. Everyone was focused on escaping. In chaos, the soldiers scattered, jumping over piles of dead bodies and discarded weapons. They only escaped because the Volscians eventually stopped pursuing them. At length, the Consul Appius tried to gather his own men, vainly pursuing the scattered troops until they gradually came together again. The Consul ordered the camp to be placed inside a peaceful field which had been undisturbed by war. After this was done, he then called up the men for an assembly. At the convened assembly, he chastised the army as traitors for their betrayal of military discipline and desertion of their standards. He then demanded to know from each soldier, individually, where his missing standard was or where his missing weapon was. Every unarmed soldier who had thrown away his weapon was identified, as was every standard bearer who had lost his standard, every centurion who had deserted his ranks, and every veteran who had previously been awarded extra rations for bravery in the past and had still abandoned his comrades. All were ordered to be beaten with rods and then executed by beheading. As for the rest of the soldiers, every tenth soldier was selected, by lot, and then executed.

2.60 On the other hand, Consul Quinctius and the Roman soldiers in the Aequian territory competed in showing courtesy and kindness. Quinctius was naturally gentler, and the harshness of his colleague led him to take greater pleasure in expressing his good nature more. The Aequians didn't dare to confront this strong bond between a general and his army. Instead, they allowed the Romans to roam their lands to seek out plunder without resistance, resulting in the largest collection of spoils of any previous war. All the spoils went to the soldiers. They also received praise, which they enjoyed as much as rewards. Because of Quinctius, the army returned with a better opinion of their general and the patricians, saying that the Senate gave them a father in their general, whereas the other army had a master. The year, marked by mixed successes in war and intense conflicts at home and abroad, was most notable for the tribal assembly elections. The significance of the victory was more symbolic than practical. The exclusion of the patricians from the elections diminished their dignity more than any actual shift in power between the plebeians or patricians.

2.61 A more turbulent year followed under Lucius Valerius Potitus and Tiberius Aemilius Mamercus serving as consuls, partly because of the ongoing disputes between the classes over the Agrarian Law and partly to the trial of Appius Claudius. Appius Claudius was such a strong opponent of the law and a supporter of those who owned public land that he began acting like a third consul. As a result, the tribunes, Marcus Duillius and Gnaeus Sicinius, summoned him to trial. This was the first time someone so despised by the plebeians was indicted. Appius Claudius was widely hated not just for his own actions but also for those of his father. The senators put substantially more effort in defending him than they did for others. They saw Appius Claudius as a champion of the Senate, a defender of their own dignity. The man who had stood firm against all tribune and plebeian uprisings. And yes, they said, he had overstepped the boundaries in his struggle, but he was being unjustly targeted for his aggressive stance. Appius himself was the only patrician who didn't take the tribunes, the plebeians, or even his trial seriously. Neither the threats of the people nor the entreaties of the Senate could persuade him to change his clothing into mourning as an accused, or to humbly grasp hands to beg for mercy, or even to soften his harsh manner of speaking when he had to defend himself before the people. His facial expression, his stubborn gaze, and his arrogant speech were all the same. Many of the plebeians were as intimidated by Claudius on trial as they had been when he was consul. Only once did he defend himself with the same accusatory tone he always used as a prosecutor. His fearlessness shocked the tribunes and the plebeians so much that they voluntarily postponed his trial and allowed the matter to be delayed. However, before the rescheduled trial could take place, Appius Claudius died of an illness. When the plebeian tribunes tried to prevent his funeral eulogy, the plebeians disagreed. Such a significant man, they said, shouldn't be denied the customary honors on his last day. They listened to his eulogy as attentively as they had listened to the accusations against him when he was alive, and they attended his funeral in large numbers.

2.62 In the same year, Consul Valerius led an army against the Aequians. When he was unable to provoke the enemy into a battle, he attempted to raid their camp. However, a terrible thunderstorm with hail showered down on them, halting the Romans' attempt. They were even more surprised when, after the retreat had been sounded, a tranquil and cloudless sky returned as if the camp were defended by a divine power. The Consul felt that such a sign meant it would be an act of impiety to attack a second time. Instead, they focused their efforts on destroying the countryside. Meanwhile, Consul Aemilius was leading a war against the Sabines. Since the enemy stayed within their walls, the Romans destroyed their lands. They burned not only the country houses but also entire villages, which were heavily populated. This provoked the Sabines, who left their walls to confront the invaders. After a battle that ended without a clear winner, the Sabines moved their camp to a safer location the next day. To the Consul, this seemed like a sufficient enough reason to leave the enemy as defeated, even though the war was still unresolved.

2.63 During these conflicts, while domestic disagreements persisted, Titus Numicius Priscus and Aulus Verginius were next chosen as consuls. The plebeians would no longer tolerate any further postponements of the Agrarian Law. A violent protest was being plotted when it was discovered, through the smoke of burning farms and the fleeing of farmers into the City, that the Volscians were approaching. This situation halted the rebellion, now on the verge of erupting. The consuls, immediately compelled by the Senate, led the young men out of the City to war, and this calmed the rest of the plebeians. The enemy, having done nothing more than scare the Romans with baseless fear, marched away quickly in retreat. Consul Numicius went to Antium to fight the Volscians, while Consul Verginius fought against the Aequians. With the Aequians, a significant defeat was narrowly avoided due to an ambush, but the courage of the soldiers restored the Roman dominance which had been jeopardized by the consul's negligence. Matters were handled better against the Volscians. The enemy was defeated in the first battle and forced to retreat into the city of Antium, a very affluent and prosperous place in those times. The consul, not daring to attack Antium, seized another town, Caeno, from the people of Antium, which wasn't as affluent. While the Aequians and Volscians occupied the Roman armies, the Sabines plundered the Roman lands all the way to the City gates. A few days later, however, the Sabines suffered more destruction than they had inflicted as the two consuls angrily entered the Sabine territories and destroyed it.

2.64 Toward the end of the year, there was a brief period of peace. However, as usual, it was disrupted by conflicts between the patricians and the plebeians. The plebeians, out of frustration, refused to participate in the consular elections this year. As a result, Titus Quinctius and Quintus Servilius were elected consuls by the patricians and their clients. Their year in office was similar to the previous one, starting with turmoil at home and ending with peace due to an external war. The Sabines, quickly moving across the plains of Crustumerium, committed massacres and arson along the banks of the Anio River. They were pushed back when they reached the Colline Gate and the City walls, but they managed to take a significant amount of people and livestock. Consul Servilius, despite his determined army, was unable to catch up with the main Sabine force in a field suitable for battle. However, he caused so much destruction that he returned with more plunder than the Sabines had taken. In the war against the Volscians, the Romans did well thanks to the efforts of both the consul and the soldiers. They first fought a fierce battle on open ground, with the standards brought together, and with heavy casualties on both sides and a lot of blood. The Romans, due to their smaller numbers, would have retreated if the consul hadn't rallied them by shouting, falsely, that the enemy was retreating on the other wing. As the Romans believed they were winning, they charged and turned the tide of the battle, winning a victory for the Romans. The consul, fearing that continuing to press too hard might renew the battle, signaled for a retreat. A few days of rest followed, during which a large number of people from all the Volscian and Aequian states came to the enemy camp, believing that the Romans would retreat in the night if they saw them. Around the third watch they came to attack the Roman camp. Consul Quinctius, calming the confusion caused by the sudden alarm, ordered the soldiers to remain quietly in their tents. He then marched out a cohort of Hernician allies to an outpost. There, he ordered the horn-blowers and trumpeters to mount up on horseback and blow their instruments in front of the rampart at full volume all night, to keep the enemy on alert until daylight. Back at camp, the rest of the night was quiet, and the Roman soldiers had the advantage of a good night's sleep. On the Volscian side, it was anything but restful. The sight of armed infantry, whom they believed to be greater in number, kept them wide awake and in a perpetual state of readiness, as did the neighing and snorting of horses, aggravated at the loud noise in their ears and unusual weight of their riders.

2.65 As the day broke, the Romans, rejuvenated and rested from sleep, formed their battle line and were led into battle. On the first charge, they quickly overwhelmed the Volscians, who were tired from standing and lack of sleep. However, it was more like a retreat than a rout because the hills behind them provided a safe escape for them, and their ranks remained intact. Consul Quinctius, upon reaching the rising hill, stopped the army. Soldiers were shouting, demanding to continue the pursuit of the now-disheartened enemy, but were held back. The cavalry, gathering around the consul, were even more aggressive, calling out that they would move forward ahead of the standards. The consul hesitated. He trusted his men's bravery but not the terrain. The soldiers cried out that they were moving forward and then acted on their words. They stuck their javelins into the ground to make themselves lighter and charged up the steep hill. The Volscians, having thrown their javelins at the first attack, now threw stones at the advancing Romans, striking them repeatedly from their higher position. This almost defeated the Romans' left wing, and they started to retreat, but Consul Quinctius scolded his retreating men for first being reckless and now being cowardly. These words made their fear give way to a sense of shame. At first, they held their ground with determination as they reformed their line. Then, as their strength allowed, they began to advance against the Volscians. They renewed their battle cry, encouraging the entire army to move forward. With a restored effort, they managed to climb the hill and overcome the steepness of the terrain. Just as they were about to reach the top of the hill and charge a second time, the enemy turned and fled. Both the pursuers and the pursued flooded into the Volscian camp almost simultaneously. In the ensuing panic, the camp was captured. Those Volscians who could escape headed toward Antium. The Roman army then marched towards Antium and, after a few days of siege, Antium surrendered. This wasn't due to any additional force from the Romans, but because the Volscians' morale had been broken from the unsuccessful battle and the loss of their camp.

3.1 After Antium was captured, Titus Aemilius for the second time, and Quintus Fabius were chosen as consuls. This Quintus Fabius was the lone survivor after the massacre at Cremera destroyed the rest of his family. In his previous term, Consul Aemilius had advocated for distributing land that had been captured to the plebeians. So, in his second term, those who supported this idea of the Agrarian Law were hopeful that it would be passed. The tribunes pursued the matter, believing that now they could achieve their goal with the support of at least one consul. Aemilius remained unchanged in his beliefs. The landowners and a significant portion of the patricians complained that Consul Aemilius, as the state's leader, was acting like a tribune trying to grow his popularity by distributing property belonging to others. This shifted the blame for the entire situation from the tribunes to the consul. A fierce dispute grew, but Consul Fabius resolved the issue in a way that was acceptable to both sides: a large quantity of land was taken from the Volscians under the leadership of Titus Quinctius Capitolinus the previous year. This land could be used to establish a colony at Antium, which, as a seaport town not far from Rome, was a suitable city for the purpose. The plebeians could take over farms without causing the landholders to complain and the city could remain peaceful. This plan was accepted. Fabius appointed Titus Quinctius, Aulus Verginius, and Publius Furius as triumvirs to distribute the land. Those who wanted land were instructed to register their names. However, the implementation of the plan led to dissatisfaction, as is often the case. Not many plebeians registered, so Volscian colonists were added to make up the numbers. The majority of the plebeians preferred land inside Roman territory rather than accept it on the fringes of the Republic. Also, this year, the Aequians asked Consul Fabius for peace, as he was sent there with an army, but the Aequians themselves violated it by suddenly invading the Latin territory.

3.2 In the next year, Quintus Servilius, who was Consul with Spurius Postumius, was dispatched to confront the Aequians. He established his camp in the Latin territory. Due to an epidemic, the army was ordered to stay within the camp for some necessary rest. The conflict extended into the third year, with Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, for the second time, and Titus Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus, for the third time, as consuls. Consul Fabius was given the province by a special commission because, as the previous victor, he had granted peace to the Aequians. He was confident that his reputation would compel the Aequians to surrender, so he sent ambassadors to their council, instructing them to say that Quintus Fabius had previously brought peace from Aequi to Rome, and now he'll bring war from Rome to Aequi with the same armed right hand that had previously brought peace to them. As the gods are now witnesses to their treachery and deceit, they'll soon punish those who have broken their promises. And yet, he wishes that the Aequians would repent voluntarily rather than endure the anger of an enemy. If the Aequians repent, they could rely on the same mercy they had previously experienced. If the Aequians continue to break their promises, they'll be at war with angry gods rather than just their earthly enemies. However, this message had little impact on the Aequians, the ambassadors were almost assaulted and an army was dispatched to Algidum to fight the Romans. When this news reached Rome, the insult of the situation, rather than the danger, drove Consul Quinctius Fabius to leave the City. The two consular armies advanced against the enemy in battle formation, ready to engage immediately. However, as the day was ending and no fighting had occurred, a soldier from the Aequian front line taunted the Romans, "You Romans are just showing off, not actually fighting. You drew up battle lines and night is about to fall. We need more hours of daylight for the battle. Tomorrow at sunrise, form your battle line again. Don't worry; there will be plenty of opportunity for fighting." Infuriated, the Roman soldiers returned to their camp to wait until the next day. They found the approaching night long, as it delayed the impending battle. Still, they refreshed themselves with food and sleep until, at dawn, the Romans were the first to take their positions on the battlefield and wait for the Aequians. Finally, the Aequians appeared, as well. The battle was fierce on both sides. The Romans fought with anger and hatred, while the Aequians, aware that this was their own fault and despairing of ever being trusted again, were forced to make desperate efforts. Yet the Aequians couldn't withstand the Roman troops. When the Aequians retreated to their own territories, their angry soldiers were still unwilling to make peace and criticized their leadership. "Our interests have been risked in one formal battle," they argued, "the kind of combat in which the Romans excelled. We're better suited for raids and invasions. Our smaller groups operating in different directions would wage war more effectively than one large, unwieldy army."

3.3 After leaving a garrison at their camp, the Aequians set out and attacked the Roman territory with such intensity that it caused fear even in the City. The surprise of the attack caused even more alarm, as no one expected that a defeated enemy, almost trapped in their camp, would even think of raiding. Frightened farmers poured through the City gates, shouting with exaggeration that it wasn't just a simple raid, nor small groups of raiders, but entire armies and legions of the enemy were advancing straight for the City, ready to attack. Those who were closest to the gates spread the news, exaggerating even more what they heard from the farmers, even though it was uncertain and therefore more alarming. The rush and confused noise of those calling for defense was like the panic of a city under attack. By chance, Consul Quinctius had just returned to Rome from Algidum, which helped to calm their fears. After quieting the chaos and scolding them for fearing a defeated enemy, he placed garrisons at the gates. The Senate was called into session and a general suspension of business was passed. The Consul then set out to defend the borders, leaving former consul Quintus Servilius in charge of the City. However, he found no enemy in the countryside. Consul Fabius, on the other hand, achieved a brilliant success attacking the Aequians where he knew they would be. Knowing the enemy's likely route, he found them weighed down with plundered Roman loot and moving slowly. This made their raid fatal for them. Few of the Aequians escaped the ambush and all the stolen goods were recovered. The return of Consul Quinctius to the City ended the state of emergency and the suspension of business, which had lasted only four days. A census was then taken, and the purification ceremony [lustrum] was performed by Consul Quinctius. The number of citizens counted was said to be one-hundred and four thousand, seven hundred and fourteen people, not including orphaned boys and girls. Nothing notable happened afterward among the Aequians; they retreated into their towns, allowing their property to be burned and plundered. Consul Fabius, after marching through their territory multiple times with his hostile army to plunder, returned to Rome with high praise and a massive amount of booty.

3.4 Aulus Postumius Albus and Spurius Furius Fusus next became consuls. Some historians have written Furios and Fusios. I mention this to avoid confusion, as the change is only in the names, not the individuals. From the beginning, it was clear that one of the consuls would start a war with the Aequians. The Aequians knew this, and they sought help from the Volscians of Ecetra. The Volscians eagerly agreed, driven by their deep-seated hate for the Romans, and the two armies began preparing for war with utmost energy. The Hernician allies found out about this new alliance and warned the Romans that Ecetra had joined a revolt with the Aequians. The Romans suspected that the colonists from the recently founded colony of Antium were disloyal. When the town was captured, many of its original inhabitants fled to the Aequians. These same Antium refugees turned out to be the bravest soldiers in the war against the Romans. After the Aequians were driven back into the walls of their towns, the Antium refugees secretly returned to Antium. Once they arrived, refugees found the colonists already alienated, and they succeeded in completely turning them against Rome. When the Senate heard about this defection, the consuls were ordered to investigate. They summoned the colony's leaders to Rome and, while the leaders did answer the Senate's questions, they did so in such a way that made them seem even more suspicious than when they arrived. At that point, war seemed inevitable. Consul Furius marched against the Aequians and found them raiding the Hernicians' land. He underestimated their numbers and foolishly engaged them in battle, only to be forced to retreat back to the Roman camp. The danger didn't end there, as his camp was attacked relentlessly both during the night and on the following day, making it impossible to send a messenger to Rome. The Hernicians reported the news of the defeat and the blockade to the Senate. It caused such alarm that the Senate passed a decree [senatus consultum ultimum], which was only used in the gravest crises (and then only as a last resort), instructing Consul Postumius to see to it that the Republic suffered no harm. It was decided that Consul Postumius should stay in Rome to enlist all who could bear arms, while former consul Titus Quinctius would be sent as proconsul, representing the current consul and serving as general, to relieve the besieged camp with an army to provide relief. To carry it out, Quinctius ordered the Latins, Hernicians, and the colony of Antium, to provide subitarios milites, or what was called "emergency-drafted reinforcements."

3.5 During this period, many strategies and attempts were made by both sides. The enemy, having more soldiers, attacked the Roman forces in many areas, dividing them into smaller groups to spread them thin and make them unable to sufficiently fight back. At the same time, the enemy blockaded the Roman camp and sent part of their army to plunder Roman lands and possibly make an attempt on the City itself, if Fortune allowed. Former consul Lucius Valerius was left to protect the City, while Consul Postumius was sent to ward off raids on the borders. There was no relaxation of vigilance or activity. Vigils were kept in the City. Guards were stationed at the gates and garrisons were posted along the walls. A  suspension of courts and businesses [justitium] was called for several days, and a state of emergency was declared. Meanwhile, Consul Spurius Furius, who had initially endured the siege of his camp quietly, burst out of the rear gate, caught the Aequians off guard, and launched a successful surprise attack. He could have continued chasing them, but he feared the enemy soldiers might attack the camp from the other side. Consul Furius' brother, Legate Publius Furius, was so eager to fight that he did chase the Aequians. In his eager pursuit, he didn't notice his own allies had retreated behind him and now the enemy was closing in from the rear. It was too late. His retreat path was blocked and he was now trapped. The Consul's brother fought courageously, however, and after several failed attempts to return to camp, he was killed fighting fiercely. Consul Furius, upon hearing his brother was surrounded, turned back to fight, but, rashly rather than cautiously, rushed into the midst of the battle and was also wounded. He was barely rescued by his men. The ordeal demoralized the Roman troops but made the enemy more ferocious. The enemy was emboldened by both the death of the legate and the consul's injury. Now, it could not be held back by any force. The Romans were beaten back into their camp and were now under siege again, except, this time, they were weak and had lost hope. The situation would have been dire if proconsul Titus Quinctius hadn't arrived with reinforcements from the Latins and Hernicians. Quinctius arrived to find the Aequian army so focused on the Roman camp that they weren't paying attention to anything else. They hadn't noticed their arrival. He glanced at the decapitated head of the fallen Roman legate arrogantly on display. Immediately, he gave the signal to attack from the rear. He then gave another signal from far away so that the Romans in the camp knew to pour out of the gates. A large amount of Aequians were now surrounded on all sides by the Romans. In other parts of Roman territory, the enemy forces weren't so much killed as scattered. As the Aequians were running and looting in different directions, Consul Postumius hit them at various points where he had previously garrisoned troops and gathered up their spoils. The fleeing enemy troops also ran into the victorious Quinctius as he was returning with the injured Consul Spurius Furius. The Roman army then avenged Consul Furius' injury, the death of Legate Publius Furius, and the slaughter of the cohorts by attacking them with great success. Both sides suffered heavy losses. It's hard to determine the exact number of soldiers who fought or died due to how long ago this happened. However, Valerius Antias estimates that five thousand eight hundred Romans died in the Hernician territory. He also estimates that two thousand four hundred of the Aequian looters were killed by Consul Aulus Postumius on the Roman borders. The rest of the enemy forces who were looting and ran into Quinctius suffered more losses, with four thousand slain, and, citing the number more precisely, he says four thousand two hundred thirty were killed. After this, the Romans returned to Rome and the justitium, or state of emergency, was lifted. In the following days, there were reports of the sky appearing to be on fire and other strange prodigies, whether really seen or just imagined. To calm these fears, a three-day period of religious observance was declared, and all the temples were filled with people praying for the gods' protection. The Latin and Hernician emergency cohorts, after being thanked by the Senate, were dismissed and sent back home. The thousand soldiers from Antium arrived too late to help in the battle, so they were dismissed almost in disgrace.

3.6 The elections took place, and Lucius Aebutius Helva and Publius Servilius Priscus were chosen as consuls. The consuls began their term on the first day of August, which was seen as the start of the year. This was a difficult period. The City and countryside were plagued by a deadly disease that affected both people and livestock. The situation worsened when leaders allowed the animals and farmers into the City whenever there was fear of pillaging by enemies. This influx of various animals and people led to a foul smell and overcrowded living conditions, while the country people, being packed into narrow quarters, suffered greatly from the heat and lack of sleep. Helping and caring for others, or even just coming into contact with them, spread the infection. While struggling with these hardships, ambassadors from the Hernician allies arrived with news. The Aequians and Volscians had joined forces, set up camp in their territory, and were ravaging the land with a large army. A depleted Senate showed up to hear the Hernicians. They made it clear that Rome was severely weakened by disease. The outbreak was so bad that the Hernicians, along with the Latin allies, would now need to defend their lands by themselves, without any assistance from Rome. Whenever the City, now too ravaged by the anger of the gods, received a respite from this disaster, Rome would resume providing aid just as they had done in the past. The ambassadors left with more distressing news than what they had brought. They now had to face a war on their own, a war they had barely managed to fight even with Rome's powerful support. The enemy didn't stay long in the Hernician territory but moved into the Roman territories. They discovered Roman farms and crops were already in ruins, even without war. Their armies encountered no resistance, not even from unarmed civilians, as they passed by deserted garrisons and uncultivated lands. They reached as far as the third milestone on the Gabinian Way. Consul Aebutius died. His colleague, Consul Servilius, clung to life with little hope. Most of the leading men, most of the Senate, and nearly all men of military age were sick. There wasn't enough strength for the necessary military operations, as the crisis demanded, let alone for staffing the City guard posts. Senators who were healthy and able enough took on the role of guards by themselves. The plebeian aediles [elected civic magistrates] were tasked with making rounds and ensuring order among the plebeians. Into their hands fell the highest responsibilities and the authority of the consuls.

3.7 Everything was deserted. Without a leader. Without strength. However, the City's guardian gods and good fortune intervened, as they influenced the Volscians and Aequians to start considering themselves as raiders searching for loot rather than soldiers on a military conquest. They had no hope of capturing or even approaching the walls of Rome. The sight of the distant houses and nearby hills distracted them from such an attempt. Complaints spread throughout the enemy camps, questioning why they should waste time in a barren land, amidst the rotting remains of cattle and humans, idle and without booty, when they could go to places untouched and unspoiled by disease, like the wealthy Tusculan territory. The enemy quickly packed up their standards and traveled by crossroads through the Labican territory to the Tusculan Hills. This is where the full force of the war was directed. Meanwhile, the Hernicians and Latin allies, driven by both compassion and shame, decided to help. The allies felt guilty for not opposing Rome's enemy and aiding when the City was under siege. They marched to Rome with their combined forces. When the allies didn't find the enemy there, they followed rumors of their whereabouts and encountered them coming down from the Tusculan Hills into the valley of Alba. A battle ensued, but it was not an even one. The Hernician and Latin allies suffered heavy losses. Back in Rome, the death toll from disease was just as high as the allies' losses in battle. The only remaining consul, Consul Servilius, died, along with other notable figures like Marcus Valerius and Titus Verginius Rutilus. The augurs and Servius Sulpicius, the head curio, also died. Disease spread widely, reaching unknown victims. The Senate, despairing of any human help, directed the people to turn to the gods and to prayer. They were instructed to go and beg for divine protection with their wives and children. Compelled by their own personal sufferings, and summoned by public authority, they filled all the temples. Women prostrated themselves in every temple, sweeping the floors with their hair, begging forgiveness from the wrath of the gods and an end to the plague.

3.8 From this point, it could have been due to the favor of the gods or due to the passing of the unhealthy season, but the people's health began to improve. The Romans had overcome disease and started to focus on public matters again. When several interregna had passed, Publius Valerius Publicola, three days into his role as interrex, facilitated the election of Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus and Titus Veturius Geminus or Vetusius as consuls. The consuls assumed their roles on the third day before the eleventh of August. The state was now strong enough to not only defend against attacks but also to initiate them. When the Hernician allies reported enemy incursions into their borders, help was quickly promised by Rome. Two consular armies were formed. Consul Veturius and his army were sent to wage an offensive war against the Volscians. During that war, he defeated the Volscians and drove them off with only one battle. Consul Lucretius was tasked with defense, protecting the allies' territory from damage or looting. He didn't venture beyond the Hernician lands. While there, a band of raiders slipped past him over the Praenestine Mountains, descending into the plains. This group ravaged the fields around Praeneste and Gabii, then moved toward the Tusculan hills. This caused great alarm in Rome, more due to the suddenness of the event than a lack of strength to resist. Quintus Fabius, the former consul who was in command of the City, ensured security and tranquility by arming the young men and setting up guards. Accordingly, the Aequians and Volscians, not daring to approach Rome, instead looted the surrounding areas and retreated by a roundabout route. As the Aequians and Volscians moved further away, the more careless they became. They encountered Consul Lucretius, who, though they had gotten past his defense the first time, had been tracking their line of march and was prepared for battle. Despite being outnumbered, Consul Lucretius' forces, ready in spirit, attacked with determination, causing panic among the enemy, routing them and putting them to flight. The Romans drove them into deep valleys where escape was difficult, and surrounded them. The Volscian nation was almost entirely wiped out. Some histories record that thirteen-thousand four-hundred-seventy soldiers were killed in the field or in flight. During the pursuit, one thousand seven-hundred fifty were captured alive and twenty-seven military standards were taken. Even if these numbers are exaggerated, the slaughter was nonetheless significant. Victorious, Consul Lucretius returned to the permanent camp with an immense haul of loot. The consuls then combined their camps together. Likewise, the Volscians and Aequians also consolidated their shattered forces into one army. The ensuing battle of consolidated forces was the third battle of that year, and the Romans were victorious again. Fortune bestowed the victory where she had done before. The enemy was so badly routed that the Aequians and Volscians even lost their camp.

3.9 The situation in Rome returned to its previous state, and successes in war immediately caused unrest in the City. Gaius Terentillus Harsa or Arsa was a plebeian tribune that year. He saw an opportunity for political maneuvering during the consuls' absence. For several days, Terentillus publicly criticized the patricians' arrogance, focusing mainly on the excessive and unbearable power of the consuls' authority in a free state. Although the consuls' authority was less offensive in theory, in reality, their authority was even more oppressive than a king's. Two leaders were chosen instead of just one, and both had unrestrained, infinite power. This meant that consuls, unbounded and unchecked, tended to direct all the harshness of the law and all forms of severity against the plebeians. To prevent this unchecked power from continuing indefinitely, Terentillus proposed a law to appoint five people to draft laws regarding consular power. The consuls should only use the power that the people granted them, and the consuls shouldn't make their own laws based on their own lust and unchecked behavior. When this "Terentillian Law" was announced, the senators immediately became fearful that they would be subjected to oppression in the absence of the consuls, so Quintus Fabius, former consul now City prefect, called them into session. He spoke so strongly against the bill and its author, that the threats and intimidation couldn't have been greater even if the two consuls had been standing by Terentillus, threatening his life. Fabius accused the tribune of being an opportunist and seizing upon an opportunity to attack the state. If the City had a tribune like him the previous year, during the plague and war, it would have been disastrous. Finding both consuls dead, the citizens stricken with disease, and confusion everywhere, Terentillus would have proposed a law to do away with the consular government, and it would have definitely led the Volscians and the Aequians to lay siege to the City. Was this what he wanted? Was it not enough that consuls who acted cruelly against any citizen could be brought up on charges in court by the tribunes? After all, the tribunes had the power to set a trial date for consuls. The tribunes had the power to bring the consul before the very judges whom the consul may have mistreated. It wasn't the consular authority but tribunal power that was becoming hateful and unbearable. Tribunal power, which had been peaceful and reconciled with the Senate, was about to return to its former, evil ways. Fabius stopped pleading with Terentillus to stop his actions and addressed the tribunes as a group. "It's to you other tribunes," he cried, "whom I ask to reflect upon this fact: your power was conferred on you for the purpose of assisting individual citizens, not for the destruction of us all. You were elected tribunes of the plebeians, not enemies of the senators." "It's brings misery to us and disgrace to you for you to attack a deserted Republic, weakened and without its consuls. It won't reduce your authority but instead it will reduce the hate against you if you work with your colleague to postpone the question until the consuls return. Even the Aequians and the Volscians, last year, when disease had killed the consuls, refrained from pressing a cruel and pitiless war against us." The tribunes spoke with Terentillus, and the bill, which seemed to be postponed, was abandoned. The consuls were immediately called back.

3.10 Consul Lucretius came back with a lot of spoils but even more glory. He then increased his fame by showing off all the spoils in the Campus Martius for three days so that every citizen could identify and take their belongings. The rest, for which there was no owner, was sold. Everyone agreed that the Consul deserved a Triumph, but it was delayed because of the law the tribune was advocating; dealing with this law seemed more important to Lucretius. The issue was debated for several days in the Senate and among the plebeians. Finally, the tribune gave in to Lucretius and stopped pushing. Then Lucretius and his army were honored with a Triumph, celebrating his victory over the Volscians and Aequians. His troops followed him in the Triumph. The other consul, Veturius, was allowed to enter Rome in an ovation on horseback without his soldiers. The next year, the Terentillian Law was brought up again. This time, it was brought up by the entire college of tribunes and targeted the new consuls, Publius Volumnius Amintinus and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus. There were signs of trouble during this year. The sky seemed to be on fire and there was a big earthquake. People believed that an ox had spoken, a thing which had not been believed the previous year. Among other reported prodigies was a rain of flesh that a vast number of hungry birds intercepted mid-air as they flew around. The flesh that remained scattered on the ground stayed for several days without smelling bad. In response, the Sibylline Books were consulted by religious magistrates, the duumviri sacrorum. The predictions given to them were that there would be danger from a gathering of strangers, an attempt on the highest places of Rome, and subsequent massacres from there. It was a warning, they said. All sedition must stop. The tribunes claimed that these frivolous issues were being prioritized in order to block the Terentillian Law, and that a major fight was imminent. And behold, as if the same thing should repeat each year, a report then came in from the Hernician allies that the Volscians and Aequians, despite having sustained heavy losses, were rebuilding their armies. The Hernicians said that Antium was the center of support for these armies. The people of Antium were openly holding meetings at Ecetra and this, they believed, was the source and strength of the war. When the Senate heard this, they ordered a draft and told the consuls to divide the war management between them. One would handle the Volscians and the other the Aequians. The tribunes protested in the Forum arguing that the Volscian war was a sham and the Hernicians were just playing along. The Romans' freedom was being undermined not by force, but by trickery. New enemies were being invented because it was highly unlikely that the Volscians and Aequians, having been very close to being entirely wiped out, could start a war on their own. The consuls were defaming a loyal colony near Rome and were declaring war on the innocent people of Antium. Instead, the real war was against the plebeians of Rome, now being loaded up with weapons and ushered hurriedly out of the City in a reckless march. This was a way for the Senate to get back at the tribunes by exile and banishment, defeating the Terentillian Law. However, while they still could, while they were still at home and in their togas, the plebeians should take care not to be driven from the City or be subject to the yoke of submission by a draft. If they had the will, help wouldn't be lacking. All the tribunes agreed. There was no external threat, no danger from abroad. The gods had made sure the previous year that their freedom could now be defended safely. All of these arguments were said by the tribunes.

3.11 However, the consuls, who had intentionally placed their chairs within sight of the tribunes, continued to draft soldiers for the upcoming war. The tribunes quickly hurried toward them, bringing the assembly of plebeians with them. A few of these plebeians were called to be drafted, as an experiment, and immediately, violence broke out. Whomever the lictors grabbed, under the consuls' orders, the tribunes then ordered to be released. There were no boundaries to anyone's authority, and whatever the consuls wanted, they tried to achieve through force. The tribunes worked to obstruct the draft just as the patricians worked to obstruct the Terentillian Law, which was brought forward every assembly day. A quarrel would break out as soon as the tribunes ordered the plebeians to vote because the patricians refused to leave, blocking an orderly setup for the vote. The older citizens barely participated in the conflict, as it seemed to be driven not by wisdom, but by emotion and recklessness. The consuls also generally stayed away to avoid any insult to their dignity in the chaos. There was a young patrician, Caeso, from the Quinctius family who was bold both because of his noble lineage and his physical size and strength. To those god-given attributes he had also added many military honors and was eloquent in the Forum. No one in the state was considered more effective in speech or action. When he stood in the middle of a group of senators, he was noticeable above the rest. Because his eloquence and physical strength seemed to combine the powers of a dictator and a consul, he often alone stood against the tribunes' attacks and the plebeians' fury. He frequently took the lead in driving out the tribunes from the Forum and in causing the plebeians to scatter. Anybody who stood in his way was left beaten and stripped naked. It became clear that if he continued this way, the Terentillian Law would be defeated. Then, when the other tribunes were almost defeated, Aulus Verginius, one of the tribunes, brought a capital charge against Caeso for his outrageous behavior. Instead of becoming intimidated, this inflamed Caeso and made him even more aggressive. He fought against the Terentillian Law more fiercely than ever, stirred up the plebeians, and treated the tribunes as if they were enemies in a just war. Verginius let Caeso continue his reckless behavior not just because it added to the charges against him, but that it also stirred up public anger toward the patricians. Verginius continued to promote the Terentillian Law, not so much with the hope of passing it, but just to provoke Caeso and make him become even more reckless. Many of the younger patricians' thoughtless words and actions were now being blamed on Caeso, which only strengthened the case against him. Still, the Terentillian Law was resisted. Verginius asked the plebeians, "Do you now realize, Quirites, that you can't have Caeso as a fellow citizen with the Terentillian Law you want? Why do I even mention law; Caeso is against your freedom. He's more arrogant than all the Tarquins. You already see him acting like a king over you with his strength and audacity. Just wait until he becomes a consul or dictator!" Many agreed, complaining that they had been beaten by him, and strongly encouraged Verginius to continue prosecuting Caeso.

3.12 As the trial date neared, it was clear that the plebeians generally felt their freedom hinged on convicting and punishing Caeso. At last, Caeso was compelled to speak to gain the support of individual plebeians, though he did so with a sense of resentment. His family members, who were prominent figures in the state, supported him. Titus Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus, a three-time consul, spoke of his own and his family's notable accomplishments. He claimed that there had never been such a promising young man with bravery so young in either the Quinctian family or the Roman state. That Caeso had been his best soldier, and he often saw him fight against the enemy. Spurius Furius stated that Caeso had come to his aid when he was in danger, sent by Titus Quinctius. He believed that no one else had done more in saving the day. Lucius Lucretius, the previous year's consul and basking in his own glory, praised Caeso's contributions to his own victories. He recounted their battles and detailed Caeso's notable deeds, both on expeditions and in the battlefield. He urged the plebeians to choose this exceptional young man, blessed with natural talent and high social status, as their fellow citizen rather than drive him to flee Rome and become a citizen of one of Rome's enemies. Any negative aspects of Caeso's character, such as his hot temper, would lessen over time, while his wisdom would grow. As Caeso's flaws decreased and his virtues matured, they should allow such a distinguished man to grow old and live out the remainder of his years in their state. Among the supporters was his father, Lucius Quinctius, also known as Cincinnatus. Rather than focusing on his son's merits, which might increase public resentment, he asked for forgiveness for his son's mistakes and youthful indiscretions. He pleaded with them to forgive his youthful son for his sake, as he, Cincinnatus, had never offended anyone with his words or actions. However, some plebeians, out of shame or fear, refused to listen to Cincinnatus' pleas. Others, who felt that they themselves or their friends had been wronged, indicated their verdict with their harsh responses.

3.13 Over and above the general dislike for Caeso, one accusation against him was particularly damning. Marcus Volscius Fictor, who had been a tribune several years prior, stepped forward as a witness. He claimed that shortly after the plague had hit Rome, he encountered a gang of young men who had been prowling the streets of the Subura neighborhood. A fight broke out, and his older brother, still recovering from illness, was knocked down by a punch from Caeso. Half dead, he was carried home in his arms, and Volscius believed that his brother died from that punch. He also claimed that previous consuls hadn't allowed him to pursue the matter. As Volscius made these accusations loudly, the men hearing the story became so irritated and outraged that Caeso was almost killed by the mob. Then Tribune Verginius ordered him to be arrested and taken to jail. The patricians resisted with force. Titus Quinctius, who had come to his defense earlier, argued that a person who was scheduled for a capital offense trial shouldn't be punished before the trial and without a conviction. Verginius responded that he wouldn't punish him before conviction, but he would keep him in jail until the trial date. This would give the Roman people a chance to punish a homicide if found guilty. The tribunes were appealed to, but they protected their power by taking a middle ground. They prohibited Caeso from being jailed but expressed their desire for the accused to appear at his trial. The tribunes also wanted a sum of money to be promised to the plebeians if Caeso didn't show up. The amount of money to be promised was debated and referred to the Senate. Caeso was held in the public assembly until the patricians could be consulted. It was decided that he should give a surety bond. One surety was set at three-thousand pounds aes rude. The number of sureties to be given was left to the tribunes, who set the limit at ten. The prosecutor released the accused for ten sureties, or approximately thirty-thousand pounds aes rude. This was the first time that public sureties were provided for a state trial. After being released from the Forum, Caeso fled from Rome and went into exile among the Etruscans the following night. When it was pleaded at the trial that he had left his home to go into exile, Tribune Verginius nevertheless still tried to hold the trial, but his colleagues, when appealed to, stopped the trial and dismissed the assembly. The fine was cruelly exacted from Caeso's father, Cincinnatus, however. After selling all his possessions to pay for it, Cincinnatus lived for a long time in a secluded hut on the other side of the Tiber River, as if in exile.

3.14 This trial and the proposal of the Terentillian Law kept the state busy. However, there was peace from foreign threats. The patricians were silenced by the exile of Caeso, whereas the tribunes, feeling victorious, thought that the Terentillian Law was as good as passed. As far as the older patricians were concerned, they had given up their part in governing the state. The younger patricians, especially those close to Caeso, were more bitter than ever against the plebeians, but they hadn't lost their spirit. Yet, they promoted their cause by dampening their fury with a kind of moderation. When the Terentillian Law was first proposed after Caeso's exile, the young patricians were organized and ready. They came prepared with a large army of clients, who attacked the tribunes whenever the tribunes tried to remove them from the Forum. No single person stood out for praise or blame. The plebeians complained that a thousand Caesos had now replaced the one. On the days when the tribunes didn't push for the Terentillian Law, though, these same young patricians were calm and peaceful. They greeted the plebeians politely, engaged in conversation, and invited them into their homes. They went to the Forum and let the tribunes hold their meetings without interrupting them. They were never rude to anyone, either in public or private, unless the Terentillian Law was being discussed. So, at all other times, the young patricians were well-liked. As such, the tribunes conducted all their other business without disruption. They were even re-elected for the next year without any offensive remarks or violence. By calming and managing the plebeians, the patricians gradually made them more cooperative. Using these methods, the patricians managed to avoid the Terentillian Law for the entire year.

3.15 The next consuls, Gaius Claudius Sabinus, son of Appius Claudius, and Publius Valerius Publicola, [descendant of one of the original consuls, Publius Valerius Publicola], found Rome in a peaceful state. The new year hadn't brought any changes. Political focus still remained on proposing the Terentillian Law or passing it, and this occupied everyone's mind. The younger senators tried to win the favor of the plebeians, but the tribunes worked even harder to oppose them. The tribunes made the senators look suspicious to the plebeians by claiming that there was a conspiracy, that Caeso was in Rome, and that there were plans to assassinate the tribunes and massacre the plebeians. The tribunes also claimed that the older senators had ordered the young men to remove the tribune's power from the Republic and return the government to its previous form before the occupation of the Sacred Mount. There were fears of war from the Volscians and Aequians, which had become such a routine thing that the people had developed anxiety from knowing that it would happen every year, like clockwork. Another problem arose, unexpectedly, closer to home. Exiles and slaves, approximately two thousand five hundred men, took over the Capitoline Hill and the Citadel at night. Their leader was Appius Herdonius, a Sabine. Those in the Citadel who didn't want to join the conspirators and take up arms were instantly massacred. Others, in. the midst of the chaos, rushed headlong down to the Forum in terror. The cries of "To arms!" and "The enemy is in the City!" were heard alternately. The consuls were afraid to arm the plebeians, but they were also afraid to leave them unarmed. The consuls were unsure what sudden disaster had hit Rome, whether it was internal or external, or was due to plebeian hatred, or from a slave conspiracy. The consuls tried to calm the chaos, but by trying to control it, they made it worse. In their frightened and terrified state, the plebeians couldn't be controlled. The consuls eventually distributed weapons, but not to the common people, and only so far as to have a reliable enough guard for all purposes against an unknown enemy. They posted guards at convenient places throughout the City during the night, worried and unsure about who and how many enemies there actually were. When daylight came, the war and its leader were revealed. Appius Herdonius called from the Capitoline Hill, announcing that this was an opportunity for the slaves to win their freedom. This fight was for the most miserable of all, to bring back those who had been wrongfully exiled, and to remove the heavy yoke of slavery from them. They would rather do this with the approval of the Roman people; however, if this was a hopeless request, they would take the risky path of stirring up the Volscians and Aequians and any other extreme course they could take.

3.16 The situation started to become clearer to the senators and the consuls. However, they feared that this could be a plot by the Veientes or Sabines. With so many enemies already in the City, they worried that the Sabine and Etruscan forces might attack as part of a planned strategy. The consuls and patricians also feared that their long-time enemies, the Volscians and Aequians, might not just invade their lands as before, but now attack their City, as though it was now already partially captured. The patricians had many fears, and one of the most significant was the fear of their slaves. They were worried that each house might be harboring an enemy, someone who was neither safe to trust nor safe to distrust, as not trusting them might make them more hostile and determined. And harmony in the City seemed hard to maintain. During so many overwhelming and threatening dangers, no one feared the tribunes or the plebeians. That problem was now under control, as it only broke out whenever there was peace, and right now it was focused on the fear of foreign aggression. Yet, this issue, more than anything else, proved to be a problem in a time of crisis. So great was the frenzy of the tribunes as they argued that the war was not a real war, which had taken possession of the Capitol, but a fake image of war, in order to distract the plebeians from the Terentillian Law. The tribunes claimed that the patricians' friends and clients would leave even quieter than they arrived once they had realized that their noisy efforts to prevent the passing of the Terentillian Law were useless. The tribunes then summoned the people to put their arms aside and hold a council to pass the Terentillian Law. Meanwhile, the consuls called a meeting of the Senate, revealing themselves to be in greater fear of the tribunes than any enemy who had attacked by night.

3.17 When the news broke that the soldiers were laying down their weapons and leaving their posts, Consul Publius Valerius quickly left the Senate and ran to the tribunes in the Comitium. Consul Claudius was left to keep the Senate together. "What is happening here?" Valerius asked the tribunes. "Are you planning to overthrow the Republic under the guidance and auspices of this rebel leader, Appius Herdonius? Was he so successful in corrupting you, that he didn't need to stir up the slaves to join him? When the enemies are over our heads, is that when you want us to drop all our weapons and propose laws?" Then, turning to the multitude, he said, "Quirites, if you don't care about your City or yourselves, at least respect your own gods and their temples, which are now held captive by the enemy. Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Juno Regina, Minerva, and the other gods and goddesses are under siege. A camp of slaves holds your gods, the public guardians of the Roman state." "Does this seem like a healthy situation? There are enemies not just within our walls, but barricaded inside our Citadel, overlooking the Forum and Curia. Yet, it's business as usual. Meetings are still being held in the Forum; the Senate is in session inside the Curia, just as if everything were peaceful. The senator gives his opinion, the other Romans cast their votes. It's as if we were doing this at leisure." "Shouldn't all patricians and plebeians, consuls, tribunes, gods, and men rush to the Capitoline Hill with weapons in their hands, to liberate and purify that most sacred house of Jupiter Optimus Maximus? Father Romulus! Inspire your descendants with the same determination you had when you reclaimed the Citadel from these same Sabines when they had captured it using gold. Let them follow the same path you and your army took. I, as Consul, will be the first to follow you and your footsteps, as much as a mortal can follow a god." He ended his speech by saying that he would take up arms, and called on all Quirites to arm themselves. If anyone obstructed him, whether a consul, a tribune, even the sacred laws, whoever it might be, wherever they might be, on the Capitoline Hill or in the Forum, they would be treated as an enemy. He would ignore the limits to his power as a consul. Should the tribunes order arms to be taken up against Consul Publius Valerius as they had prohibited taking up arms against Appius Herdonius, he threatened that he would do to the tribunes what the head of his family had dared to do against the kings. It was evident that Roman sedition was about to erupt in the City and the spectacle would be a delight to the enemy. However, the Terentillian Law couldn't be voted upon, nor would the Consul go to the Capitoline Hill, as nightfall ultimately put an end to the conflict; the tribunes retired, fearing the consuls' military power. With the instigators of the revolt gone, the patricians then went among the plebeians, joining their conversations and offering advice. The patricians warned the plebeians to be careful of the danger they were putting the state in; that the fight wasn't between the patricians and the plebeians, but that both groups, together, had given the Citadel of the City, the temples of the gods, and the protective gods of the state and private families, into the hands of the enemies. While these discussions were taking place in the Forum to calm the disturbances, the consuls, in the meantime, had dispersed around the City gates and walls, in case the Sabines or the Veientes were stirred to action.

3.18 On the same night, messengers from Rome arrived in Tusculum with news that the Citadel had been captured, the Capitoline Hill seized, and the City was in another state of chaos. At that time, Lucius Mamilius was the dictator in Tusculum. He quickly called a meeting of the Tusculum senate and introduced the messengers. Mamilius strongly suggested that they shouldn't wait for ambassadors from Rome to come requesting help. The criticality of the situation, their treaties, and even the gods, themselves, called upon them to act. The gods, he said, would never give them a better chance to help earn the gratitude of such a powerful and close neighbor. The Tusculum senate resolved to send help. Young Tusculum men were enlisted and issued arms. As the Tusculum allies arrived in Rome at dawn, they were initially thought to be enemies from a distance. It seemed as if the Aequians or Volscians were invading. Once the misunderstanding was cleared up, the Tusculum allies were allowed into the City and they gathered in the Forum where Consul Valerius, who had left Consul Claudius to direct the troops guarding the gates, was preparing the line for battle. The personal influence of Valerius had won. He assured the people that when the Capitoline Hill was recovered and peace was restored to the City, he would like to show everyone the fraud that was hidden in the Terentillian Law that the tribunes were trying to pass. He would not hinder the assembly of the people as he was mindful of his heritage, mindful of the surname Publicola, 'the people's friend', by which the hereditary care of the people had been handed down to him by his ancestors. Despite the tribunes' efforts to restrain them, Valerius led the troops up the Capitoline Hill where they formed a battle line with the legion from Tusculum alongside them. Both allies and citizens competed for the honor of reclaiming the Citadel. Each leader rallied his own men. The enemy's morale diminished when they realized they could only rely on their strategic location for protection, and nothing else. The Romans and allies advanced with their standards, bursting into the temple's vestibule when Consul Valerius, who was fighting in the front, was killed while directing the attack. Publius Volumnius, a former consul, saw him fall. He ordered his men to cover the body and took over the consul's duties. The Roman soldiers were so eager and aggressive that they didn't realize what had happened; they won the battle before they realized they were fighting without a leader. Many of the exiles were cut down, staining the temple with their blood. Others were captured alive. Appius Herdonius, the leader, was killed. The Capitoline Hill was thus reclaimed, cleansed and purified. The prisoners were punished according to their status, whether they were free or enslaved. A vote of thanks was given from the Senate to the Tusculans for their bravery. It's said that the plebeians threw a quarter of an aes rude each into Consul Valerius' house so that he could be carried out with a more magnificent funeral than he would have had otherwise.

3.19 When order and peace were restored, the tribunes urged the patricians to fulfill the promise of Consul Valerius. They also urged Consul Claudius to protect his colleague's reputation from any breach of faith and allow the Terentillian Law proceedings to continue. However, Claudius refused to allow the Terentillian Law's discussion to continue until a new colleague replaced the deceased one. These disagreements continued until the elections for a new consul. In December, due to the patricians' strong efforts, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, Caeso Quinctius' father, was elected consul and immediately assumed office. The plebeians were worried about having a consul who was angry with them, powerful with the support of the patricians, strong in his own personal virtue, and who had three sons just as spirited as Caeso but were superior in applying good judgment and self-control when the occasion required it. Upon taking office, Consul Cincinnatus constantly spoke before the tribunal, not to correct the plebeians, but to chastise the senate, condemning them for their weakness and passivity allowing the tribunes to remain perpetually in office, winning re-election after re-election. These tribunes were acting like kings through their speeches and prosecutions, acting like the heads of a disorganized household and not as people entrusted with the public affairs of the Roman people. He argued that his son Caeso, a man of courage, integrity, and all the military and civic virtues of Roman youth, had been driven out of Rome and put to flight, while these talkative, seditious men, sowing seeds of discord, were elected tribunes, again and again, and were ruling with the power of royalty gained by the worst means. "Did the tribune Aulus Verginius" he asked, "deserve less punishment than Appius Herdonius, the rebellion leader, simply because he wasn't present on the Capitoline Hill? No, by Hercules. In fact, he deserved much more punishment if one were to evaluate the situation honestly. Herdonius, to his credit, at least openly declared himself an enemy and, to some extent, incited you all to take up arms. Meanwhile, Verginius, by saying that the war was fake and denying its existence, not only disarmed you but also left you defenseless against your own slaves and exiles." "And tell me, without disrespect to Consuls Gaius Claudius and Publius Valerius who are dead, did you raise the standards to climb the Capitoline Hill before eliminating these enemies from the Forum? It's an affront to both gods and men that while these enemies occupied the Citadel and the Capitoline Hill itself, with the leader of the slaves and exiles defiling every sacred space and temple, living in the shrine of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Rome hesitated to take action. In fact, arms were first raised at Tusculum, not even in Rome!" "The deliverance of Rome's Citadel hung in the balance, uncertain whether it would come from the Tusculan general, Lucius Mamilius, or from Consuls Publius Valerius and Gaius Claudius. And we, who previously denied our Latin allies the right to defend themselves against an enemy on their borders, would now have faced utter destruction if these very same Latins hadn't taken up arms, unprompted, to come save us." "Is this, tribunes, what you call 'protecting' the plebeians? Exposing them, unarmed, to be slaughtered by the enemy? Even if the lowliest man of your plebeians, which you've separated from the rest of the plebeians and brought them into your own nation, even if such a person were to report his house being attacked by armed slaves, surely you would feel obliged to offer aid. Was Jupiter Optimus Maximus, when his temple was attacked by armed slaves and exiles, unworthy of any human help? These plebeians demand sacred inviolability only for themselves, while even the gods aren't regarded as sacred or inviolable in their eyes." "But, immersed as you are in crimes against both gods and men, you declare that you'll push your Law through this year. Then, by Hercules, mark my words, the day when I was elected consul will be a darker day for this state than the day Publius Valerius was killed, if you pass this Law. Quirites, let it be known that our first action, my colleague's and mine, will be to march the legions against the Volscians and Aequians. By some odd twist of fate, the gods seem more favorable to those who are at war than to those who are at peace." "What incredible danger we could have been in if those states had known the entire Capitoline Hill was in the hands of exiles and slaves. It's much better to conjecture from the past than to feel it through actual experience."

3.20 Cincinnatus' speech had a significant impact on the plebeians. The patricians, regaining their confidence, saw this as a restoration of the Republic. Consul Claudius, more enthusiastic in supporting than initiating, allowed his colleague to take the lead. He took on the consular duty of implementing the plan. The tribunes, dismissing these statements as meaningless, questioned how the consuls would mobilize the army when no one would allow them to hold a draft. "But we have no need for a draft," said Cincinnatus, "for when Consul Valerius armed the plebeians to reclaim the Capitoline Hill, they swore an oath to assemble at the consul's command and not to disperse without his order. Therefore, we command that all who took the oath report tomorrow, armed, at Lake Regillus." The tribunes tried to free the plebeians from their oath, arguing that Cincinnatus was a private citizen when they swore it. However, the disregard for the gods that is common today hadn't yet taken hold. Plebeians didn't twist oaths and laws to suit their needs but instead adjusted their behavior to comply with them. The tribunes, seeing no way to stop the mobilization, tried to delay it. All the more so because rumors had spread that the augurs had been ordered to meet at Lake Regillus to consecrate a place where the auspices could be taken, and the plebeians could conduct business under favorable omens. Any laws passed in Rome by the tribunes could be repealed at the elections there, as everyone would vote as the consuls wished. Since there was no right to appeal more than a mile from the City, the tribunes, if they came there, would be subject to the consuls' authority and would just be another member of the Quirite crowd. These rumors worried the tribunes, but what scared them most was Cincinnatus' repeated statement that he wouldn't hold an election for consuls. He believed the state was so sick that ordinary remedies couldn't cure it. The Republic needed a dictator, so that anyone who disturbed the peace would face a dictatorship, without the right to appeal.

3.21 The Senate was gathering on the Capitoline Hill as tribunes arrived with the agitated plebeians. The crowd, screaming loudly, sought protection of the consuls and then the senators. However, they couldn't persuade the Consul to change his mind until the tribunes agreed to follow the authority of the Senate. Cincinnatus then presented the tribunes' and the plebeians' demands to the Senate. After consulting, the Senate passed resolutions that the tribunes shouldn't propose the Terentillian Law that year, and the consuls shouldn't lead the army out of the City. The Senate also decided that to keep the same magistrates and continue reappointing the same tribunes would be detrimental to the Republic. The consuls obeyed the Senate's authority; however, the same tribunes were elected again despite the consuls' objections. The patricians, not wanting to give in to the plebeians, re-elected Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus as Consul. This was the most heated issue of the year. "Should I be surprised," Cincinnatus said, "that your authority carries little weight, senators? You, yourselves, are undermining it. Since the plebeians have ignored your Senate decree regarding successive terms, you also want to ignore it because you don't want to appear weaker than the plebeians. It's as if having more power in the state means being more inconsistent and more unrestrained! It's certainly more fickle and senseless to disregard one's own decrees and resolutions than those of others." "Follow the thoughtless crowd, senators, and you, who should be setting an example, are breaking the rules because of others' actions, rather than having others follow your good example. I won't follow the tribunes or allow myself to be re-elected consul against a Senate decree. I advise you, Consul Gaius Claudius, to control the Roman plebeians' recklessness. Understand that I won't consider your actions as an obstacle to my honor. Instead, the glory from me declining the honor is increased and the hatred that people would feel if we allowed this to continue is decreased." They then jointly issued an edict forbidding anyone to elect Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus as Consul. If anyone did, they wouldn't accept that vote.

3.22 Quintus Fabius Vibulanus was elected consul for the third time, along with Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis. That year, the census was conducted. However, the lustrum purification sacrifice wasn't performed because of scruples about how the Capitoline Hill had been seized and how the former consul had been slain. The consulship of Quintus Fabius and Lucius Cornelius was a difficult one from the very beginning of the year. Conflicts erupted as the tribunes began to instigate the plebeians. Latins and Hernician allies reported that the Volscians and Aequians were preparing for a large-scale war. Volscian troops were already in Antium. There was also a fear that the colony itself might rebel. The tribunes reluctantly agreed to prioritize the war. The consuls divided the responsibilities. Consul Fabius was tasked with leading the legions to Antium, while Consul Cornelius was to defend the City with a garrison so that no part of the enemy, as was the Aequi custom, should plunder the countryside. The Hernician and Latin allies were ordered to provide soldiers, as per their treaty. The army was composed of two-thirds allies and one-third Roman citizens. When the allies arrived on the appointed day, Consul Fabius set up his camp outside the Capena Gate. After inspecting and purifying the army, he marched toward Antium and encamped at a short distance from the city and the Volscians' encampment. As the Aequians hadn't yet arrived, the Volscians were unwilling to engage in battle. Instead, the Volscians prepared to defend themselves within their rampart. The next day, Consul Fabius separated out the Romans, Hernicians, and Latins into three separate groups, one from each nation, surrounding the enemy's rampart. He would be in the middle with the Roman legions. The Consul instructed them to observe his signals carefully so that each division could both start the battle and retreat together if he gave the signal for withdrawal. He then positioned cavalry behind each respective division. Using this formation, they attacked the camp from three directions, pressing from all sides and immediately dislodged the Volscians away from their rampart, as they were unable to protect themselves from all sides simultaneously. Fabius got inside the Volscian lines and drove the panic-stricken mob, now moving in a single direction, out of their camp. The cavalry had been mere spectators of the fight until then, as the horses couldn't enter the fortifications. With the soldiers fleeing in disarray onto the open plain, the cavalry now intercepted the Volscians and shared in the victory by cutting down the terrified troops. The slaughter of the fleeing troops was great, both in the camp and outside the lines, but the spoils of war were even greater because the enemy could barely carry their weapons with them as they ran. The entire Volscian army would have been destroyed if the forest hadn't provided them cover during their flight.

3.23 While these events were happening in Antium, the Aequians sent their strongest young men to attack and capture the Tusculum citadel at night. The rest of the Aequian army halted and set up camp not far from Tusculum's walls in order to stretch out the Roman forces. When news of this reached Rome and then Antium, the Romans were as shocked as if they had heard their own Capitoline Hill had been taken. The Tusculans had recently helped them, and the similar danger they now faced seemed to demand a return of that aid. Consul Fabius quickly moved all the goods they had taken from the Volscians' camp to Antium. He left a small garrison of soldiers to guard Antium, then rushed the rest of his army to Tusculum. The soldiers were only allowed to bring their weapons and any cooked food that was at hand. Consul Cornelius sent more supplies from Rome. The ensuing war in Tusculum went on for several months. With one part of the army laying siege to the Aequian camp, Consul Fabius lent another part of the army to the Tusculans to help them take back their citadel. The Tusculans couldn't storm it by direct assault. In time, however, the Aequians were forced to leave the citadel because they were starving. When the end came, the Tusculans made the Aequians walk under a yoke, unarmed and naked, as a sign of defeat. As the Aequians shamefully fled home, they were overtaken by Consul Fabius on Mount Algidus and were all killed, leaving no survivors. After this victory, Consul Fabius moved his army back to Columen, that is the name of the place, and set up camp. Consul Cornelius, after the enemy had now been driven from the Roman walls and the danger had ceased, left Rome himself. The two consuls then entered enemy territory from two different directions, and each tried to outdo the other in inflicting great damage: Volscians on the one side and the Aequians on the other. Some historians say that the people of Antium rebelled that same year. They claim that Consul Lucius Cornelius led the war and recaptured the town. However, I can't confirm this because the older records don't mention it.

3.24 Immediately after the war had ended, a political conflict within the City caused concern for the Senate. The tribunes claimed that the army was kept abroad dishonestly, under false pretenses, with the intention of frustrating the passage of the Terentillian Law. Regardless, the tribunes vowed to continue their efforts. Lucius Lucretius, the City's prefect, managed to delay the tribunes' actions until the consuls returned. Another issue emerged when Aulus Cornelius and Quintus Servilius, the quaestors, set a trial date for Marcus Volscius. He was accused of providing false testimony against Caeso Quinctius. Evidence showed that Volscius' brother, who was supposedly attacked by Caeso, had been bedridden due to a long-term illness. He hadn't been seen in public since he became ill, had never gotten out of bed from his illness, and died from wasting away over a number of months. Furthermore, Caeso wasn't in Rome at the time of the alleged crime, as confirmed by his fellow soldiers who stated that he was quartered with them and hadn't had a leave of absence. If this was the case, many men privately claimed they would judge Volscius guilty. Since Volscius dared not go to trial, all the facts converging together made the conviction of Volscius as certain as Caeso's was by Volscius' false testimony. The tribunes delayed the proceedings and refused to allow the quaestors to proceed against Volscius, insisting that the Terentillian Law must be addressed before the trial could take place. This resulted in both issues being postponed until the arrival of the consuls. When the consuls entered the City in Triumph with the victorious army, many believed the tribunes were intimidated into silence about the Terentillian Law. However, since it was the end of the year, the tribunes were instead focused on securing a fourth term and shifted their efforts from the Terentillian Law toward the discussion of the elections. Despite the consuls' efforts to oppose the continuation of the tribunate just as much as they would have opposed the passing of a law to diminish their own authority, the tribunes won the election. That same year, peace was granted to the Aequi, who requested it. The census, which had begun the previous year, was completed, and the lustrum purification ritual was then performed. It was said to have been the tenth lustrum since the beginning of the City. The numbers from the census amounted to one hundred seventeen thousand three hundred nineteen citizens. Praised for their achievements both in war and at home, the consuls managed to maintain peace both domestically and abroad. Despite some discord, the state was less troubled than in previous times.

3.25 Lucius Minucius for the second time, and Gaius Nautius Rutilus were elected as the next consuls. The consuls inherited two unresolved issues from the previous year. As was before, the consuls were against the Terentillian Law, while the tribunes opposed the trial of Volscius. However, the new quaestors held more power and greater authority. Marcus Valerius, son of Manius Valerius and grandson of Volesus Valerius, was appointed quaestor alongside Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, who had been consul three times. Quaestor Quinctius couldn't restore Caeso Quinctius, one of the greatest of the young men of the Republic, and return him to the Quinctian family or to Rome. Instead, he waged a just and pious war on Volscius for being a false witness who had stripped an innocent man of the right to defend himself. Tribune Verginius was the most active in pushing for the Terentillian Law to be passed. The consuls were given two months to investigate the measure and inform the plebeians about any secret fraud being committed. The consuls would then allow them to vote. This delay brought peace to the City. However, the Aequians didn't let them rest for long. The Aequians broke the treaty they had made with the Romans the previous year and appointed Cloelius Gracchus as their chief commander, a prominent figure among the Aequians. Under Gracchus' command, the Aequians attacked the district of Labicum, then Tusculum with a hostile raid, and set up their camp at Algidum full of stolen goods. Former consuls Quintus Fabius, Publius Volumnius, and Aulus Postumius served as ambassadors from Rome, going to the Aequian camp to protest the attacks and demand restitution according to the treaty. General Gracchus ordered the Roman ambassadors to deliver their message from the Senate to an oak tree; he, in the meantime, would be engaged in more important matters. The oak, a massive tree, loomed over the General's headquarters and in its shadow was a shady seat. Then one of the ambassadors, while departing, said, "May this sacred oak, and whatever gods there may be, hear how you have broken the treaty! May the gods support our complaints now and our weapons later when we avenge the simultaneous violation of the rights of gods and men." When the envoys returned to Rome, the Senate ordered one of the consuls to march his army against General Gracchus at Algidum. The other consul was tasked with plundering Aequian land. The tribunes, as was their custom, tried to stop the recruitment of soldiers, and they might have succeeded if not for a sudden new threat.

3.26 A large horde of Sabines came very close to the walls of the City, having laid waste to the fields and terrifying the citizens along the way. The plebeians willingly took up arms and two large armies were formed, despite the tribunes' protests. Consul Nautius led one of these armies against the Sabines. He set up his entrenched camp at Eretum, and chiefly using small expeditions to carry out night raids, he laid such incredible devastation to the Sabine territory that the Roman lands seemed almost untouched by the enemy in comparison. However, Consul Minucius didn't have the same success or determination with his army. He ordered camp set up not far from the enemy and, out of fear, he stayed within the camp. When the enemy noticed this, they became more audacious, as sometimes happens when an opponent shows fear, and they attacked his camp at night. When that didn't work, the Sabines surrounded the Roman camp the next day. Before the Sabines could completely block all the exits with ramparts, five horsemen managed to get through the enemy lines and brought the news to Rome that Consul Minucius and his army were blockaded inside their camp. This was completely unexpected and caused great panic and alarm, as if the City, not just the camp, was under siege. The Senate called for Consul Nautius, but when he was unable to provide enough protection, they decided to appoint a dictator to manage the situation. By universal consent, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus was chosen as the right one to be Dictator. This story is worth hearing for those who scorn everything human in favor of wealth, who think there is no place for great honor or virtue unless riches overflow in abundance. The last hope of Rome, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, was now spending his remaining days tending a modest four-jugera field across the Tiber River, opposite the present-day naval dockyards, known as the Quinctian Meadows. There he was found by a delegation from the Senate, who approached him as he was either digging out a ditch and leaning on his spade, or while plowing. What is certain is that he was intent on his work in the fields. After mutual greetings, the delegation asked him to put on his toga so that he could hear the Senate's mandate, and expressed hope that it might turn out well for him and for the City. Cincinnatus asked them, still utterly surprised, "Is all well?" and then asked his wife, Racilia, to run and get his toga quickly from their hut. After wiping off the dust and perspiration, Cincinnatus put on his toga. As he came forward to join the delegation, they saluted him as Dictator and congratulated him, summoning him to the City and explaining the urgent situation with the army. The government had arranged a boat for him to leave at once. Upon crossing the river, he was welcomed by his three sons, other relatives, friends, and a significant portion of the Senate. He was then escorted by a large crowd and preceded by lictors, to his residence in the City. There was also an enormous gathering of plebeians who weren't too happy to see Cincinnatus. Many viewed his newfound power as excessive and the man was even more intense than the power he was given. That night, the main focus was on ensuring the City's security. No major actions were taken beyond keeping watch.

3.27 The following day, Dictator Cincinnatus arrived in the Forum before dawn. He appointed Lucius Tarquitius as his Master of the Horse. Tarquitius was a man from a noble family, but one who had been a foot-soldier because of poverty. Despite his limited resources, Tarquitius was widely regarded as the most skilled military strategist among Rome's young men. The Dictator, accompanied by his Master of the Horse, proceeded to the assembly and declared a justitium, a halt to all civil activities. He ordered all shops in the City to close and prohibited anyone from transacting any private business whatsoever. He then instructed all men of military age to gather in the Campus Martius before sunset, armed and carrying cooked rations for five days plus twelve stakes. He also ordered those too old for military service to prepare food for the army while the soldiers prepared their weapons and gathered the stakes. The young men scattered in various directions to find stakes, taking them from the nearest places they could find. No one was hindered and everyone eagerly complied with the Dictator's orders promptly. Then, having assembled the legions, the Dictator himself led them while the Master of the Horse led the cavalry. They marched in well-ordered formation, ready for immediate battle if needed. In both groups the commanders gave encouragement suitable to the emergency such as: Pick up the pace! It's necessary to hurry to reach the enemy by night! The consul and the Roman army were under siege and they've been shut in now for three days! Who knows what each day or night would bring! The moments of the greatest events often turns in a single instant! To show their commitment, the soldiers shouted out to each other, "Standard-bearer, move faster!" "Follow, soldiers!" Cincinnatus' army arrived at Algidum in the middle of the night and, as soon as the Dictator realized they were within striking distance of the enemy, they halted and set up camp.

3.28 After riding around and surveying the enemy camp to understand its layout as much as possible in the darkness, the Dictator ordered the military tribunes to instruct the soldiers to throw down their baggage in one place and then return back to their positions with their weapons and stakes. The orders were carried out promptly. Then, maintaining the order in which they had been on the road, he surrounded the enemy's camp in a long column. He instructed them that, at a given signal, the troops should all shout, and, after shouting, every man should dig a trench in front of his own position and use his stakes, thereby erecting a palisaded rampart. Shortly after issuing these orders, the signal was given. The soldiers did as they were told and began building, their shouts echoing around the enemy blockade and reaching Consul Minucius' camp. In the enemy camp, there was immediate panic. However, in the Minucius' camp they began to rejoice, excitedly reassuring each other that help was on the way and began to intimidate the enemy from their watch posts, using sorties to harass them. Consul Minucius declared that there was no time to waste. He believed that the shout not only signaled the arrival of their fellow citizens, but that he would be surprised if the enemy camp wasn't already under attack from the outside. Minucius ordered his men to arm themselves and follow him immediately. Consul Minucius began the battle that night. The shouts of the Dictator's legions signaled that they were also beginning their fight, as well. As the Aequians were busy trying to stop the construction of the circumvallation surrounding them by Cincinnatus' army, Consul Minucius' army burst out of their camp and started to battle. The Aequians, taken by surprise, then shifted their focus from the Romans on the outer fortifications back to the Romans inside the camp to prevent a breakout through the middle of their camp. In this way, Minucius' constant distractions allowed the work on the outer fortifications to continue, uninterrupted, throughout the night. The Aequians were kept occupied by Consul Minucius until dawn. At daybreak, the Aequians found themselves surrounded by the Dictator's fortifications on one side and were barely able to hold off Minucius' army on the other side. Cincinnatus' army, having completed their work, immediately returned to their weapons and attacked. Now the Aequians were facing danger from two sides, and neither side was letting up. The stress of being attacked on both sides was too much, so the Aequians stopped fighting and resorted to pleading, first to the Dictator and then to the Consul, that they not make the price of victory to be their extermination. Instead, they asked to please allow them to surrender their weapons and leave. Consul Minucius ordered them to go to Dictator Cincinnatus. Cincinnatus was enraged. In his anger, he was determined to humiliate them. He ordered that Cloelius Gracchus, their general, and other high-ranking leaders, be brought to him in chains, and to evacuate the town of Corbio. The Dictator said he didn't want the blood of the Aequians, but rather a confession from them that they had been defeated and subdued. He ordered them to pass under the yoke, a symbol of submission made of three spears, two planted in the ground and one tied across the top. The Dictator sent the Aequians under this yoke and allowed them to depart.

3.29 The Aequian camp was found to be stocked full of supplies left behind as the Dictator had sent the Aequians away naked. Cincinnatus distributed all the spoils to his own soldiers, since they had been ordered to leave Rome so quickly and with very little. He criticized Consul Minucius' army and the consul himself, saying, "Soldiers, you won't receive any part of the spoils taken from the enemy who nearly defeated you. And you, Lucius Minucius, until you show the spirit of a consul, you'll command these legions as a legate." Minucius resigned his position as Consul and stayed with the army, as ordered. The army at that time were very obedient to authority, especially when it was combined with superior leadership. Remembering Dictator Cincinnatus' kindness more than their disgrace, they awarded him a golden crown weighing a pound and, as he departed, hailed him as their protector. The Senate, convened by former consul Quintus Fabius, now the City prefect, decreed that Cincinnatus should enter Rome in a Triumph procession with his troops that accompanied him. The defeated Aequian leaders were paraded before his chariot, the military standards were carried on ahead, and after that his army followed, laden with spoils. It's said that tables with food were set out in front of all the houses, and the soldiers, feasting as they marched, followed the chariot, singing songs of victory and making solemn jokes as revelers do. On that day, Lucius Mamilius of Tusculum, who had raised an army to rescue the embattled Romans several years earlier when the Capitoline Hill was taken, was granted citizenship, to universal approval. [This was the first recorded granting of citizenship for service to Rome.] Dictator Cincinnatus would have resigned his position, but he was kept in office for the trial of Marcus Volscius, the false witness. In awe of Cincinnatus, the tribunes didn't interfere this time. Volscius was found guilty and exiled to Lanuvium. Afterward, Cincinnatus resigned his position on the sixteenth day, even though it had been granted to him for six months. During this time, Consul Nautius fought a brilliant battle with the Sabines at Eretum with great success. So, in addition to the destruction of their lands, the Sabines suffered another blow. Former consul Quintus Fabius was sent to Algidum to replace Lucius Minucius. Toward the end of the year, the tribunes began to discuss the Terentillian Law, but because two armies were abroad, the Senate decided that no business should be proposed to the plebeians. The plebeians managed to elect the same tribunes for the fifth time. It's reported that wolves seen on the Capitoline Hill were chased away by dogs, and because of this omen, the Capitoline Hill was purified. These were the events of that year.

3.30 Quintus Minucius Esquilinus and Marcus Horatius Pulvillus were the next consuls. At the start of their term, there was peace outside of Rome. However, inside the City, the same tribunes and the same Terentillian Law were causing unrest. The situation could have escalated further due to high tensions, but news arrived that Aequians had attacked at night and wiped out the garrison at Corbio. The consuls called a meeting of the Senate and were instructed to quickly draft an army and head to Algidum. The argument about the Terentillian Law was put aside, but a new disagreement arose about the recruitment of the army. The consuls' authority was nearly overpowered by the tribunes when more alarming news arrived: the Sabine army had invaded. They had pillaged Roman territory and were now headed toward Rome. This was such shocking news that the tribunes allowed the recruitment to proceed. However, they made a condition. Since they had been frustrated for the past five years trying to pass the Terentillian Law, the existing tribunate provided little protection for the plebeians; therefore, ten tribunes should be elected in the future. The patricians reluctantly agreed to this but insisted that the same tribunes shouldn't be re-elected. An election for the tribunes was held immediately to prevent any further delays after the war. Thirty-six years after the first institution of the tribunate of the plebeians, ten were elected, two from each class, and it was decided that future elections would follow this pattern. The draft was then held. Once the army was assembled, Minucius set out against the Sabines. However, he found no enemy. Consul Horatius, since the Aequians had killed the garrison at Corbio, and had seized Ortona, fought a battle at Algidum. He killed many enemies and drove them not only from Algidum, but also from Corbio and Ortona. He also destroyed Corbio as punishment for the murder of the Roman garrison.

3.31 Marcus Valerius Maximus Lactuca and Spurius Verginius Tricostus were elected as the next consuls. There was peace both internally and abroad. However, they faced a shortage of food due to heavy rainfall damaging the crops. A law was passed to turn the Aventine Hill into public property. The same plebeian tribunes were re-elected. Then, the following year, Titus Romilius and Gaius Veturius became consuls. The tribunes strongly advocated for a Terentillian Law in all their speeches. Privately, they were ashamed that, even though their numbers had been increased, the issue remained as neglected during their own term as it had been throughout the lustrum, or previous five years. While the City was busy with these matters, they received alarming news from Tusculum reporting that the Aequians had invaded the Tusculan territory. As Tusculum had helped Rome previously, people were ashamed that there would be any delay in providing immediate help. Both consuls were dispatched with an army and found the enemy in their usual position in Algidum. A battle ensued, resulting in the death of over seven thousand enemies. The rest were driven away. The Roman army obtained a huge amount of spoils, which the consuls sold off due to the treasury's depleted state. This decision was unpopular with the army, and it gave the tribunes a reason to impeach the consuls before the plebeians. As soon as the consuls left office, they were succeeded by Spurius Tarpeius and Aulus Aternius. Both prior consuls were immediately impeached upon leaving office. A day for court was set for Titus Romilius by Gaius Claudius Cicero, a plebeian tribune, and for Gaius Veturius by Lucius Alienus, a plebeian aedile. Both were found guilty, to the intense indignation of the patricians. Romilius was fined ten thousand pounds aes rude, and Veturius was fined fifteen thousand pounds aes rude. The new consuls didn't let the misfortune of their predecessors deter them. They, too, could be condemned, they said, but the plebeians and tribunes still couldn't pass the Terentillian Law. As the enthusiasm for the proposed law died down, having been placed before the people many times and rejected, the tribunes chose to abandon it. Instead, they adopted a softer approach with the patricians, suggesting that they should finally resolve their disputes. If the patricians were displeased with plebeian laws, the tribunes proposed, they should at least allow equal representation; both the plebeians and the patricians should work together to frame laws beneficial to both parties. The patricians didn't reject this proposal in principle, but they insisted that only patricians should propose laws. As they agreed on most aspects about the law but disagreed on who should propose them, Roman ambassadors were sent to Athens. Spurius Postumius Albus, Aulus Manlius, and Publius Sulpicius Camerinus were ordered to copy the famous laws of Solon and learn about the institutions, customs, and laws of other Greek cities.

3.32 Overall, the year was peaceful and free from foreign conflicts. Then, the next year was even more tranquil. Publius Curiatius Fistus and Sextus Quinctilius served as consuls. The tribunes remained quiet, primarily due to their anticipation of the ambassadors' return from Athens and the introduction of foreign laws from what the ambassadors had learned. Two severe disasters struck simultaneously: famine and disease, both of which were devastating to humans and livestock alike. The fields were devastated, and the City was exhausted by constant funerals. Numerous prominent families were in mourning. Servilius Cornelius, the Flamen Quirinalis or high priest, and Gaius Horatius Pulvillus, the augur, both passed away. The augurs eagerly elected Gaius Veturius to replace Pulvillus, particularly because he had been condemned by the plebeians. Consul Quinctilius and four plebeian tribunes also died. These multiple tragedies made the year a sorrowful one, but there was peace from foreign enemies. Next year, Gaius Menenius Lanatus and Publius Sestius Capitolinus were elected as consuls. There were no foreign wars that year, but domestic disturbances emerged. The ambassadors returned with the laws of Athens, and the tribunes insisted that the process of compiling the laws should finally begin. It was decided that ten men, known as decemvirs, would be elected to lead. Under decemvirs, there would be no right to appeal. They would be the only magistrates for that year. There was a lengthy debate about whether plebeians should be included among the decemvirs. Eventually, the patricians conceded this was acceptable as long as the Icilian Law regarding compensation to the patricians for lost buildings on the Aventine Hill, the land was being given to the plebeians, and other sacred laws weren't revoked.

3.33 Three-hundred and two years after the founding of Rome, the government underwent its second major change. The highest authority shifted from two consuls to a group of ten officials known as decemvirs. This change was like the previous transition from kings to consuls. However, it was less significant this time because it didn't last long. The initial excitement of a new government quickly turned into excessive luxury, which then led to its downfall. At that point, the government returned to the previous system, where two consuls held the highest authority. The ten decemvirs appointed were Appius Claudius, Titus Genucius, Publius Sestius, Lucius Veturius, Gaius Julius, Aulus Manlius, Publius Sulpicius, Publius Curiatius, Titus Romilius, and Spurius Postumius. As Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius had been elected to serve as consuls, they were given the honor of being a decemvir as compensation. Publius Sestius, a consul from the previous year, was also included because he had originally proposed this change to the Senate against his colleague's wishes. Three of the decemvirs were from the ambassadors who had traveled to Athens. Their knowledge of foreign laws was considered useful for creating a set of new laws. The remaining four members to complete the group were chosen from older individuals, as they were less likely to strongly oppose the views of others. Appius Claudius was given overall control of the government due to his popularity among the plebeians. He had transformed from being a cruel and savage prosecutor of the plebeians to being their protector and seeking their approval on all matters. The decemvirs rotated daily, each serving justice to the plebeians every tenth day. On these days, the decemvir who acted as chief justice was accompanied by twelve lictors, while his nine colleagues had one lictor each. Despite their unanimous decisions, which could sometimes be harmful to the governed, the decemvirs showed the utmost fairness to others. For example, even though the decemvirs were appointed without the right to appeal their judgment, when a dead body was dug up in the house of Publius Sestius, a decemvir and a patrician, he was brought before the assembly as the man's guilt was just as clear as the crime was horrific. Gaius Julius, one of the decemvirs, set a trial date for Sestius. Julius acted as the prosecutor, even though he had the right to act as sole judge. Instead, he surrendered as judge, thereby placing his power back in the hands of the people.

3.34 Both the highest and lowest in society experienced fair and prompt justice from the decemvirs, as if it were delivered by an oracle. The decemvirs then focused on drafting the laws. With great public anticipation, they posted the laws which were inscribed on ten tables and called the people to a special assembly for this purpose. The decemvirs told everyone to go and read the proposed laws, intended to be good for all, auspicious, and prosperous for the state, the people, and their future generations. Called the Laws of Ten Tables, they had, as far as the talents of ten men could provide, equalized the rights of all, regardless of their social status. The decemvirs felt that the combined intelligence and counsels of many men carry more weight, so they encouraged everyone to think about each law, discuss it amongst themselves, and bring any matter forward that might be added or subtracted for public debate. The goal was to create laws that the Roman people would not only approve by consensus but also feel as if they had proposed it themselves. Once the laws were adjusted according to public opinion, the Laws of Ten Tables were passed by the Assembly of Centuries. Even in the mass of legislation today, where laws are piled one upon another in a confused heap, the Laws of Ten Tables remain the foundation of all public and private law. Then a rumor spread that two tables were still needed, and their addition would complete the entire body of Roman law. As the election day approached, this expectation to add the missing two tables led to a desire to appoint the decemvirs again. The plebeians, who now disliked the title of "consul" as much as they disliked the title of "king", felt they didn't need the help of the tribunes, as the decemvirs allowed appeals from one to another.

3.35 When it was announced that election for the decemvirs for the second time would be in ‘market days' away or twenty-four days, a strong desire for power emerged. The most influential men in the state began to campaign for the position, humbly asking for the support of the same plebeians they had often clashed with. I think these men feared that if they didn't fill these powerful posts, they would be filled by men who weren't worthy of them. The risk of losing his position, despite his past honors and age, motivated Appius Claudius, as one of the decemvirs, to begin acting more like someone campaigning for the role than someone who already held it. It was hard to tell if he was a decemvir or a candidate. Claudius criticized the patricians and praised every minor and humble plebeian candidate. He was often seen flitting around the Forum in the company of former tribunes like the Duillii and the Icilii and used their influence to sell himself to the plebeians. Claudius' own colleagues, who had previously been loyal to him, started to question his intentions, wondering what he was up to. His sudden friendliness and humility appeared so insincere that they suspected he had some ulterior motive. He was keeping himself under control and lowering himself too much among the plebeians that it seemed he wasn't in a hurry to leave office but, instead, was looking for ways to stay in power. Not daring to openly oppose his ambition, however, they decided to soften it by humoring him, letting him preside over the elections, as he was the youngest. This was a trick which they thought would prevent Appius Claudius from appointing himself, a move that had never been done, except by the plebeian tribunes, and even then, only as a very bad precedent. However, Appius Claudius, assuring all that he would conduct the elections properly, saw this obstacle as an opportunity and used it to his advantage. By manipulating a political coalition he managed to block the election of the two Quinctii, Capitolinus and Cincinnatus, and his own uncle, Gaius Claudius, who was one of the staunchest supporters of the patricians, as well as other citizens of high rank. He then helped elect decemvirs who were far from being his equals either socially or politically, appointing himself first of all. This was a move that was heavily criticized by honorable men, who didn't think he would have the audacity to do it. With him were elected, from the patricians, Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis, Marcus Sergius Esquilinus, Lucius Minucius Esquilinus, and Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, and, from the plebeians, Quintus Poetelius, Titus Antonius Merenda, Caeso Duillius Longus, Spurius Oppius Cornicen, and Manius Rabuleius.

3.36 This marked the end of Appius Claudius pretending to be someone he wasn't. From this point forward, he started to live according to his true nature and began to mold his new colleagues to match his character before they took office. The newly elected men had private meetings, daily, away from all witnesses. Then, equipped with their plans for unchecked power, which they developed in absolute secrecy, they stopped hiding their arrogance about it. They made themselves hard to get access to and those who did get access to them were given an unfriendly reception. They dragged things out until the fifteenth of May, which was the traditional time for the magistrates to start their office. Upon assuming office, the new decemvirs made the first day memorable by creating a scene of great fear. The previous decemvirs had followed the rule that the one person who was in charge that day would have twelve lictors with fasces. Instead, now every decemvir had his own twelve lictors and his own fasces. A total of one-hundred and twenty lictors crowded the Forum, each carrying fasces with axes bound in. The decemvirs explained that the axes should not be removed, since the office they had created was without the right of appeal. To the people, however, it looked like there were ten kings now. Fear spread not only among the plebeians but also among the leading patricians. They suspected a pretext for bloodshed was being sought. If anyone spoke in defense of freedom, either in the Senate or at a public meeting, the fasces would immediately be brought out to intimidate them. In addition to the plebeians having no protection now that the right to appeal was abolished, the decemvirs had also agreed not to interfere with each other's sentencing. The previous decemvirs had allowed their legal decisions to be appealed to a colleague, and had referred some matters, which seemed to be outside their own judgment, to the plebeians. For a while, the fear terrorized all classes equally. Gradually, it began to focus solely on the plebeians. The patricians were left alone, while the lower classes were treated lustfully and cruelly. The people were judged based on who they were, not the merits of their case. Judgments were made in private and then announced in the Forum. If a plebeian appealed to a decemvir's colleague, they were left in such a state that they wished they had accepted the original sentence. There was also a rumor, without any proof, that the decemvirs had conspired to maintain their tyranny not just for the present, but for the future as well. It was said that the decemvirs had secretly sworn an oath not to hold elections and to keep the decemvirs in power indefinitely.

3.37 The plebeians started to observe the faces of the patricians closely. They hoped to gain an understanding about the threat of slavery that had led the Republic to its current state. The influential members of the Senate now despised both the decemvirs as well as the plebeians. They didn't agree with what was going on but believed that the plebeians deserved what they received. The patricians didn't want to help those who, in their rush for freedom, had ended up enslaving themselves. They even piled on more troubles for the plebeians, hoping that their exhaustion with the current situation would make them long for the return of two consuls and the former state of things. Most of the year had passed, and two more sets of laws had been added to the ten sets from the previous year and there was no longer anything left to do. If these additional laws were also approved in the Centuriate Assembly, there would be no need for the decemvirs to continue. The patricians were eagerly waiting to see when the elections to appoint consuls would be announced. The plebeians were trying to figure out how to bring back the power of the tribunes, their safeguard of freedom, which had been discontinued for a long time. As time passed, no mention was made of the elections. The decemvirs, who had initially presented themselves to the plebeians while surrounded by popular ex-tribunes, now protected themselves by gathering young patricians around them. These bands of young patricians crowded the courts, overpowering the space. They controlled and directed the affairs of the plebeians, since they were backed by the decemvirs. Whatever they desired, they took, as they were the more powerful. By now, even the people's backs were not safe: some were beaten with rods, others were beheaded. And to make sure the cruelty was not without profit; the execution of the property owner was followed by the confiscation of his property. Corrupted by such rewards, the young patricians not only didn't resist the injustice of the decemvirs but openly stated that they preferred their own unrestrained freedom rather than the liberty of all.

3.38 The fifteenth of May came and went. The decemvirs' term of office had expired. However, no new election of officials had taken place. The decemvirs were now considered ordinary citizens but they continued as decemvirs, continuing to assert their authority and flaunting the symbols of power. It seemed like a form of royal oppression. Freedom was mourned as if it were gone forever, with no one stepping up to fight for it. This despair wasn't only felt by the citizens themselves, but also by neighboring states who looked down upon them, outraged that power could exist where freedom was lost. The Sabines, with a large army, invaded Roman territory and caused widespread destruction, taking away both men and livestock as spoils with no one to stop them. They then withdrew the army, which had ranged far and wide, to Eretum. There they set up camp, hoping that the lack of harmony in Rome would stop the draft and prevent the formation of a Roman army. Not only did the news spread of this invasion, but the flight of the country people into and through the city also caused panic. The decemvirs, with no support from either patrician or plebeian, were uncertain about what to do. The plebeians and patricians were further alarmed by another disaster. The Aequians, from the opposite side, set up camp at Algidum, and from there were making raids into the Tusculan territory. Ambassadors from Tusculum came asking for help from Rome, reporting that their land was being ravaged. Fear struck the decemvirs so deeply that, with two wars surrounding the City, they resolved to consult the Senate. They ordered the senators to be summoned to the Curia, knowing they would face a storm of anger and expecting to be blamed for the destruction of the land and other impending dangers. They also understood that there would be attempts to abolish their rule unless they resisted unanimously and actively suppressed any aggressive attempts using force, if necessary. When the voice of the herald announced in the Forum that the senators were to meet in the Curia before the decemvirs, it caught the attention of the plebeians as if it were a new thing. They were surprised, as the decemvirs had long since neglected the customary consultation of the Senate. The astonished plebeians wondered why the decemvirs were resuming a forgotten practice after such a long time. The plebeians, for once, were grateful to both the enemy and their wars for bringing back some semblance of their former free state. The people searched for a senator in the Forum but found few. The plebeians then noticed the Curia and saw the decemvirs were surrounded by emptiness, as both they themselves and the plebeians acknowledged the unpopularity of their rule; and the plebeians, interpreting this to mean that private citizens had no right to summon the Senate, believed the senators were not gathering in protest. Already, they thought, a leader was emerging for those seeking to reclaim liberty. The plebeians, watching this, began to murmur to themselves about joining the Senate's rebellion. If the senators wouldn't gather for the Senate, so too would they reject the military draft. Not only were there were no senators in the Forum, but also there were few senators to be found in the City. Disgusted with the situation, the senators had long since retreated to their country homes to focus on their own affairs, as their own public role had been lost. They were distancing themselves from injustice as much as they were distancing themselves from the company and contact of lawless rulers. When the summoned senators continued to ignore orders to assemble, the decemvirs sent messengers to their homes to impose penalties for non-attendance and find out whether their absence was intentional or not. The messengers brought back the news: the senators were, indeed, out in the countryside. The decemvirs gave them the benefit of the doubt; being out in the country was a much better outcome than being inside the City and outright rejecting them. They ordered all the senators to be summoned for a meeting the next day. The meeting was attended by more senators than even the decemvirs, themselves, had expected. It made the plebeians feel that their freedom was being betrayed. They saw that the senators had obeyed the orders of the decemvirs, whom they viewed as having left the office and were ordinary citizens. With no visible use of force, the senators were now giving the decemvirs the right to command them as if being compelled by law.

3.39 The senators demonstrated more in obedience than servility in attending the meeting in the Curia, as we have heard accounts say. It's remembered that Lucius Valerius Potitus, after a proposal had been introduced by Appius Claudius, but before formal votes were taken in order, demanded to speak on the state of the nation first. When the decemvirs tried to silence him with threats, he declared that he would take his case to the plebeians, which created quite an uproar. We also know that Marcus Horatius Barbatus showed equal courage in going into battle against the decemvirs by calling them "ten Tarquins" and reminding them that the Valerii and Horatii had driven out the kings. At that time the plebeians weren't disgusted by the name "king," he said. After all, it was commonly used to refer to Jupiter Optimus Maximus and it was the word by which Romulus, the City's founder, and his successors were also known. The word was even preserved in religious ceremonies. Instead, what the plebeians despised was the pride, violence, and atrocities of the king. If such behavior was unacceptable in a king, or even in a king's son, why should it be tolerated in the ex-decemvirs who are now private citizens? By suppressing free speech in the Senate, the decemvirs might force louder voices expressing their concerns outside the Senate. And why did he have less right, as a private citizen, to call the plebeians to an assembly than for the decemvirs, who were now private citizens, to summon the Senate? The decemvirs should test, whenever they wish, how much stronger the people's desire to defend their freedom is, than the decemvirs' desire to defend unjust domination. The decemvirs referred to the Sabine war as if there were any war more important for the Roman plebeians to fight than a war with those who, elected to create laws, were lawless themselves and had stripped away everything of legal authority in the state. They had abolished annual elections, the annual magistrates, and the regular succession of rulers, which was the only way to ensure equal liberty. Why, despite being private citizens, did the decemvirs still hold the fasces and the power of despotic kings? After the kings were expelled, the magistrates appointed were patricians, and later, following the plebeians' secession, plebeian magistrates were appointed. Which group did the decemvirs belong to? Were they plebeians or patricians? If they were plebeians, what had the decemvirs ever done with the plebeians' approval? If they were patricians, why had they not convened a Senate meeting for almost a year? And now that they have, they prevent anyone from sharing their views on the political situation. Don't place too much reliance on other men's fear, Horatius said. The hardships men were currently enduring are far greater than any they may fear in the future.

3.40 While Marcus Horatius was calling them out like this, the decemvirs were paralyzed with indecision about which reaction they could afford to make. Should they be angry and resistant or simply overlook what was being said? They couldn't predict the outcome of the situation. During this time, Gaius Claudius, the uncle of Appius Claudius, the decemvir, made a speech that sounded more like a prayer than an argument. He asked Appius, by the spirits of his brother and Appius' father, to remember the civil society he was born into, rather than the dishonest agreement he had made with his colleagues. Gaius Claudius made this plea more for Appius' sake than for the good of the City. He believed the City would fight for its rights with or without the decemvirs' cooperation. He warned that great conflicts often lead to great anger and it was outcome from that anger that he worried about. Even though the decemvirs ordered the Senate to only discuss the topic they had presented, they respected Gaius Claudius too much to interrupt him. He ended his speech by offering a resolution that no decree should be passed by the Senate. Everyone understood this to mean that Claudius considered the decemvirs to be private citizens. Many of the consular rank verbally agreed with him. Another suggestion was made that seemed harsher but was less effective. It called for the patricians to gather to elect an interrex. By making any decision, they acknowledged that the decemvirs who called the Senate meeting were some sort of magistrates; whereas the decemvirs had been rated as mere citizens when Claudius suggested that no decision should be made. With the decemvirs' cause already collapsing, Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis, the brother of Decemvir Marcus Cornelius, and one of the ex-consuls who was saved for last among the consular men to end the debate, began to speak. He defended his brother and his colleagues by pretending to care about the war. Cornelius wondered why the decemvirs were being attacked by the very men who had sought that office. Why had no one raised any objections for so many months when the city had been empty, and no leaders or lawful magistrates had presided over important affairs? Why were they causing political conflict now as to who the lawful magistrates were, when the enemy was almost at the gate? Unless, of course, they thought that in the current danger, their actions would be less noticeable. Couldn't it wait until later, during the many months when the state wasn't busy, since such important questions can't be judged while minds are preoccupied with greater matters? The issue Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius raised, alleging that the decemvirs had left office before the fifteenth of May, should be discussed in the Senate after the impending wars were over and peace had been restored. Appius Claudius should be prepared to explain the election of the decemvirs, whether they were elected for one year or until the missing laws were approved. All other issues should be put aside for now, except for the war, he said. If they believed the reports about the war were false and that not only messengers but also Tusculan ambassadors had brought inaccurate news, they should send scouts to get more accurate information. If they believed the reports and the ambassadors, they should start recruiting soldiers as soon as possible. The decemvirs should lead the armies wherever they thought was best. No other issue should be more important than this one.

3.41 The younger senators prevailed in support of this proposal. But Valerius and Horatius, with increased intensity, loudly demanded the right to speak about public matters. They threatened to go straight to the public if they weren't allowed speak in the Senate through partisan obstruction or conspiracy. Private individuals, whether in the Senate or in the assembly, couldn't stop them, and they wouldn't give in to the fasces of an imaginary authority. Appius Claudius interrupted the outbursts, realizing that he needed to fight back with equal intensity as his authority was in jeopardy. "It'll be better," he said, "to not speak about any subject except the one we're considering now." He ordered a lictor to approach Valerius, who was declaring he would not allow a private citizen to silence him. Valerius ran to the threshold of the Senate, imploring the Quirites to protect him. Lucius Cornelius immediately got up and threw his arms around Appius, pretending to side with Valerius and thus broke up the dispute. At Cornelius' request, Lucius Valerius was allowed to speak his mind, but this freedom didn't go beyond the walls of the Senate, and the decemvirs achieved their goal. Despite their issues with the decemvirs, the consulars and elder senators still resented the power of the tribunes. They saw that the plebeians desired the tribunes' power more than the consuls' power. The consulars and elder senators preferred that the decemvirs voluntarily give up their office in the future rather than the hatred of them should lead to an another uprising by the plebeians. They hoped that if the issue were handled gently, it might return the consuls to power without public unrest. The plebeians then might forget their tribunes, either due to wars or the consuls' moderate use of their power. A draft was announced with no objection of the Senate. Since the government held power without the right of appeal against the command, the young men responded to their names. After enlisting the legions, the decemvirs decided who would lead the armies and who would protect the City. The most influential decemvirs were Quintus Fabius and Appius Claudius. These two decemvirs faced a more significant conflict at home than abroad. It was thought that Appius Claudius' violence was better suited to quell disturbances in the City. They chose Spurius Oppius to assist Appius Claudius in protecting the City, with authority to coordinate with equal authority among all the decemvirs. Quintus Fabius' character was seen as being more inclined to evil pursuits than good ones. He was once a distinguished leader both domestically and in the military, but the decemvirate and bad influence from his colleagues had changed him to be more like Appius rather than himself. He was given the war against the Sabines, with colleagues Manius Rabuleius and Quintus Poetelius accompanying him. Marcus Cornelius was sent to Algidum with Lucius Menucius, Titus Antonius, Caeso Duillius, and Marcus Sergius.

3.42 The military operations were no more successful in the wars with the Sabines and Aequians than domestic administration was. The only mistake made by the decemvirs was that they had made themselves despised by their fellow citizens. Otherwise, the blame rested entirely with the soldiers. The soldiers allowed themselves to be defeated to ensure that no mission would succeed under the leadership of the decemvirs, to their own humiliation and that of the decemvirs. The Roman armies were defeated by the Sabines at Eretum and by the Aequians at Algidum. After fleeing from Eretum under the cover of night, the Romans arrived at a previously fortified camp between Fidenae and Crustumerium, closer to Rome. The Roman soldiers didn't engage the Sabines who pursued them, but instead fortified the camp using the natural advantages of the high ground and entrenchments to protect them, not their courage or weapons. In Algidum, the Romans suffered greater humiliation and defeat by the Aequians, even going so far as to lose their camp. The Roman soldiers, devoid of all their equipment, sought refuge in Tusculum, relying on the goodwill and mercy of their hosts for survival, which they did receive. The news that reached Rome was so alarming that, with their hatred for the decemvirs set aside, the senators decided to keep watch in the City. They ordered all those of suitable age to carry arms to stand guard on the City walls and establish outposts at the gates. The senators also decided to send for weapons and reinforcements from Tusculum and for the soldiers to leave the Tusculum citadel and rejoin the troops encamped. The other camp was to be moved from Fidenae into Sabine territory. The hope was that, by striking first, the Sabines would be discouraged from planning an attack on the City.

3.43 To the defeats suffered by the enemy, the decemvirs added two heinous crimes, one abroad and one inside the City. In the Sabine region, a Roman leader named Lucius Siccius was believed to have secretly discussed the decemvirs' envy of tribunes and sowing ideas of secession with a crowd of soldiers. So, as a ruse, the decemvirs sent him ahead to choose a campsite. The soldiers who were sent with him were instructed to attack and kill him whenever the opportunity arose. However, the soldiers didn't kill him without consequences, for some fell around him and died while Siccius, a man of great strength and courage, defended himself. The remaining soldiers returned to the camp and reported that Siccius had been ambushed while fighting bravely, and some soldiers had died with him. At first, everyone believed their story. But later, a cohort of soldiers who had been allowed by the decemvirs to bury the dead noticed that none of the bodies had been stripped of their belongings. And Lucius Siccius was found in the center, surrounded by the bodies of the fallen soldiers, all facing him. There were no Sabine bodies or signs of their retreat. The soldiers brought back Siccius' body, claiming that he had been killed by his own men. The news filled the camp with outrage. There were plans to bring Lucius Siccius' body back to Rome immediately, but the decemvirs quickly arranged a military funeral for him at public expense. He was buried amidst the soldiers' deep sorrow, and the decemvirs' reputation among the plebeians was severely damaged.

3.44 The second terrible act occurred in the City, born out of brutal lust, leading to consequences as tragic as the event that expelled the Tarquins from the City, ending their kingship, due to the rape and violent death of Lucretia. Similarly, the decemvirs lost their power in the same way and for the same reasons as Rome's kings did. Appius Claudius was seized with the lust to rape a young woman of plebeian status named Verginia. The girl's father, Lucius Verginius, was a respected centurion at Algidum, known for his exemplary conduct both at home and in the military. His wife had been educated in the same way and his children were being educated as well. He had promised Verginia in marriage to Lucius Icilius, a tribune known for his keen intelligence and proven bravery in defending the plebeian cause. Consumed by desire for the outstandingly beautiful young adult virgin, Appius Claudius tried to win her over with money and promise of rewards. When he realized that her modesty prevented him from possessing her, he changed his mind to cruel and arrogant violence. He gave the task to his client, Marcus Claudius, to claim the girl as his slave and to resist anyone who might demand her temporary freedom. Appius took this opportunity to take her since her father was away. When the girl came to the Forum, where schools for reading and writing were held in the booths, the agent of the decemvir's lust laid hands on her and called her the daughter of his slave and a slave herself. He ordered her to follow him, threatening to drag her by force her if she resisted. The frightened girl was paralyzed by shock. At the cries of her nurse pleading for help from the Quirites, a crowd gathered. The respected names of her father, Verginius, and her betrothed, Icilius, both popular among the people, were on everyone's lips. Friends came to her aid, won over by their respect for them, while the indignation of the people and their sympathy for the maiden helped her. She was now safe from violence, when Marcus Claudius told the crowd that there was no need for an agitated crowd; he was merely acting within the law, not using force. He summoned the girl to court. Those who were with her advised her to follow him, and they arrived at the court of Appius Claudius. Marcus Claudius repeated the false story to Appius Claudius, now the judge as well as the mastermind of the plot. He claimed that the girl had been born in his house and had been abducted and secretly moved to Verginius' house and had been passed off as the latter's daughter. He claimed that he had solid evidence and would prove it, even if Verginius himself were judge, who would be most affected by the loss. Marcus Claudius argued that it was only fair that the girl should stay with her master in the meantime. The advocates for Verginia argued that Verginius was away on state business, that he would be back in two days if they sent word to him, and that it was unfair for him to risk losing his children while he was away. The advocates asked that the whole matter be postponed until the father's arrival, that the girl be allowed provisional freedom according to the law passed by Appius Claudius himself, and that he should not allow an adult virgin to risk her reputation before her freedom was even judged.

3.45 Appius Claudius began his decree by noting that the law, which Verginia's friends were using as the basis of their request, clearly demonstrated his support for Verginia's freedom. However, he stated that this freedom would only be safeguarded if it didn't change depending on the situation or the people involved. The law, he argued, was valid only for those who were claimed to be free, as anyone could legally represent them. But Verginia was either under her father's control or a slave under the control of her master. She wasn't free and no action to recover her freedom was necessary. Appius decided that Verginia's father should be summoned. In the meantime, Marcus Claudius, the claimant, wouldn't lose his rights and could take the girl with him, promising to bring her back when her father arrived. This decision was met with murmurs of disapproval, but no one dared to openly object. Verginia's uncle, Publius Numitorius, and her betrothed, Lucius Icilius, arrived. The crowd made way for them, thinking that Appius Claudius could be best opposed by Icilius. When Icilius tried to speak, a lictor announced that the matter had been decided and pushed the shouting Icilius aside. Normally calm by nature, but angered by the injustice, Icilius declared, "You'll have to remove me with the point of your sword, Appius, if you expect me to remain silent about what you want kept secret. I'm going to marry this girl, and I'm determined to have a chaste wife. Summon all the lictors of all your colleagues and give orders for the axes and rods to be ready. The betrothed of Icilius shall not remain outside her father's house. Even if you have deprived us of the two citadels of freedom, the aid of our tribunes and the right of appeal to the Roman plebeians, you have no right to our wives and children as the victims of your lust." "Vent your cruelty upon our backs and necks but let female chastity at least be safe! If any violence happens to this girl, I will invoke the aid of the Quirites here for the woman betrothed to me. Lucius Verginius will get aid similarly for his only daughter! We shall all ask for the aid of gods and men, and you'll never carry out this judgment except by our murder. Reflect, Appius. Where are you going with this? When Verginius comes, he must decide what action to take. If he submits to this man's claim, then he must look for another husband for her. As for me, in defense of the freedom of my bride, I'll sooner die than prove disloyal."

3.46 The crowd was now stirred up, and it seemed like a fight was about to break out. The lictors had positioned themselves around Lucius Icilius, but they didn't take any action beyond making threats. Appius said that Lucius Icilius wasn't defending Verginia. Instead, as a restless man with a desire for power, Icilius was merely looking for a reason to cause trouble. He wouldn't give Icilius satisfaction today and wouldn't be giving in to Icilius' demands. Rather, he would honor the absent Verginius and the concept of fatherhood and freedom. Therefore, he wouldn't decide today, nor would he issue a decree. He would ask Marcus Claudius to withdraw his legal claim and allow the girl to remain in provisional custody until the following day. However, if the father didn't show up the next day, he warned Icilius and his supporters, he wouldn't hesitate to enforce his own law and show them that a decemvir would not lack firmness. And he wouldn't need the help of his colleagues' lictors to suppress the agitators; his own lictors would be enough. When the unjust act was postponed and Verginia's supporters had left, it was decided that Icilius' brother and Numitorius' son, both energetic young men, should go straight to the gates of the camp and bring Lucius Verginius as quickly as possible. Verginia's safety depended on him being there the next day to protect her. They quickly left, and riding at full speed delivered the message to her father. Meanwhile, Marcus Claudius was pressuring Icilius to provide sureties that guaranteed the girl's appearance. Icilius told him that was exactly what he was doing, intentionally delaying the proceedings to give the messengers sent to the camp to fetch Verginius enough time for their journey. The crowd raised their hands in support of Icilius, and everyone was ready to vouch for him. With tears in his eyes he said, "I'm so thankful for your help. I'll need your help tomorrow. For now, I have enough sureties." Thus, Verginia was released to her relatives who put up the necessary amount. Not wanting to seem like he was only there for this case, Appius Claudius remained on the bench for a while. When no one else came forward, he went home and wrote to his colleagues at Verginius' camp, instructing them not to give Verginius leave and to keep him under guard. However, this evil plan was too late, as Verginius had already been granted leave and had already left during the first watch of the night. The letter regarding his detention arrived the next morning, but it was too late.

3.47 At dawn in the City, the citizens gathered in the Forum, waiting in anticipation. Lucius Verginius, dressed in mourning clothes, led his daughter, dressed in tattered clothing, into the Forum. They were accompanied by a group of matrons and a large number of supporters. Lucius Verginius began to move among the people and to detain individuals, asking for their help. He didn't just request their assistance as a favor, but claimed it as his right, reminding them that he fought daily in battle to protect their children and spouses, and that no other man had performed more courageous acts in war than he. What good was it, he asked, if, though the City remained safe, your children should suffer the same fate that would be feared only if the City had been captured? He circulated around the people incessantly, almost speaking in a public address, but he spoke to them one by one. Lucius Icilius used similar arguments, but the women's silent weeping was more powerful than any words. Despite all this, Appius Claudius, driven more by madness of lust than love, took his place on the judge's stand. Marcus Claudius, the man working for Appius and falsely claiming the girl, began to complain that he hadn't received justice the day before due to partiality. Before he could complete his request or Verginius could be given a chance to respond, Appius interrupted. The introduction to what was said next, his judgement, may have been recorded accurately by ancient authors, but because I find no likely introduction for such a disgraceful matter, it seems best to simply state the fact that no one disputes: Appius Claudius declared the girl a slave. At first, everyone was shocked by this outrageous act, and a silence fell over the crowd. When Marcus Claudius pushed through the crowd and tried to take the girl, the women surrounding her began to cry out in sorrow. Verginius, pointing threateningly at Appius, declared, "It's to Icilius and not to you, Appius, that I've betrothed my daughter; I've brought her up for marriage, not for rape. Are you determined to satisfy your brutal lust and rush promiscuously into intercourse just like cattle and wild beasts? Whether these people will put up with this, I don't know, but I hope that those who possess weapons will refuse to do so." When Marcus Claudius was pushed back by the crowd of matrons and supporters surrounding her, the herald called for silence.

3.48 Appius Claudius, his mind still consumed by lust, claimed that he had hard evidence of a planned rebellion. This evidence came not only from these harsh words of Lucius Icilius and the actions of Lucius Verginius, which were witnessed by all of Rome, but also from other, reliable sources. He learned that secret meetings were held throughout the night to incite a rebellion. In fact, he brought armed soldiers with him, not to harm peaceful citizens, but to punish those who threatened the peace of the state." "Therefore, it's better to be quiet," he said. "Lictor, remove the crowd and clear the way for the master to seize the slave!" After he finished his rage-filled words, the crowd itself moved aside of its own accord, and the girl stood abandoned, a prey to injustice. Then Verginius, seeing no help anywhere, said, "I beg you, Appius, first forgive my fatherly grief if I've spoken to you harshly; and then allow me to question the nurse in front of the virgin to understand what this is all about, so that if I've been falsely called her father, I may leave here with a clear conscience." After getting permission, he took Verginia and the nurse aside to the booths near the Temple of Cloacina, now known as the New Booths. There, he grabbed a knife from a butcher and plunged the knife into Verginia's breast saying, "This is the only way I can ensure your freedom." Then, looking back at the tribunal, he cursed Appius Claudius saying, "By this blood, Appius, I devote your head to the gods of vengeance." Appius, shocked by the horrific act, immediately ordered Verginius to be arrested. But Verginius, armed with the knife, made a path through the crowd protected by a large group of sympathizers until he reached the gate and escaped. Icilius and Numitorius picked up Verginia's lifeless body and showed it to the people, lamenting Appius' wicked crime, the girl's tragic beauty, and the desperate act of her father. Everyone was affected. The matrons in the crowd cried out, asking if this was the price of raising children and the reward for maintaining their chastity. Their grief was intense, and their words were deeply moving. The voices of the men, led by Icilius, focused their anger on the abolition of the tribune power, the loss of their right to appeal, and their indignation at the disrespect shown to the state.

3.49 The crowd was stirred up, partly by the horrific nature of the act and partly by the opportunity of regaining their freedom. Appius then commanded Lucius Icilius to be brought before him, and when he refused to come, ordered him to be arrested. Eventually, when the lictors couldn't get to him, Appius himself, accompanied by a group of young patricians, entered the crowd and ordered the lictors to drag Icilius to prison in chains. By now, not only the crowd, but also Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, the leaders of the crowd, stood by Icilius. They pushed back the lictors of the decemvirs, declaring that if Appius was acting legally, Lucius Icilius was a private citizen, and they had a right to defend him. If Appius wanted to use force, they would be a good match for him. This led to a violent struggle. The lictors of the decemvir attacked Valerius and Horatius, but the crowd smashed the lictors' fasces. Appius Claudius climbed the tribunal steps to address the people, followed by Horatius and Valerius. The assembly listened to Horatius and Valerius but drowned out the voice of Appius Claudius with their shouts when he tried to speak. And now, as if already exercising lawful authority, Valerius then ordered the lictors to leave Lucius Icilius and cease guarding Appius Claudius, as he was merely a private citizen. Appius Claudius, his spirit broken and now fearing for his life, ran into a house near the Forum, his head covered with his toga, where he hid from his opponents. Spurius Oppius, trying to help Appius, as he was his colleague, burst into the Forum from the other side. He saw the authority of the decemvirs being overpowered by the force of the people. Distracted by conflicting advice coming from many sides, he hesitated. Finally, he ordered the Senate to be convened. This calmed the plebeians, as they knew the actions of the decemvirs were disliked by most of the senators, and the plebeians hoped that the Senate would end the power of the decemvirs. The Senate decided that the plebeians shouldn't be provoked and, even more urgently, that precautions should be taken not to cause any disturbance in the army when Verginius returned to the camp.

3.50 Some of the younger patricians were sent to the camp on Mount Vecilius, tasked with informing the three decemvirs who were in command that the decemvirs were to prevent the soldiers from rebelling by all means. However, when he arrived back at camp, Verginius caused an even greater commotion than the one he left in the City. He was seen coming with a force of nearly four-hundred men from Rome who joined him as companions from the City, inflamed by the indignity of the affair. His bloody appearance, still gripping the knife, alarmed the soldiers. Moreover, the sight of so many togas seen in the camp created the appearance of a much larger City crowd than it actually was. When asked what had happened, Verginius wept. He was too upset to say anything. Finally, when the noise of the approaching crowd subsided and there was silence, he explained everything in the order that it had happened. Holding his hands out to appeal, he pleaded with his fellow soldiers not to blame him for the crime committed by Appius Claudius or shun him as a murderer. He said that his daughter's life would have been dearer to him if she had been allowed to live free and chaste. When he saw her being dragged off for the sole purpose of raping her like a slave, he considered it better for her to die than to suffer for the rest of her life. His feeling of pity led him into a semblance of cruelty. He would have taken his own life too, if he hadn't had the hope of avenging her death with the help of his fellow soldiers. For they, too, have daughters, sisters, and wives. Raping his daughter wouldn't have quenched Appius Claudius' lust. His lawlessness would continue if he knew he could continue to get away with it in the future without any punishment. This calamity would serve as a warning to the men listening, so that they could avoid similar injustices. As for himself, his wife was deceased, and his daughter, since she wouldn't live any longer in chastity, had met a miserable but honorable death. There was no longer anyone in his home for Appius Claudius' lust: he would defend himself with the same spirit with which he defended his daughter. Others, he said, should take care of themselves and their own children similarly. As Verginius shouted this, the crowd responded with a promise to support Verginius, pledging that they wouldn't fail to avenge his grief or assert their own freedom. The toga-wearing citizens mixed with the soldiers and shared their own stories of outrageous occurrences in Rome, further fueling the soldiers' anger and a general impression that the decemvirs' power had already been overthrown in Rome. Then others claimed that Appius had been nearly killed and had gone into exile. This caused a call to arms, urging standards to be taken out and a march back to Rome. The three decemvirs, disturbed both by what they saw and by what they heard had happened in Rome, dispersed in different directions within the camp to calm the disturbances. As long as they spoke in a mildly reproaching manner, they were met with no response. If they tried to speak with authority, the soldiers responded, "We are men and we are armed." The army marched in formation to Rome and positioned themselves on the Aventine Hill, urging the plebeians, as they fell in with them, to reclaim their freedom and elect plebeian tribunes. No calls for violence were heard. In response, Spurius Oppius called the Senate together. The Senate decided not to take harsh action, recognizing that the decemvirs were to blame for the rebellion. With the Senate's authority, three former consuls, Spurius Tarpeius, Gaius Julius, and Publius Sulpicius were sent as ambassadors to inquire by whose order the camp had been deserted, what was their intention in occupying the Aventine Hill, armed, as though they had taken their own City in war while enemies still remained outside. There was no lack of answers. There was a lack of someone to give a response, as there was no clear leader yet or no one was sufficiently daring to offer themselves up. Finally, the multitude shouted that Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius should be sent to them: they would give their response to these men.

3.51 Having dismissed the ambassadors, Lucius Verginius spoke to the soldiers. He reminded them that just minutes earlier they had struggled with a relatively simple issue because they lacked leadership. Their solution, while not bad, was more the result of chance than a well-thought-out plan. Verginius suggested that the soldiers elect ten people to lead them, and that these leaders should be given military authority under the title of "military tribunes". When the soldiers offered him the honor of being one of the military tribunes, Verginius declined. "Save your high opinion of me for a better time, for your sake and mine. I can't accept any honor until my daughter is avenged. In the current chaotic situation, it wouldn't be helpful for you to have leaders who are targets of political hatred. If I can be useful to you, I will serve just as well as a private citizen." The soldiers then elected ten military tribunes. Meanwhile, the Roman army sent to fight the Sabines was also active. There, Lucius Icilius and Publius Numitorius led a rebellion against those decemvirs. The soldiers, still angry about the murder of Lucius Siccius, were further enraged by the recent news of a brutal attack on a young virgin so shamefully pursued for lust. When Icilius heard that the troops with Verginius on Mount Aventine had elected their own ten military tribunes, he worried that the plebeians might follow their example and elect the same people as plebeian tribunes. Skilled in popular politics and aspiring to that very office himself, he made sure that his own soldiers elected ten military tribunes with equal authority before going to Rome. The soldiers then entered the City through the Colline Gate, under standards in a military formation, and marched through the heart of the City to the Aventine Hill. There, they joined the other army and asked the twenty military tribunes to choose two of them to be the main commanders. They chose Marcus Oppius and Sextus Manilius. The Senate, fearing for the safety of Rome, met every day but spent more time arguing than making decisions. The decemvirs were charged with the murder of Siccius, the lust of Appius Claudius, and the disgrace of the military failures. The patricians decided that the ambassadors, Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, should go to the Aventine Hill, but Valerius and Horatius refused to go unless the decemvirs laid down the insignia of their office, which had officially ended the previous year. The decemvirs complained that they were being unfairly treated and insisted that they wouldn't resign until the laws for which they had been appointed were passed.

3.52 Marcus Duillius, a former plebeian tribune, told the plebeians that their constant disputes were preventing any work from being done in the Senate. Duillius declared that the Senate wouldn't take their concerns seriously until they saw Rome deserted. He suggested the plebeians move from the Aventine Hill, inside Rome, to the Sacred Mount outside the City. Duillius thought that the Sacred Mount would remind them of the plebeians' past determination and that the Senate would realize that harmony couldn't be restored without reinstating the tribune's power. Following this advice, the armies set off along the Nomentan Way, then known as the Ficulan Road, and set up camp on the Sacred Mount. They committed no acts of violence and showed restraint, following the example of their ancestors. The plebeians followed the army, with only those too old to travel staying behind. Their wives and children accompanied them, miserably asking who could protect them in a city where neither chastity nor freedom was respected. When everything in Rome had become desolate and unfamiliar due to the unusual solitude, there was no one in the Forum except for a few old men. The Forum had certainly appeared deserted when the senators were summoned to the Senate. There were many others besides Horatius and Valerius who protested. "What are you waiting for, senators?" they cried. "If the decemvirs don't end their stubbornness, will you let everything collapse and burn down? What power do you hold, decemvirs, if you only rule over empty buildings? Are you not embarrassed that there are more of your lictors than citizens in togas in the Forum? What will you do if an enemy approaches the City? What if the plebeians return armed? Do you plan to end your rule with the fall of the City?" "You can either not have plebeians or have plebeians and accept their tribunes. You can't have both. We would rather do without our patrician magistrates than they without their plebeian magistrates. The plebeians took this power from our ancestors when it was offered, new and untested; the plebeians won't tolerate losing it now that they have experienced its benefits, especially since we haven't used our power moderately, so the plebeians need the help of the tribunes." When these arguments were made from all sides, the decemvirs, overwhelmed by the unanimous opinion, agreed to step down and submit to the authority of the Senate. The decemvirs only asked for one thing, and it was also a warning: they wanted protection from the anger of the plebeians. If the patricians allowed them to shed the blood of the decemvirs, it set precedent that the same could be done to the patricians.

3.53 Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius were sent as ambassadors to negotiate with the plebeians and resolve their differences. They were also tasked with protecting the decemvirs from the anger and potential violence of the crowd. The plebeians welcomed them into the camp with great rejoicing, recognizing them as champions of liberty both at the start of the disturbance and in its aftermath. Valerius and Horatius were thanked upon their arrival, with Lucius Icilius speaking on behalf of the multitude. When the negotiations began, the ambassadors again asked what the plebeians wanted. Icilius, who had already formed a council before the arrival of the ambassadors, made it clear that the plebeians were relying more on the justice of their cause than on force. The plebeians wanted the return of the tribunes and the right of appeal, which had been their safeguards before the decemvirs were appointed. They also wanted assurance that no one would be punished for encouraging the soldiers or the plebeians to reclaim their freedom by secession. Their only excessive demand was for the punishment of the decemvirs; the plebeians wanted them handed over and threatened to burn them alive. To these proposals, the ambassadors replied: "The demands you have made are so reasonable that they should have been granted voluntarily. You seek assurances of liberty, not permission to attack others. But your anger is more to be forgiven rather than to be indulged, since hatred of cruelty is pushing you into cruelty, and almost before you're free yourselves, you're seeking to dominate your adversaries." "Will there never be a time when our state will be free from executions inflicted either by the patricians on the Roman plebeians or by the plebeians on the patricians? You need a shield (protection) rather than a sword (aggression). It should be more than sufficient for a common citizen to live enjoying equal rights in the state without causing or suffering harm. Even if you are to become feared one day, when you have regained your magistrates and laws and have the authority to judge us on our lives and fortunes, you'll then decide each case according to its merits. For now, it's enough to recover your liberty."

3.54 When the plebeians unanimously gave the ambassadors freedom to act as they saw fit, the ambassadors promised to return quickly once they had settled matters. The ambassadors then departed and explained the plebeians' message to the patricians. The other decemvirs, surprised that there was no talk of any kind of punishment, contrary to their expectations, didn't object to anything. Appius Claudius, measuring the hatred of others by his own hatred toward them, knew that he and his hard-hearted nature were particularly disliked. He anticipated the hostility toward him, saying, "I know what awaits me. I understand that the fight against us is postponed until we hand over our weapons. The plebeians' anger will demand a sacrifice. So, I'm ready to give up my position as decemvir." The Senate then passed a decree. The decemvirs were to resign immediately. Quintus Furius, the Pontifex Maximus, was to hold an election for plebeian tribunes. No one was to be punished for the soldiers and plebeians' secession. After these decrees were passed and the Senate was dismissed, the decemvirs formally resigned their positions in front of the assembly, to the great joy of all. The news was reported back to the plebeians on the Sacred Mount, and whomever remained inside the City escorted the ambassadors back to the camp where they were met by a happy crowd. The restoration of freedom and unity to the state was at hand. The ambassadors then addressed the people: "Prosperity, favor, and good fortune to you and the Republic! Return to your homes, your household gods, your wives, and your children. And just as you showed discipline in the camp, where no one's land was violated despite your great needs, bring that same discipline with you into the City. Go back to the Aventine Hill, where you started. In that auspicious place, where you first sought freedom, you'll elect plebeian tribunes. The Pontifex Maximus will be there to hold the elections." The plebeians agreed and were overjoyed. They quickly uprooted their standards and headed for Rome, celebrating with everyone they met. In silence, the people marched under arms through the City until they reached the Aventine Hill. There, the Pontifex Maximus immediately held the election of the plebeian tribunes. They elected Lucius Verginius, Lucius Icilius, and Publius Numitorius, the uncle of Verginia, as their tribunes. They were the ones who organized the secession. Then they elected Gaius Sicinius, the son of the first tribune elected on the Sacred Mount, and Marcus Duillius, who had been a distinguished tribune before the decemvirs were created and always supported the plebeians during the decemvirs' disputes. Marcus Titinius, Marcus Pomponius, Gaius Apronius, Publius Villius, and Gaius Oppius were elected based on hope for their future usefulness rather than past service. Once the election was over, Lucius Icilius proposed to the plebeians, and the plebeians agreed, that no one should be harmed because of the secession from the decemvirs. Promptly, Marcus Duillius then proposed a measure to elect consuls with the right of appeal. All these measures were passed in an assembly of the plebeians in the Flaminian Meadows, now known as the Circus Flaminius.

3.55 Then, through an interrex, Lucius Valerius Publicola and Marcus Horatius Turrinus were chosen as consuls. The consuls began their duties immediately. Their leadership was popular among the plebeians, though not by the patricians even though no injustice was inflicted upon them. The patricians felt that any measures taken to protect the freedom of the plebeians reduced their own power. The first issue was whether patricians were legally obligated to follow rules made by the plebeians' assembly [a plebiscite]. Consul Valerius and Consul Horatius proposed a law at the Comitia Centuriata: decisions made in the assembly of the plebeians would apply to everyone. The law gave new weapons to the tribunes, now able to propose motions. Another consular law was reinstated and strengthened about the right to appeal, the only true safeguard of liberty, which had been overthrown by the decemvirs' power. They not only restored this right but reinforced it with a new law stating that no magistrate could be elected without the right of appeal. If someone did, it was legal to kill them, and this act wouldn't be considered a capital crime. After strengthening the rights of the plebeians with the right to appeal on one hand and the support of the tribunes on the other, the consuls also protected the tribunes. They revived old ceremonies from long ago to remind plebeians that tribunes were sacred and untouchable, sacrosanct, a memory which was almost forgotten. The consuls made a law stating that tribunes were not only protected by religious sanctions, but by legal penalties, declaring that anyone who harmed a tribune, plebeian aedile, judge or decemvir, his head would be cut off and consecrated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, his property would be sold, and his family would be sold into slavery at the Temples of Ceres, Liber, or Libera. According to legal interpreters this law did not make the magistrates themselves sacred and untouchable, but that whomever harms any of them would have his head cut off and consecrated to Jupiter; thus, it's argued that an aedile could be arrested and imprisoned by higher magistrates, which may be illegal as it isn't permissible to harm an aedile under this law. It is, nevertheless, an argument that the aedile doesn't count as being sacred and untouchable. The old law had sworn that the plebeian tribunes, from the moment they were first appointed, were sacred and untouchable. Some interpreted that, by the same Horatian law, consuls and praetors were also included, as they were elected under the same auspices as the consuls, since the judge was referred to as a consul. This interpretation is refuted, as at that time the consul was not called judge but praetor. These were the consular laws enacted. The same consuls also decided that the Senate's decrees should be kept with the plebeian aediles in the Temple of Ceres. Before this, the consuls could illegally change or hide these decisions. Marcus Duillius, now a plebeian tribune, proposed and carried a law that anyone who left the plebeians without representation by the plebeian tribunes or caused a magistrate to be elected without the right to appeal should be whipped and beheaded. All these changes were made against the wishes of the patricians, but the patricians didn't oppose them because no specific person was targeted.

3.56 The power of the tribunes and the freedom of the plebeians were now firmly in place. The tribunes felt it was safe and the right time to bring charges against individuals. The tribunes chose Lucius Verginius to be the first prosecutor and Appius Claudius as the defendant. Verginius set a date for Appius to appear in court. When Appius arrived at the Forum with a group of young patricians, everyone was reminded of his past abuses of power as they saw him and his bodyguards. Verginius then spoke, "Long speeches are usually used when there is doubt. Therefore, I don't want to waste time talking about Appius' guilt, whose cruelty you yourselves avenged with arms. I also don't want to let Appius defend himself with an impudent defense of his other crimes. Therefore, Appius Claudius, I grant you pardon for all the crimes that you have dared to commit over the past two years, impiously and wickedly. I've decided to focus on one charge against you. Unless you can name a judge to establish your innocence of sentencing a free person to slavery, which is against the law, I shall order you to be taken in chains to prison." Appius had no hope of getting help from the tribunes or the plebeians. He tried to appeal to the tribunes, but no one listened to him. When he was taken by the bailiff, he shouted, "I appeal." Everyone was shocked to hear this phrase, which is usually used to protect freedom, coming from the man who had recently sentenced a free citizen to slavery. The crowd grew silent. Then the plebeians started to grumble to themselves saying that there must be gods after all who care about human affairs. Punishment for tyranny and cruelty may come late, but it's never light. How ironic that Appius Claudius appeals for help when he had destroyed our right to appeal! And he's asking for the plebeians' protection when he had trampled the rights of the people! See how he's being taken to prison without any rights, just like he had sentenced a free person to slavery without the right to defend themselves! Amid the murmurs of the crowd, Appius pleaded for the Roman people to remember his ancestor's service to the state, both at home and in war, and his own unfortunate zeal for the Roman plebeians which caused him to leave the consulship due to the patrician's displeasure, all for the sake of equalizing the laws. He spoke of his own laws, which, while they remain in effect, was leading him to jail. But, when he has a chance to present his case, he will test both his own good and bad deeds. For now, as a Roman citizen, he asked for the right to speak on the appointed day and to appeal to the judgment of the plebeians. He wasn't so afraid of their hatred that he had no hope in the fairness and compassion of his fellow citizens. But if, without a trial, he was taken to prison without being heard, he would again appeal to the tribunes and warn them not to imitate those they hate. If the tribunes admit that they are bound by the same agreement to withdraw the appeal, they are acting just like the decemvirs whom they had accused of eliminating that very right. Therefore, he would then appeal to the people asking for the protection of the laws that had just been passed this year, by both the consuls and tribunes, which had restored the right to appeal. What was the point of an appeal if a man, not yet found guilty, whose cause had not yet been heard, couldn't make it? If he, Appius Claudius, can't find protection in the laws, then what protection would a lowly and humble plebeian have in the laws? His case would show whether the new laws promoted tyranny or freedom, and whether the right to appeal and challenge the injustice of the magistrates was just an empty promise or a real right.

3.57 Lucius Verginius argued that Appius Claudius, as an expert in laws, was the only person who didn't deserve to participate in the laws or in civil or human society. He urged the plebeians to look at the tribunal, a stronghold of all wrongdoings where that perpetual decemvir abused his power by harming the citizens' properties, bodies, and lives. He threatened everyone with his rods and axes, contemptuous of gods and men, surrounded by executioners, not lictors. Appius then shifted his focus from theft and murder to lust, taking a free-born virgin, innocent in the eyes of the Roman people, snatched from her father's arms, treating her like a war prisoner, and gifting her to a personal attendant who would have delivered her to his own bedchamber. He used a cruel and wicked decree to force the girl's father to harm her. He ordered the girl's betrothed and uncle to be taken to prison when they tried to lift her lifeless body. Then, he was more upset about the interruption to his pleasure than her premature death. Finally, he also had a prison built for his own purposes, which he called the "Home of the Roman Plebeians." Therefore, Verginius argued, even if Appius invoked his right to appeal again and again, he would act as judge again and again, unless Appius could prove that he had not awarded custody of a free person into slavery. And if he refuses to go before a judge, he should be taken away in chains to prison as someone who has been found guilty. Appius Claudius was put in prison and, although no one disapproved, the public was greatly affected. The punishment of such a prominent man made the plebeians feel that it was an excessive use of their own freedoms to punish such a powerful man. The tribune set a date for the trial. Meanwhile, ambassadors from the Hernicians and the Latins came to Rome to congratulate them on the harmony between the patricians and plebeians. They brought a small golden crown to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, on the Capitoline Hill as a gift. They weren't wealthy, so they observed the religious rites more piously than magnificently. The ambassadors also reported that the Aequians and Volscians were preparing for war with the utmost force. Accordingly, the consuls were ordered to divide the provinces between them. Marcus Horatius got the Sabines, and Lucius Valerius got the Aequians. When the consuls announced a draft for these wars, the plebeians showed so much goodwill that not only the young men but also many veterans, who had already served their time, volunteered. This made the army stronger in both number and quality with the veterans mixed in. Before they left the City, they had the decemviral laws, known as the "Twelve Tables," engraved on bronze and displayed them publicly. Some plebeians say that the aediles did this by order of the tribunes.

3.58 Gaius Claudius, who had left Rome due to his disgust at the actions of the decemvirs and was particularly offended by the tyrannical conduct and arrogance of his nephew, Appius, returned from his ancestral home in Regillum. Despite his old age, he came back to plead for his nephew, whose behavior he had previously avoided. Disguised and dressed in mourning clothes, he walked around the Forum with his family and clients, asking individual citizens for their support. He pleaded with them not to tarnish the Claudian family's reputation by imprisoning one of their own. He implored them to remember that his nephew, a man whose portrait mask would have been honored by future generations, and who was a sponsor of laws and founder of Roman law, is now chained up like a criminal among nocturnal thieves and bandits. He also asked them to set aside their anger for a moment and to think and reflect on the matter. He asked them to agree to the request of so many Claudii on behalf of this man, and not reject the prayers of many, out of hatred for one. He admitted that he was doing this out of loyalty to his family, and not because he had reconciled with Appius. By courage, they had regained their liberty; by showing mercy, they had the power to establish harmony between the classes. Some plebeians were moved by his devotion to his family, rather than his nephew's plight. With tears in his eyes, Lucius Verginius begged for pity for his daughter and himself and not listen to the prayers of the Claudian family, which had ruled over the plebeians. He urged them to listen to the pleas of the three plebeian tribunes, Verginia's relatives, close friends who were elected to provide aid to the plebeians but now asked for their loyalty and help. Verginius' tears seemed more just. Appius Claudius, having lost hope, committed suicide before the appointed day of his trial had arrived. Soon after, Spurius Oppius, next in unpopularity because he had been in Rome when Appius Claudius made his unjust verdict against Verginia, was arrested by Publius Numitorius. However, Oppius was hated more for his own unjust actions than for not stopping Appius. A witness was brought forward who had served in twenty-seven years of military campaigns and had been decorated eight times for conspicuous bravery. Standing before the people, wearing his decorations, he tore his robe open to show the citizens his back, which was scarred from being lacerated with rods, and challenged Oppius that if he could name one thing he had done wrong to deserve such punishment, he would allow him, without complaint, to vent his anger upon him again. Oppius was also imprisoned and committed suicide before his trial. The tribunes seized the property of Appius Claudius and Spurius Oppius. Their rest of their decemvir colleagues left their homes and went into exile, and their property was also seized. Marcus Claudius, who had claimed Verginia as his property, was found guilty on the day of his trial. But at Verginius' request, the death penalty was cancelled; he was released and went into exile in Tibur. And thus, the spirit of Verginia, more fortunate in death than in life, after roaming through so many households in search of vengeance, finally came to rest, with no guilty party left unpunished.

3.59 The patricians were greatly alarmed. The expressions on the tribunes' faces had become as menacing as those of the decemvirs had been, when Marcus Duillius, a plebeian tribune, wisely intervened to check the growing power. Duillius said, "We have had enough of excessive power and freedom and of the punishments inflicted by our enemies. Therefore, for this year, I won't allow a trial day to be set for anyone, nor will I allow anyone to be taken in chains to jail. I don't want old, forgotten crimes to be brought up again, especially since the recent ones have been paid for with the punishment of the decemvirs. The constant vigilance of both consuls in protecting freedom is enough assurance that nothing will happen that will require tribune intervention." This moderation by the tribune initially removed the fear from the patricians, but it increased the anger toward the consuls. It was evident that the consuls had been so attentive to the plebeians that their care for the safety and freedom of the patricians was secondary to their concern for the plebeian magistrates. Moreover, it seemed that the consuls were more eager to ensure forgiveness for their own mistakes than to forgive the mistakes of their enemies. Many said that the decision was milder, as the senators had been the supporters of the laws passed by the decemvirs, and there was no doubt that they had succumbed to the chaotic state of the Republic at the time.

3.60 After settling the business in the City and firmly establishing the rights of the plebeians, the consuls left for their respective provinces. Consul Valerius wisely postponed any immediate military actions against the combined forces of the Aequians and the Volscians at Algidum. Had he rushed into battle, the outcome might have been disastrous for the Romans, given the low morale after the inauspicious campaigns under the decemvirs. Valerius set up his camp a mile away from the enemy and kept his men under control. The enemy then quickly filled the space between their two camps with an army, fully drawn up in battle formation, armed and ready for battle. When they challenged them to battle, the Romans didn't respond. Eventually, the Aequians and Volscians, bored and exhausted from standing and waiting in vain for the battle, believed it to be almost a victory. So, they left the area, some to plunder the Hernician territory and some to plunder the Latin territories, leaving a garrison in their camp with just enough men for defense but not enough for a full battle. Seeing this, Valerius rallied his men and formed a battle line, now challenging the enemy to fight. The enemy declined, aware of their now reduced strength, to the delight of the Romans. Morale in the Roman camp grew as the Romans saw the enemy, now fearful behind their own palisades, as defeated. After a day of waiting in battle formation, the Romans yielded to the night and rested themselves, hopeful that there would be some kind of battle the next day. The enemy, on the other hand, was extremely anxious and sent messengers to recall their raiding parties. Some returned, but those who were too far away didn't. When dawn broke, the Romans left their camp, ready to attack the enemy's rampart if a fight didn't occur. After much of the day passed without any movement, Consul Valerius ordered the standards to be raised, and they advanced. With the Roman battle line in motion coming toward them, the Aequians and the Volscians were furious that their victorious armies would now need to defend themselves with a rampart rather than their bravery and their weapons. At their insistence, the Aequians and Volscians finally received a signal to attack from their generals. However, they couldn't assemble fully in time. Half of them had exited the gates, but the rest were filing out in order, trying to get to their positions. Valerius, with his army in place, and before the enemy's battle line could fully form and take up its strength, ordered the standards to be raised to signal the charge. The attack, delivered before the enemy were assembled and sufficiently arranged, revealed little more than a mob of confused men, hunting for their own units and directions. The Roman army's charge included shouting which added to the confusion and noise and violence. At the outset this caused the enemy to initially give ground. But then, when they gathered courage and their generals furiously rebuked them, asking whether they intended to flee in disgrace, they held their ground.

3.61 On the other side of the battle, Consul Valerius told the Romans to remember that they fight as free men for the first time in defense of a free Rome. They were conquering for themselves and the spoils of their victory would not go to the decemvirs. The battle wasn't being led by Appius Claudius, but by Consul Valerius, a descendant of the liberators of the Roman people and a liberator, himself. He challenged them to prove that previous failures in battle were due to the failures of the generals as leaders, not the failures of soldiers. Let them show that it was disgraceful to show more courage in fighting against fellow citizens than against enemies, and to have been more fearful of slavery at home than abroad. No one's chastity had been in jeopardy except for Verginia's while at peace, and no citizen other than Appius Claudius had the power to pursue his dangerous lust. However, if the fortunes of war turned, the children of all would be in danger from so many thousands of the enemy. He didn't wish to imagine that either Jupiter or Mars, their father, would allow this to happen to the City founded under their auspices. He reminded them of the Aventine Hill and the Sacred Mount where freedom had been won just a few months before. Return the original, successful leaders there and demonstrate that the Roman soldiers still had the same abilities after the decemvirs were expelled as they had before. Let them show that the courage of the Roman people hadn't diminished after the laws were equalized. After speaking to the infantry, Valerius then turned to the cavalry and cried, "Forward, young men! Show more bravery than the infantry, as you surpass them in honor and rank! At the first charge, the enemy was driven off by the infantry into the fields. Chase them and drive them out of the field with your cavalry. They won't withstand the attack and will hesitate rather than resist!" The cavalry spurred their horses and charged toward the disordered enemy, already retreating from the infantry's attack. Breaking through their ranks, some rode to the enemy's rear line, while others, circling around the enemy in open space, turned many fleeing men away from the camp, frightening them as they rode past. The line of infantry, along with the consul himself and the full force of the battle, advanced toward the camp, which, after a great slaughter, was taken with even greater plunder. News of the battle reached the City and was met with a public celebration. The news of the battle also reached the Sabines as well as Consul Horatius' army, inspiring the soldiers to compete for similar glory. Consul Horatius had been training his army to do small skirmishes, helping them to rely on themselves and each other rather than dwelling on the shame they felt under the command of the decemvirs. These small battles had helped them to build their confidence and hope. The Sabines, proud from the success they had achieved the previous year, ceaselessly provoked and challenged them, asking why they were wasting time with these small, petty skirmishes like bandits, rushing out in small groups only to retreat again, rather than engaging in a significant battle. Why not engage the enemy in a full battle line and give fortune a chance to decide the matter once and for all?

3.62 Consul Horatius' army had already built back a significant amount of courage, but they were angered at the thought that the other army under Consul Valerius would soon return to the City victorious over the Volscians and Aequians, while they, themselves, were being insulted and reviled by the Sabines' contemptuous behavior. When they would be equal to their enemy, if not now? When Consul Horatius learned the soldiers were feeling this way, he called a meeting. "I assume you have heard about the events in Algidum," he said, "The army behaved as an army of free people should. Thanks to Consul Valerius' wise leadership and the soldiers' bravery, we won. As for me, I'll act upon your feelings with the same great spirit and determination that you have shown me. We can either extend the war, which could be beneficial to us, or end it quickly. If we extend it, I'll ensure that your hopes and courage grow each day through the same training that I began with. If you feel courageous enough and want to resolve this now, let me hear your battle cry. This will show your willingness and bravery." The soldiers enthusiastically shouted. Horatius acknowledged their decision, promising them that, with favor from the gods, he would act upon their wishes and lead them to the battlefield the next day. The soldiers spent the rest of the day preparing their weapons. The following day, when the Sabines saw the Roman army lining up for battle, they too, long eager for a fight, also stepped forward. The battle was intense, as is expected between two confident armies. The Romans were inspired by their past victories, while the Sabines rallied from their recent successes. The Sabines used a stratagem to strengthen their forces. They kept two-thousand men in reserve, outside their ranks, to attack the Romans' left wing during the battle. When the enemy almost surrounded and overpowered the Romans' left wing, a signal from the Romans' horn was heard, and about six hundred Roman cavalry from two legions dismounted from their horses. With their own infantry already retreating, they pressed forward, rushing to the front lines, placing themselves in the path of the enemy. By sharing the danger with the infantry, they made the infantry feel ashamed. Seeing the cavalry getting off their horses to do the infantry's job humiliated the infantry who felt that the infantry wasn't as good as the cavalry even when the cavalry were fighting on the ground.

3.63 The soldiers returned to the battle that they had abandoned on their side and regained the ground from which they had retreated, In an instant, not only was the fight back on, but one of the Sabine wings was defeated. The cavalry riders, now protected by the infantry, returned to their horses. They then raced across to the other division to share their victory with their allies. At the same time, the cavalry attacked the enemy, who were terrified due to the defeat of their stronger wing. No one showed more courage in that battle. Consul Horatius was prepared for all situations; he praised the brave and scolded where the fight seemed to slow down. When scolded, the army immediately showed the strength of brave men; and a sense of shame motivated them as much as praises rallied the others. With a new battle cry and a united effort rushing in from all sides, the Romans pushed the enemy back; the Roman power could no longer be resisted. The Sabines, chased in all directions through the country, left their possessions behind in their camp as spoils for the Romans. There the Romans recovered not just the allies' belongings, as at Algidum, but their own property, which had been lost due to the plundering of their lands. For this double victory, achieved in two battles and in two different places, the Senate grudgingly decreed prayers in the name of the consuls for only a single day. In protest, the people went in large numbers to the temples on the second day to offer thanks. This second, unauthorized day of prayer was even more popular and eagerly attended by the people. The consuls, by prior agreement, came to the City on the same two-day period and summoned the Senate to the Campus Martius where they recounted all their victories performed. This was done while in front of the soldiers. Some prominent senators complained that the Senate being convened among the soldiers was done deliberately, and for no other reason than to intimidate them. To avoid any basis for such an accusation, the consuls moved the Senate to the Flaminian Meadows, where the Temple of Apollo now stands. At that time, it was called the Apollinare. There, with a large consensus of the senators, the Triumph was denied. In response, Lucius Icilius, a plebeian tribune, brought a bill before the people to allow the Triumph. Many people came forward to argue against the measure, most of all Gaius Claudius, who loudly shouted that the consuls wished to triumph over the senators, not over their enemies. They were seeking a personal favor from the tribune, he said, in return for the favors they had given him, rather than celebrating a Triumph for honor and bravery. Never before had a Triumph been voted on by the people. The decision of whether a Triumph was deserved always lay with the Senate. Not even the kings had infringed upon this decision of Rome's highest order, the Senate. The tribunes must not make their power infringe on everything so as to eliminate the existence of a council of state. The state can only be free, and the laws equal if each order maintained its own rights and dignity. Many speeches were given by the senior senators which echoed the sentiment from Claudius, but all the tribes ultimately approved that proposal of a Triumph. And, for the first time, a Triumph was celebrated by order of the people, without the authority of the Senate.

3.64 A solid victory by the tribunes and the plebeians nearly developed into an unhealthy, indulgent abuse of power. A conspiracy was hatched among the tribunes to secure their re-election. To make the scheme less obvious, the tribunes also planned to extend the term of the consuls, arguing that the senators were trying to undermine the rights of the tribunes by disrespecting the consuls. However, the tribunes worried about the potential consequences. What if the consuls, before the laws were firmly established, were to challenge the new tribunes? They noted that not all consuls would be like Horatius and Valerius, who both put the plebeians' freedom before their own interests. By fortunate chance, Marcus Duillius, an ex-tribune who understood the longer-term implications, was chosen by lot to oversee the elections. Since he foresaw public anger overflowing because of the tribunes' continued term, he declared he would accept no votes for them. His colleagues protested. They argued that the tribes should be able to vote for whomever they wanted. If they couldn't do this, Duillius should resign his role overseeing elections so that his colleagues could conduct the voting in accordance with the law rather than following the desires of the patricians. Since controversy had broken out, Duillius sent for the consuls. He asked them about their plans for the consular elections, and when they responded that they, themselves, would appoint new consuls, Duillius, having gained popular supporters for a proposal that was not at all popular, went before the assembly with them. The consuls were asked what they would do if the Roman people were to elect them as consuls again, considering their large contributions to the plebeians' liberty and military services. They didn't change their mind in the least. Marcus Duillius praised the consuls for their steadfastness in not being like the decemvirs. He then held the election. Five tribunes were elected, but due to the aggressive campaigning of the nine tribunes, the other candidates couldn't secure enough tribal votes. Duillius dismissed the assembly and didn't hold a second one to fill the missing places. He declared himself satisfied with the law, which, although the number of tribunes was nowhere specified, only stated that the office of tribunes shouldn't be left vacant, and that the elected tribunes should be allowed to co-opt colleagues. He recited the formal language of the law which said: "If I propose to you ten plebeian tribunes and if you appoint fewer than ten plebeian tribunes today, then let those whom these elected tribunes co-opt as colleagues be, by this same law, legitimate plebeian tribunes under the same law, just as those whom you elect today as plebeian tribunes." Duillius' colleagues tried to promote having more than ten tribunes, but he insisted that the Republic couldn't have fifteen tribunes. Then, having persevered until the end and thwarting his colleagues' ambitions of having fifteen tribunes, he resigned his office. This act earned the approval of both the patricians and the plebeians.

3.65 The new plebeian tribunes, when choosing their colleagues, clearly sought to please the patricians. They even co-opted two patricians of consular rank, Spurius Tarpeius and Aulus Aternius. The newly elected consuls, Spurius Herminius Coritinesanus and Titus Verginius Caelimontanus, didn't strongly favor either the patricians or the plebeians and maintained peace at home and abroad. A plebeian tribune, Lucius Trebonius, was angry with the patricians claiming that he had been deceived and betrayed by them and by his own colleagues in the co-optation of new tribunes. He proposed a law that whomever had started the voting process for the election of tribunes should continue until all ten tribunes were elected. He spent his time as a tribune harassing the patricians, earning him the cognomen ‘Aspero', meaning "prickly." The next consuls, Marcus Geganius Macerinus and Gaius Julius Iullus, calmly resolved conflicts between the tribunes and the young patricians without attacking the tribunes' authority and while maintaining the dignity of the senators. When war was declared against the Volscians and Aequians and a draft was held, they kept the plebeians from sedition by postponing everything, asserting that while there is peace in the city, all would be calm abroad as well, and that civil discord emboldened their foreign enemies. The concern for peace also supported internal harmony. However, each order, the patricians and the plebeians, was intolerant of the other's attempts at restraint. While the plebeians were being quiet, the young patricians began to mistreat them. When the tribunes tried to help the injured plebeians, they were initially unsuccessful. Later, the tribunes themselves were mistreated especially in the final months of their term, when the influence of powerful alliances grew. This was especially true toward the end of the year when the power of the magistrates weakened. The plebeians began to long for tribunes like Lucius Icilius, feeling that the tribunes of the past two years had been ineffective. The older patricians, while thinking their young men were too aggressive, still they preferred, if limits had to be overstepped, that boldness reside in their own supporters rather than in their opponents. Thus, moderation in the protection of liberty is difficult, since everyone, under the pretense of seeking equality, elevates themselves at the expense of others, pushing them down; and while taking care not to be feared, they cause others to fear them; and having defended themselves from injury, they inflict injury on others, as if there were no alternative between doing wrong or suffering it.

3.66 In the following year when Titus Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus was elected consul for the fourth time, alongside Agrippa Furius Fusus, there were no immediate threats of war or internal conflict. However, both were on the horizon. The citizens' disagreements were escalating, with both the tribunes and the plebeians growing increasingly angry with the patricians. This tension was exacerbated whenever a trial date was set for a patrician, leading to further disputes in the assemblies. Upon hearing reports of the first signs of discord, the Aequians and Volscians, as if given a signal, prepared for battle. Their leaders, eager for spoils, had convinced them that the Roman draft announced two years prior couldn't be enforced due to the plebeians' refusal to comply. They believed that no armies would be sent against them because military service had been dissolved and Rome was no longer considered a common fatherland. Instead, the anger and hostility Rome had previously felt toward outsiders was now directed against themselves. The Aequians and Volscians saw this as an opportunity to destroy those they viewed as wolves, blinded by their own internal rage at each other. After joining forces, the Aequians and the Volscians first attacked the Latin territory. When they encountered no resistance there, they moved closer to Rome itself, much to the delight of those who had advocated for the war. They carried out raids in the area around the Esquiline Gate, showing contempt for the City by devastating the fields nearby. They then retreated to Corbio without any opposition, taking their spoils with them. In response to this, Consul Quinctius called the plebeians to an assembly.

3.67 I understand that he expressed himself in this way: "Even though I'm aware of no wrongdoing on my part, Quirites, I've come here before you in this assembly with immense shame. It's important for you to understand this and it should be recorded for future generations that the Aequians and Volscians, who were barely strong enough to fight our Hernician allies not long ago, came armed, with impunity, to the very walls of Rome, during this fourth consulate of myself, Titus Quinctius!" "We have been living in such a way for a while now, given the situation, that positive news is a rarity these days. However, if I had known that such a giant disgrace was destined for this specific year, I'd have avoided this 'honor,' either by leaving the City in exile or by death, if there had been no other escape from office. If the enemy at our gates had been armed by real men, Rome could have been captured during my consulate. Truthfully, I've had enough honors. More than enough in life. I should have died during my third consulate." "Whom do these most cowardly enemies scorn? We, the consuls, or you, Quirites? If the fault lies with us, remove us from command as unworthy individuals. If that isn't enough, impose further punishment on us. But if the fault lies with you, Quirites, may no god or man punish your offenses; you should only feel regret for them. These enemies didn't scorn your cowardice, nor did they trust in their own bravery. They have been defeated and chased away by you numerous times, stripped of their camps, deprived of their land, sent under the yoke, these enemies are familiar with both themselves and you." "It was the conflict of the orders, the struggles between the patricians and the plebeians which have poisoned Rome and these disputes have emboldened our enemies. The enemies see we have no limits in our pursuit of power, nor you plebeians in your pursuit of freedom. And while you're weary of patrician magistrates, and we're weary of plebeian magistrates, this fight has allowed our enemies to become stronger." "For heaven's sake, what do you all want? You yearned for plebeian tribunes, so we granted them for the sake of harmony. You desired decemvirs, so we allowed them to be appointed. You then grew tired of the decemvirs, so we forced them to resign. You remained angry at these same individuals when they became private citizens, so we allowed the most noble and honorable patrician men to die or go into exile. You wanted to appoint plebeian tribunes again and you did so. Although we recognized that it was unfair to the patricians to appoint consuls in your favor, we have even seen a patrician magistracy conceded as a gift to the plebeians." "We have endured, and we continue to endure the tribunes' aid, the right of the people to appeal, the decrees of the plebeians made binding on the patricians all under the pretext of equalizing the laws, and the undermining of our privileges." "When will our disagreements end? When will we be allowed to have a united City? When will we have one shared homeland? When defeated, we accept it with more grace than you do when victorious. Is it enough for us to fear you?" "Against us the Aventine Hill was taken, the Sacred Mount was seized. The Esquiline Hill was almost captured by the enemy with the Volscians climbing the rampart. No one moved against the enemy. Yet, against us, you present yourselves as soldiers! Against us, you take up arms!"

3.68 "You have stirred up trouble to the point where you have surrounded the Curia, turned the Forum into a battlefield, then filled the prison with the state's leading men. With that same fiery determination, you should march out through the Esquiline Gate, or if you're too scared to do that, just watch from the walls as your lands are destroyed by fire and sword! Watch the widespread looting! Watch as houses are set on fire with such intensity that there is smoke in every direction!" "But, you might say, the community is worse off because of these actions: the land is burned, the City is under siege, and all the glory of the war is with the enemy. What about your own personal interests? Soon, each of you will hear about your own private losses from the lands. What do you have at home to make up for these losses? Will the tribunes give you back what you have lost?" "The tribunes will give you plenty of words; accusations against the leading men, laws upon laws, and public meetings. However, from attending these meetings, none of you has ever returned home richer or more fortunate. Has anyone ever brought back anything to his wife and children except hatred, disputes, and public and private quarrels? Quarrels from which you have always been protected not by your own courage and honesty, but by the help of others?" "But, by Hercules, when you were earning pay under us consuls, not under your tribunes, in the camps, not in the Forum, the enemy trembled at your battle cry, not the Roman patricians in the assembly. You used to return home to your family and household gods in triumph after gaining spoils, taking land from the enemy, and amassing wealth and glory, both public and private. Now, instead, you let the enemy leave with your property. You stay tied to your assemblies. You live in the Forum. The need to go to war, which you avoid, still follows you around. It was a heavy burden for you to march against the Aequians and the Volscians before. Well, now the war is at your doorstep. If it isn't pushed back from here, it'll soon be within the City walls, and will climb the Citadel and Capitoline Hill, and then follow you into your very homes." "Two years ago, the Senate ordered a draft to be held, and the army to march to Algidum. Yet we sit at home, scolding each other like so many women and enjoying the present peace, not understanding that, after this brief peaceful break, complex wars are sure to return." "I know there are many more pleasant topics than this one, but necessity forces me to speak the truth rather than what is convenient and pleasant even if my nature advises against it. I'd indeed like to please you, Quirites, but I'm much more concerned that you should be safe, no matter what you think of me. It's a fact of life that the person who speaks to a crowd in his own interest is more popular than the one who only has the public good in mind." "That is, unless perhaps you think that those public flatterers, those plebeian agitators who neither let you go to war nor live in peace, stir you up for your own good. Because when you're stirred up, you promote their careers and add to their profit. These flatterers see that they aren't important to either side when the two different sides are in harmony, so they prefer to be leaders in chaos rather than nobodies in peace." "If you're finally tired of this, and if you're willing to return to the customs of your ancestors and the Senate in place of these new ways, I'm willing to accept any punishment if within a few days I don't rout and put to flight these plunderers of our fields. I will strip their camps for spoils, and transfer this fear of war, which now has you paralyzed, away from our gates and walls to the cities of our enemies."

3.69 Rarely has the speech of a popular tribune been better received by the plebeians than this speech, given by the strictest of consuls. The young men of military age, who usually used draft dodging as a weapon against the patricians during crises, began to look forward to arming themselves and going to war. The flight of the rural plebeians, their land being plundered, and the wounded, who brought reports worse than that which could be seen by the eyes, brought a sense of rage and revenge to the entire City. When the Senate gathered, they all looked to Consul Quinctius as the sole defender of Roman majesty. The leading senators declared that his speech was worthy of his consular command, worthy of his many previous consulships, worthy of his life full of honors, and that, as much as he received these honors, he deserved them more often. Previous consuls had either tried to please the plebeians by betraying the dignity of the patricians or had made the plebeians more rebellious by harshly defending the rights of the patricians. However, Titus Quinctius gave a speech that respected the dignity of the Senate and promoted harmony among the different classes and was appropriate for the times. He and his colleague, Consul Agrippa Furius, were urged to take the responsibility of the Republic. The tribunes were implored to unite with the consuls to keep the war away from the City and its walls, and to persuade the plebeians to obey and support the Senate in this dangerous crisis. And they appealed to the tribunes in the name of their shared heritage, begging for their help, with the countryside devastated and the City nearly besieged. Everyone agreed that a draft was necessary, and it was held. The consuls announced that there was no time to consider excuses and that all men liable for service should report to the Campus Martius at dawn the next day. They would grant time after the war was completed to hear any reasons why anyone chose not to enlist. For those whose excuses weren't legitimate, they would be considered deserters and treated as such. The next day, all the young men showed up. Each group of one hundred, a cohort, chose their own centurions, and two senators were put in charge of each cohort, as commanders. That very day, all these steps were taken so quickly, we are told, that the standards were brought from the treasury by the quaestors, carried onto the field, and by the fourth hour of the day, the new army, with a few cohorts of volunteer veteran soldiers following, started to move from the Campus Martius finally stopping at the tenth milestone to remain overnight. The following day the enemy came into view, and the Romans joined their camp to the camp at Corbio. On the third day, anger drove the Romans, while the enemy was driven by guilt at having rebelled so many times, and by despair; so no delay was made in fighting.

3.70 In the Roman army, the two consuls had equal power. However, Consul Furius willingly gave up his supreme command to Consul Quinctius. This was beneficial in handling important matters, as Consul Quinctius responded with respect to Consul Furius' humility. He shared all his plans and honors with Furius, treating him as an equal even though he was no longer one. In the battle line, Quinctius led the right wing and Furius the left wing. The central line was given to Spurius Postumius Albus, the legate. Publius Sulpicius, the other legate, was put in charge of the cavalry. The infantry on the right wing fought extremely well, resisting the Volscians with great bravery. Publius Sulpicius broke through the enemy's center with the cavalry. Although he could have returned back the same way before the enemy reformed their disrupted ranks, he decided it was better to attack the enemy from the rear. Acting quickly, by charging into their rear, he would have scattered them in a complete panic. However, the Volscian and Aequian cavalry intercepted them and engaged them in battle, thus keeping Sulpicius from moving forward. Sulpicius shouted to his men that there was no time to delay; they were surrounded and cut off from the Roman infantry unless the cavalry fought with all their strength. It wasn't enough merely to drive away the enemy's cavalry; they must finish off both the horses and the men so that neither could return to the battle and fight again. He pointed out that their densely packed enemy infantry had given way to the Roman's cavalry and wouldn't be able to put up any resistance. This did not fall on deaf ears. With a single charge, they routed the entire enemy cavalry, threw many men from their horses, and stabbed the men and their horses with javelins. This ended the battle with the cavalry. Sulpicius' cavalry then attacked the enemy's infantry line, sending messengers to report their success to the consuls including where the enemy line was already faltering. The news rallied the Romans and frightened the Aequians who were beginning to retreat. It was in the center that the Aequians began to lose, as the cavalry broke their ranks. Then, at that point, the left wing began to be driven back under Consul Quinctius' leadership. The right wing was the most challenging. Consul Agrippa Furius, youthful, energetic, and courageous, felt that every part of the battle was going better than his. He seized the standards from the standard-bearers and began to carry them himself. And advancing, he began to hurl them into the crowded ranks of the enemy. The Roman soldiers, fearing disgrace, attacked the enemy, and victory was achieved on all fronts. At that time, Consul Quinctius sent a messenger to Consul Furius to report that he was victorious and was ready to storm the enemy's camp. He didn't want to do it until he knew that Consul Furius had also won on the left wing; he wanted him to bring his standards and his men with him so that the entire army could claim the spoils at once. Accordingly, Furius, with mutual congratulations, joined his victorious colleague at the front of the enemy's camp. Both consuls easily defeated the few defenders and took the fortifications without a struggle. They returned with a vast amount of spoils, including their own possessions that had been lost during the devastation of the fields. It's unclear whether Consul Quinctius and Consul Furius asked for a Triumph or if the Senate awarded them one. There is no reason given for this honor being overlooked or not expected. It's possible that after such a long time ago a Triumph was denied to Consul Horatius and Consul Valerius, who had ended the Sabine war successfully in addition to defeating the Aequians and Volscians, the consuls were too embarrassed to ask for a Triumph for only half of their services. The consuls may have feared that if they did receive it, it would seem to be based on favoritism rather than merit.

3.71 The honorable victory the consuls had won over their enemies was soon tarnished by a shameful decision by the plebeians about their allies' borders. The states of Aricia and Ardea, who had often fought over a disputed piece of land, were tired from their many losses on both sides. Finally, weary of conflict, both states chose the Roman plebeians to decide who the land belonged to. When they came to present their cases, a public meeting was arranged by the officials and a heated debate followed. After the witnesses had been produced and it was time for the tribes to be called and the people to vote, an elderly plebeian named Publius Scaptius stood up and said, "Consuls, if it's permitted for me to speak, I'll not let the plebeians be misled in this matter." The consuls shouted that he shouldn't be heard, claiming he was speaking to no purpose. He shouted that the public cause was being betrayed, but they ordered him to be removed. Scaptius then appealed to the tribunes. The tribunes, who usually follow the crowd rather than lead it, allowed Publius Scaptius to speak because the plebeians wanted to hear him. Scaptius began by stating that he was eighty-three years old, and he had served in the disputed area during his twentieth military campaign when war was being fought at Corioli. It had been forgotten over time but was still clear in his memory: the disputed land had belonged to Corioli, and after Corioli was captured, it became the public property of the Roman plebeians by right of war. He was surprised that the Ardeans and the Aricians thought they could take the land from the Roman plebeians, who they have now made the decision-makers, even though the plebeians had never claimed the land while Corioli was still standing. He felt that he didn't have much time left to live, but he couldn't stop himself to allow the land, which he had helped to win as a soldier, be taken without protest using the only means he had left: his voice. He strongly advised the plebeians not to harm their own interests through useless shame.

3.72 The consuls were shocked when they realized that Scaptius wasn't only being heard in silence but also with approval. A terrible and shameful act was taking place with both gods and men as witnesses. They called for the leaders of the Senate and together they approached the various tribes, urging them to not commit a terrible crime by turning the judges' proceedings into a dispute for their own personal gain. Even if a judge could legally protect his own property, no amount of land acquired could compensate for the harm done by alienating their allies through unfairness. The damage to their reputation and the loss of trust would be far more significant, almost incalculable. To have this reported by ambassadors, to have it publicized, to have allies hear it, and enemies too, what sadness it would give allies! What joy it would give enemies! Would neighboring states blame this action on Scaptius, a notorious elderly rabble-rouser at meetings? It would make Scaptius famous enough to have it inscribed below his portrait, but it would paint the Roman plebeians as swindlers and thieves of others' property. Would any judge in a private case ever behave this way, awarding himself the disputed property? We doubt that Scaptius himself would do such a thing, despite his apparent lack of shame. The consuls and the senators cried out these things, but Scaptius' greed and the influence of that greed were more powerful. The tribes, having been called, judged that the disputed land was the public property of the Roman plebeians. It isn't disputed that the verdict would have been the same if they had sought other judges. However, the excellence of the cause didn't, not even a little, justify or make the disgrace of the judgment forgivable. This was seen as more disgraceful and harsher to the Roman senators than to the Aricians and Ardeans. The rest of the year passed without any City or foreign disturbances.

4.1 Marcus Genucius and Gaius Curtius were next elected as consuls. The year was marked by unrest both at home and abroad. At the start of the year, Gaius Canuleius, a plebeian tribune, proposed a bill allowing intermarriage of patricians and plebeians. The patricians believed that this would taint their lineage and blur the lines of their birthright privileges. Then the tribunes subtly introduced the idea that it should be permissible for one of the consuls to be elected from the plebeians. This idea evolved to the point where nine plebeian tribunes joined together to propose a bill, that the plebeians should have the power of electing the consuls, either from the plebeians or the patricians, as they wished. The patricians feared that if this were to happen, the highest authority wouldn't just be shared with the lowest but would completely transfer supreme power from the patricians to the plebeians. Thus, the patricians were actually happy to hear that the people of Ardea had seceded due to the unfair seizure of their land, that the Veientes had ravaged the borders of the Roman territory, and that the Volscians and Aequians were angry over the fortification of Verrugo. The patricians preferred a failing war over a disgraceful peace. These reports were exaggerated by the patricians so that, amidst the noise of multiple wars, the tribunes' proceedings could be put on hold. The consuls ordered that the draft be held, war preparations made, and arms gathered with the utmost vigor, more diligently, if possible, than had been done under the consulship of Titus Quinctius. Then Gaius Canuleius, while shouting a brief and angry speech in the Senate, declared that the consuls' attempts to frighten the plebeians from pursuing the new laws were futile. As long as he lived, they would never hold a draft before the plebeians had first approved the bills proposed by him and his colleagues. He immediately called the plebeians to an assembly.

4.2 Both Consul Genucius and Consul Curtius incited the Senate against the plebeian tribunes, while Canuleius simultaneously incited the plebeians against the consuls. The plebeian tribunes' madness could no longer be tolerated, the consuls declared. It had now reached a critical point where more conflicts were being stirred up at home than abroad. Yet the state of things was just as much the fault of the senators as it was the plebeians. The consuls were just as guilty as the tribunes. [They argued before the Senate:] "When a reward is given by the State, that quality thrives and becomes stronger among the people. It encourages men to become good citizens in times of peace and good soldiers in times of war. In Rome, however, the highest reward has been reserved for political sedition. The people thus have always found honor in sedition. Patricians should remember the majesty of the Senate they had received from their ancestors, and consider what condition it's in as they're about to pass it to their own children. And, like the plebeians, they can proudly say that they have grown in their status and influence. Therefore, there will be no end to this, nor will there be in the future as long as seditions are successful, and the authors of sedition are rewarded. Consider the significant plans that Tribune Canuleius has proposed! He wants to cause a mix-up of family ranks, and a disruption of both public and private auspices so that nothing will remain pure or uncontaminated. With all distinctions abolished, no one would know their own identity or their family's identity. What other purpose do these indiscriminate intermarriages serve, except to allow plebeians and patricians to mate like wild animals, so that each child would be unsure of their lineage or their religious traditions? Would they now belong half to the patricians, half to the plebeians, and not even be allowed a sense of harmony with themselves? It seems not enough that gods and humans should be confused; plebeian agitators are now preparing the plebeians to seize the consulship. At first, plebeian tribunes casually talked about the idea of appointing a consul from the plebeians. Then, a proposal was put forward that the plebeians may appoint the consuls, either from the patricians or from the plebeians, as they wished. Plebeians would undoubtedly appoint the most seditious individuals! Therefore, the Canuleii and the Icilii, plebeian families, would now be consuls? The Senate should pray that Jupiter Optimus Maximus won't allow the command of imperial majesty to descend to this level, and that they should rather die a thousand deaths than suffer so much disgrace. Their ancestors couldn't have foreseen that, by granting everything the plebeians wanted, the plebeians still wouldn't be lenient towards them. Plebeians would never be satisfied after achieving their first demand. They would become even more defiant in making increasingly unreasonable demands. No, their ancestors would have rather faced any struggle than have allowed such laws to be imposed on them. Because once the patricians had given in to the plebeians regarding tribunes the first time, they would be forced to give in a second time. Then, there could be no end. The patricians and the plebeian tribunes wouldn't be able to coexist in the same state; either the class of patricians or the magistracy of tribunes would need to be abolished. It would be better to put a stop to these outrageous and reckless demands sooner rather than later. Is it right that the tribunes, by causing disagreement, stirred up neighboring states against us without any consequences? Now, they prevent us from arming and defending ourselves against the very problems that they, themselves, caused! After the tribunes have practically invited the enemy to come, Canuleius has the audacity to declare openly in the Senate that he would prevent the draft from being held unless the patricians allow his laws to be enacted, as proposed by himself, as if he were a conqueror. What else is this but Canuleius threatening to betray his City? Allowing it to be attacked and captured? What courage would his words inspire? Not to the Roman plebeians, but to the Volscians, Aequians, and the Veientes! Would our enemies not presume that, under the leadership of Canuleius, they would be able to scale the Capitol and the Citadel? Unless the tribunes, after stripping the Senate of its rights and its authority, also deprived it of its courage and dignity, the consuls would rather fight against criminal citizens than against armed enemies."

4.3 At the same time that these Senate discussions were happening, Tribune Canuleius passionately spoke in favor of his laws and against the consuls as follows: "I've often noticed how much the patricians look down on you, Quirites. They think you aren't worthy to live in the same city and within the same walls as them. I've noticed this before, but this is especially clear now, as they strongly oppose our proposals. What are we doing other than reminding them that we are their fellow citizens? Even though we don't have the same wealth and power, we still live in the same City. On the one hand, we're asking for the right to intermarry, a right usually given to neighbors and foreigners. We have even given the right of citizenship, which is much more than the right of intermarriage, to our conquered enemies." "On the other hand, we aren't proposing anything new. We're simply reclaiming and demanding what belongs to the people. The Roman people should be able to bestow honors on whomever they please. Why have the patricians caused a commotion, raising heaven and earth about this? Why did they come very close to attacking me in the Senate, just now, saying that they had no problem with laying hands on me, threatening to violate the sacrosanct authority of the tribunes?" "If the Roman people are free to vote for whomever they choose to elect as consul, then a plebeian, worthy of the highest office shouldn't be denied the hope of achieving that honor. Will the City fall? Will the Republic collapse? What difference does it make if the consul is a plebeian? It isn't the same as proposing a slave or a freedman to be consul." "Do you see how little they think of you? The patricians would take away your right to this sunlight if they could. They're angry that you breathe, that you speak, that you look like humans. The patricians even say, if the gods permit, it's a sacrilege for a plebeian to be made consul! Well, even though we plebeians aren't allowed to read the official calendars and records [fasti], or the commentaries of the Pontiffs, are we really so ignorant not to know what all foreigners know: that consuls have replaced kings and they have the powers and privileges that were previously given to kings." "Do they think we have never heard that Numa Pompilius, who wasn't a patrician or even a citizen of Rome, was once called from the Sabine nation by order of the people, with the Senate's approval, and then made king in Rome? That Lucius Tarquinius Priscus wasn't Roman or even of the Italian race? No, he was the son of Damaratus of Corinth, an immigrant from Tarquinii, and he was made king while Ancus' sons were still alive! How about Servius Tullius, born of a captive from Corniculum, with no father and a slave mother, who became king through his abilities and merits? Not to mention Titus Tatius, the Sabine with whom Romulus, the founder of our City, shared his power as co-rulers!" "Therefore, while no race in which virtue shone forth was despised, the Roman empire grew. Why do you dislike the idea of a plebeian consul now? Your ancestors had no issues with foreigners as their king. And, even after the kings were expelled, the City was still not closed to foreigners who showed merit. The state certainly admitted the Claudian family from the Sabine nation after the expulsion of the Sabine kings, not only into citizenship but also as patricians. So if a man is a foreigner, he may become a patrician, and then a consul. But if he is a Roman citizen and a plebeian, should he be denied any hope of becoming consul? Don't we think it's possible for a plebeian to be brave and energetic, capable of excelling in peace and war, like Numa Pompilius, Tarquinius Priscus, and Servius Tullius? If such a person appears, shall we not allow him to handle the government of the Republic? Or would we rather have consuls like the decemvirs, incredible monsters who were, nevertheless, all patricians? Should we reject men who have the best qualities we loved in our Roman kings just because they're self-made?"

4.4 Canuleius continued, "Someone might argue that no plebeian has been consul since the kings were expelled. So what? Should we never introduce new ideas? Should we never try things that haven't been done before, especially in a new state where many things haven't yet been tried? Should we not adopt useful measures just because they're new?" "During Romulus's reign, there were no pontiffs or augurs. Numa Pompilius appointed them. There was no census in the state, nor the description of centuries and classes. Servius Tullius introduced these. Consuls did not exist until after the kings were expelled. The power and name of a dictator did not exist until it was established among the senators. There were no plebeian tribunes, no aediles, and no quaestors until it was decided that these officers should be appointed. In the last ten years, we both created decemvirs to compile laws and then abolished the entire office." "In a City destined for eternal existence and growing to an immense size, there must be new civil offices, new priesthoods, and new rights of families and individuals. Who doubts this? Who doubts that nothing needs to change?" "This very idea that patricians and plebeians shouldn't intermarry was wickedly introduced by the decemvirs in recent years, greatly harming the plebeians and damaging the public good. Is there a greater insult than to consider an entire segment of the population contaminated and filthy, unworthy of marriage? This is like being exiled and banished within the same city walls." "The patricians want to prevent us from mixing with them through marriage or blood relations. They don't want our blood to mix with theirs. Yet most of you patricians are descendants of Albans and Sabines and your nobility wasn't received by birth or by blood but merely by being co-opted into the patricians, selected either by kings, themselves, or appointed by the people after the kings were expelled." "Could you not keep your own blood lines pure by regulating it yourselves? You, yourselves, could choose not to marry plebeians. You, yourselves, could choose to not let your daughters or sisters marry outside the patricians. No plebeian would force a patrician maiden to marry him. Such debauchery belongs to the patricians. No one would force anyone to enter a marriage contract against their will. But to prevent such a thing by law, to forbid the intermarriage between patricians and plebeians? This is an insult to the plebeians." "Why not make a law that there should be no intermarriage between rich people and poor people? It has always been a private matter for a woman to marry into whatever family her fiancé is in and, likewise, for a man to marry into whatever family his fiancée is in. But you have turned this understanding into a tyrannical law, breaking the bonds of civil society and splitting one state into two." "How about make a law that a plebeian shouldn't live next to a patrician? That he shouldn't walk on the same road as he walks? That he shouldn't attend the same banquet as he does? That he shouldn't stand in the same Forum? What difference does it make if a patrician man marries a plebeian woman, or a plebeian man marries a patrician woman? What right is changed by this? The children take the father's status, of course." "We gain nothing by allowing intermarriage with you except to be considered as human beings and as fellow citizens. You lose nothing, either. The only reason you oppose this is because you take pleasure in insulting and humiliating us."

4.5 Canuleius continued, "In simple terms, does the ultimate power belong to the Roman people, or does it belong to you, the consuls? Did the expulsion of kings result in supreme power for the consuls or equal freedom for everyone? It's right for the Roman people to be allowed to pass a law, if they wish. Or as soon as a bill is announced, will you consuls impose a military draft as a form of punishment? And as soon as I, as tribune, start to call the tribes to cast their votes, will you immediately, as consuls, make the young men swear the military oath of loyalty [sacramentum] and lead them out into the camp while threatening the plebeians and threatening their tribune?" "You consuls have twice experienced how ineffective those threats were against the united will of the plebeians. Surely, it was because you wanted to 'act in our best interests' that you refrained from using force. Or was it the stronger group, the plebeians, who were the ones more restrained? There will be no conflict now, Quirites. They'll test your resolve, but they won't see if you're bluffing and try to test your strength." "Therefore, consuls, the plebeians are ready to accompany you to these wars, whether they're real ones or fake ones, if you reinstate the right of intermarriage and finally make this state a united one so that they can merge, unite and blend with you through family ties. The hope to attain the highest office should be granted to brave and capable men. It should be possible for plebeians to be a part of the Republic and share in its rule. And, because of equal freedom, the annual selection of magistrates should be open to all. Citizens shouldn't only be able to obey but they should also be able to govern, and they should be able to take turns rotating between both." "If anyone obstructs these measures and then talks about wars, exaggerating them, be prepared for the consequences. No one will enlist. No one will bear arms. No one will fight for arrogant tyrants who will neither share their public offices nor allow people the right to marry whomever they want."

4.6 When both consuls stepped into the assembly, the situation escalated from perpetual orations to a heated debate. When the tribune asked why a plebeian could not become a consul, Consul Curtius answered, "Because no plebeian could take the auspices, and for this reason the decemvirs had prohibited the intermarriage in case the auspices would be disturbed by the uncertainty of the lineage of the person taking them." This answer, while perhaps truthful, wasn't helpful. The plebeians erupted with indignation. How could anyone have the audacity to tell them they were despised by the immortal gods and not worthy of taking auspices! And there was no end to the arguing, since the plebeians had found a most ardent advocate, Tribune Canuleius, and matched his stubbornness. The patricians, now overwhelmed, finally agreed to pass the law about intermarriage which they called "Lex Canuleia." They hoped this would make the tribunes drop or delay discussion about plebeian consuls until after the war. They had also hoped that the plebeians, now satisfied with the new intermarriage law, would be willing to enlist for the war. Having seen Canuleius win the favor of the plebeians and prevail over the patricians, the other plebeian tribunes, inflamed by his success, worked tirelessly to fight for their own bills. As news of the war grew day by day, they continued to block the draft. The consuls now found themselves unable to get anything done through the Senate due to the tribunes using their veto power. Instead, they held meetings with influential patricians at their homes. It was clear they would have to concede victory to either their enemies or their fellow citizens. Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius were the only men of consular rank who did not attend these meetings. Gaius Claudius suggested arming the consuls against the tribunes. The Quinctii, both Cincinnatus and Capitolinus, were against bloodshed or harming the tribunes, whom they had agreed were sacred or sacrosanct and under an unbreakable treaty with the plebeians. These meetings led to a compromise decision. Consuls would still be patrician-only, but there would be military tribunes with consular power to be elected from both patricians and plebeians. The tribunes and the plebeians were satisfied with this, and an assembly was called to elect three military tribunes with consular power, or 'consular tribunes.' Once this was announced, immediately anyone who had ever said or done anything seditiously, especially former tribunes, began to rush about all over the Forum as candidates, grasping hands while campaigning for the positions. The patricians were initially discouraged from running; first, in despair, they thought their chances of winning was hopeless against the agitation of the plebeians, and second, by their indignation at sharing an office with a plebeian. Finally, however, urged by their leaders, the patricians eventually consented to run for office to avoid appearing to have given up on governing the Republic. The election results showed that plebeians' attitudes changed when the struggle for freedom and dignity was over, and they could make unbiased decisions. The plebeians elected only patricians to be the new consular tribunes, satisfied that they, as plebeians, had been considered for the office. Where today could you find, even in one man, such moderation, fairness, and dignity as was then displayed by all the people?

4.7 In the three hundred and tenth year after Rome was founded, consular tribunes took office for the first time instead of consuls. These were Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Atilius, and Titus Cloelius Siculus. Their term in office was peaceful, both domestically and abroad. Some sources have written that the three consular tribunes weren't elected this way. Instead, they claim that it was because a new war with Veii was added to the ongoing conflicts with the Aequians, Volscians, and the revolt of Ardea. Since the two consuls couldn't manage so many wars simultaneously, the three consular tribunes were elected without mentioning any law concerning allowing the plebeians to be elected consuls. The three consular tribunes held the same authority and symbols of consuls; however, the right of this authority started on unstable footing. Three months into their term, they resigned their positions following a decree from the augurs, who claimed they were improperly elected. Gaius Curtius, who presided over the elections, had not properly set up the ceremonial auspices tent [tabernaculum]. Ambassadors from Ardea came to Rome to protest the injustice done to them. But it was stated in such a way that if their land were given back to them, the Ardeans would maintain their friendship and treaty obligations. The Senate responded by saying that the judgment of the Roman people couldn't be overturned by the Senate not only because it would be done without precedent or law, but it also would endanger the harmony among the classes. Instead, the Senate suggested, if the Ardeans were patient and allowed the Senate to decide on a remedy for the injustice, they would be glad they had restrained their anger. They assured the Ardeans that the senators were committed to preventing any injustices against them and it should be taken care of soon. The ambassadors were then politely dismissed, promising to discuss the matter further with their colleagues. Since the Republic was without a curule magistrate, the highest authority, the patricians gathered and elected an interrex to oversee the selection of a new authority. There was a debate over whether consuls or consular tribunes should be elected, which resulted in several days of interregnum where normal government was suspended. The interrex and Senate wanted consuls to be elected, while the plebeian tribunes and the plebeians themselves wanted consular tribunes. The patricians won out, as the plebeians, knowing that either position would likely be filled by patricians, decided not to fight a pointless battle. Additionally, the leaders of the plebeians preferred not to be considered for an election where their candidates might be considered "unworthy" and be rejected. The plebeian tribunes thus conceded the fight without an election, as a gesture of respect to the patrician leaders. The interrex, Titus Quinctius Barbatus, chose Lucius Papirius Mugillanus and Lucius Sempronius Atratinus as consuls for the rest of the year. During their consulship, the treaty with Ardea was renewed. This is evidence that they were consuls that year, even though their names aren't found in the ancient annals or in the books of the magistrates. This is likely because consular tribunes were in office at the start of the year and the names of the newly appointed consuls were omitted, as if the original consular tribunes had served the entire year. Licinius Macer, the presenter of the names of these consuls, claims that their names were found in both the Ardea treaty and in the Linen Books, kept in the Temple of Juno Moneta. Despite the many threats from neighboring states, there was peace both at home and abroad throughout the remainder of the year.

4.8 The previous year, whether it only had consular tribunes or consuls replacing those consular tribunes, was followed by a year in which consuls were definitely present. These consuls were Marcus Geganius Macerinus for the second time and Titus Quinctius Capitolinus for the fifth time. This year also marked the beginning of the censorship, an institution that started humbly but later grew in such significance that it became responsible for regulating the morals and discipline of Rome. The honor and disgrace of the senators, centuries of cavalrymen, and the magistrates were determined at the discretion of the Censors. The legal rights to public and private property, and the collection of taxes of the Roman people were also under the approval and discretion of the Censors. The origin of this office came about because the census, long overdue among the people, could no longer be postponed. However, the consuls, overwhelmed with so many wars from multiple states, didn't have time to conduct it. A proposal was brought before the Senate that such an arduous task, not well-suited to the consular office, needed a separate magistrate. These Censors would oversee the duties of the clerks, have custody of the public records, and, at their discretion, determine the formula for the census. Although the proposal seemed insignificant, the Senate welcomed it wholeheartedly because it increased the number of patrician magistrates in the Republic, thinking, I believe, as indeed happened, that the wealth of those holding office would add power and dignity to the position itself. The plebeian tribunes, recognizing the necessity of the duty rather than its prestige, did not oppose it. They did not want to appear obstinate by opposing even minor matters. Since the honor was despised by the leading men of the state, the plebeians elected Lucius Papirius and Lucius Sempronius, whose earlier consulship was shortened as there were doubts the previous year. They were tasked with overseeing the taking of the census, thereby filling out their incomplete consulship by this new office. Based on the nature of their task, they were now called Censors.

4.9 While these events were happening in Rome, ambassadors arrived from Ardea again. They were seeking help for their city, now on the brink of destruction. They reminded Rome of their ancient alliance with them and the treaty which had been recently renewed. Internal conflicts were preventing them from enjoying peace with Rome, they claimed, a peace which they had wisely maintained. The root of these internal conflicts was a power struggle between factions, which have always been and will continue to be a greater threat to states than foreign wars, famine, disease, or any other disasters that people attribute to the wrath of the gods. Two young men from Ardea were courting a beautiful girl from a plebeian family. One suitor was of the same social status as the girl and was favored by her guardians who were also plebeians. The other suitor was a patrician, who had been attracted to her solely by her beauty. The patricians supported him. Soon, the suitors' dispute infiltrated the girl's family. The mother, hoping for a prestigious marriage for her daughter, favored the patrician. The guardians, however, were loyal to their own class and supported the plebeian suitor. Unable to resolve the issue within the family, they took the matter to court. The judge sided with the mother, but the guardians didn't accept this decision. Openly discussing the wrong decree in the forum among the plebeian men, they then carried off the virgin from her mother's house by force of arms. This act enraged the patricians, who joined the patrician suitor in his fury. A violent battle ensued in which Ardea's plebeians were defeated and driven away, unlike their Roman plebeian counterparts. Ardea's plebeians left the city, armed, and seized a hill. From there, they destroyed the Ardean patricians' lands with fire and sword. They also began a siege of Ardea, summoning a multitude of workers, many of whom were not experienced in battle, now excited by promises of loot. Ardea, previously peaceful, now showed all the signs of war and ruin as if madness had seized the city fueled by the two young men seeking a fatal marriage even if it meant the destruction of their own city. Neither side seemed to have enough weapons or military strength. Ardea's patricians asked the Romans to help defend Ardea, while Ardea's plebeians invited the Volscians to help them attack Ardea. The Volscians, led by Cloelius, an Aequian, arrived first and threw up a rampart against Ardea's walls, preparing for a siege. When news of this reached Rome, Consul Marcus Geganius Macerinus immediately led an army to Ardea and set up camp about three miles from the enemy. Although it was still daylight, he ordered his soldiers to rest themselves. At three o'clock in the morning, he raised the standards and moved his troops. They worked so quickly and efficiently in the dark that, by sunrise, the Volscians found themselves surrounded by the Romans, who had built stronger fortifications around the Volscians than the Volscians had around the city, itself. Moreover, on the other side, the Consul also created a passage to Ardea's city wall, allowing his allies to move in and out of the city.

4.10 Volscian General Cloelius hadn't been sustaining his army from pre-stocked provisions, but with food plundered daily from the surrounding countryside. Now that he suddenly found himself surrounded by a Roman rampart and without resources, he invited Consul Geganius to a meeting, proposing that if the Romans had come to lift the siege, he would lead the Volscians away. The Consul responded that the defeated must accept terms, not dictate them. As the Volscians attacked allies of the Roman people by their own free will, they shouldn't leave the area in the same way. He laid out the terms for the Volscian army: lay your weapons down, surrender your general, and acknowledge defeat by obeying further orders. Otherwise, whether they left or stayed, the Consul would be a relentless enemy who would rather bring back to Rome a victory over the Volscians than an untrustworthy peace. Left with no other option, the Volscians decided to test their slim chance in battle. Fighting in a location unfavorable for combat and even worse for retreat, they were slaughtered from all sides. They eventually surrendered, giving up both their general and their weapons. The Volscians were then sent under the yoke in shame and defeat, each with only a single garment. When they stopped near the city of Tusculum, they were ambushed due to an old grudge with the Tusculans. There, they suffered severe punishment with barely a messenger left to report their defeat. Consul Geganius restored order in Ardea, beheading the main instigators of the unrest. He then confiscated their property to give to the public treasury of Ardea. As a whole, the Ardeans felt that the injustice they had previously suffered had been fully rectified by the great favor of the Roman people. The Senate, however, felt that more needed to be done to erase the memory of public greed. Consul Geganius returned to the City in Triumph, with Cloelius, the general of the Volscians, led before his chariot, and the spoils taken from the enemy's army he had sent under the yoke displayed before him. Through effective civil administration, Consul Quinctius matched the glory Consul Geganius had achieved in war. He maintained domestic peace and harmony by dispensing justice fairly to both the highest and lowest citizens. The patricians saw him as a strict consul, and the plebeians saw him as lenient enough. He also managed to get his measures passed against the plebeian tribunes more through his influence than by opposing them. His five consulships were administered with consistent and even conduct, and a life lived worthy of the consular dignity made him almost more revered than the high office itself. For this reason, there was no talk of consular tribunes while these men were consuls.

4.11 Marcus Fabius Vibulanus and Publius Aebutius Cornicen were appointed as consuls. From the beginning, they understood that they were following a year of significant achievements in both domestic and military affairs. Outside of Rome, the previous year was especially notable because of the assistance and care provided to the Ardeans in their time of crisis. As Rome had made this popular call and was reaping the rewards, the consuls worked hard to erase the memory of the unpopular judgment made against Ardea. A Senate decree was passed that, since Ardea had been reduced to so few citizens because of internal issues, a colony should be sent there to protect them against the Volscians. This was openly recorded in the records, but actually, this was just a cover story, not to alarm the plebeians and plebeian tribunes. Instead, what they had privately agreed upon was that most of these colonists should be Rutulians, whose capital was Ardea, and not Romans. They agreed that no land would be distributed except that which had been taken previously by that infamous trial. No Roman would receive a single clod of land until all the Rutulians had been provided for. Thus, the land was returned back to the Ardeans. The triumvirs appointed to move the colony to Ardea were Agrippa Menenius, Titus Cloelius Siculus, and Marcus Aebutius Helva. These men had to perform a difficult task, and so they were unpopular. They offended the plebeians by giving the land, which the Roman people had previously decided was theirs, to the Rutulians. On the other side, they were also given no support by the patricians, as they did not cultivate any relationships with them. When the plebeian tribunes impeached the three of them in anger and set a date for them to appear before the people, they avoided any trouble by enrolling themselves as settlers and staying in the colony at Ardea, which now served as proof of their integrity and justice.

4.12 During this year and the next, there was peace both at home and abroad. The consuls at the time were Gaius Furius Pacilus and Marcus Papirius Crassus. The games that the decemvirs had promised, during the secession of the plebeians from the patricians, were held this year following a decree of the Senate. Quintus Poetelius, who had been appointed a plebeian tribune for the second time by making the same threats as before, unsuccessfully tried to incite sedition. Despite his threats, he couldn't convince the consuls to bring the issue of dividing land among the plebeians before the Senate. After a tough fight, he managed to achieve little more than a formal consultation of the Senate on whether to elect consuls or consular tribunes. The Senate ordered the election of consuls. Poetelius reacted by threatening that he would block the draft. He was laughed at and dismissed since there was no need for war or war preparations; the neighboring states were at peace. The following year, Proculus Geganius Macerinus and Lucius Menenius Lanatus served as consuls. This year was marked by a series of disasters and dangers, by internal strife, a famine, and the plebeians nearly succumbed to the temptation of a monarchy due to bribery. The only thing missing from this year was a foreign war, which would have made resistance to the bribery almost impossible, even with the help of all the gods. The troubles began with a famine, either due to unfavorable weather or because the plebeians had abandoned farming for the attractions of city life and public speeches. Both reasons have been suggested. The senators blamed the plebeians for being lazy, while the plebeian tribunes accused the consuls of either fraud or negligence. Finally, the plebeians succeeded in getting Lucius Minucius appointed as the prefect of the grain market without any opposition from the Senate. Although he was more successful in defending liberty than in managing the actual food supply, he ultimately earned the gratitude of the plebeians and the credit for getting more grain. Prefect Minucius tried to alleviate the food shortage by first sending ambassadors to neighboring states by land and sea. While the states ultimately couldn't help, the Etruscans sent a small amount which barely helped. He returned to try to manage the limited food supply carefully, forcing all who possessed any grain to sell all but a month's worth and cutting the slaves' daily rations. He accused the grain merchants of bad practices, arousing the people's anger. Through a bitter investigation, he exposed the problem, but ultimately did not alleviate it. Many plebeians, having lost all hope, chose to end their lives by jumping into the Tiber River with their togas over their heads rather than continue to suffer.

4.13 Spurius Maelius, a wealthy man of the equestrian order, embarked on a useful project setting a terrible example with even worse intentions. With the help of his friends and clients, he privately purchased grain from the Etruscans. This action, I believe, hindered the state's efforts to manage the food shortage. He then began distributing it for free to the public. This act of generosity won him the favor of the plebeians, who followed him wherever he went. His influence exceeded that of a typical citizen, and he was confident of securing the consulship due to the support he received and the expectations he had. However, human ambition is never satisfied with what fortune offers. Maelius began to aim for even higher and unjustifiable goals. He realized that even the consulship would have to be wrested from the patricians against their will, so he set his sights on becoming a king. Only such a position, he believed, would be a worthy reward for his grand schemes: the struggle he would have to endure would require enormous exertion. The consular elections were approaching, but his plans weren't yet fully formed or matured. Titus Quinctius Capitolinus was elected consul for the sixth time. He wasn't the kind of man who would tolerate Maelius' political revolution. Agrippa Menenius, who was known as Lanatus, was chosen as his colleague. Lucius Minucius was either re-appointed as the prefect of the grain market or he had already been appointed for an indefinite period, as the situation required. The only certainty about Minucius is that his name was listed as prefect in the Linen Books among the magistrates for both years. Minucius, as he was performing the same duty in a public capacity that Spurius Maelius had done as a private citizen, uncovered the plot because the same class of men were coming and going in both of their houses. He reported to the Senate what he learned, that Maelius was gathering weapons at his home where he was holding secret meetings and that there was no doubt that he was making plans to establish a monarchy. He also reported that the time for the matter had not yet come but that the rest had been agreed upon; the plebeian tribunes had been bribed to betray the public liberty and that ministry positions had been assigned to certain leaders of the people. Minucius admitted that he had reported these matters later than was safe, for fear of spreading uncertain or unfounded information. Upon hearing this, the Senate's leaders criticized the previous year's consuls from all sides for allowing Spurius Maelius to distribute free grain and hold secret public meetings at his private residence. They also criticized the new consuls for waiting for the prefect of the grain market to report such a serious matter to the Senate, for the matter was so important that the consuls should have been the informers and should have dealt with it. Titus Quinctius responded by saying that the consuls were unfairly blamed. They were bound by the laws of appeal that weakened their authority. Although they wanted to, they did not have enough power to punish Maelius' actions appropriately. He suggested appointing Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus as Dictator, a strong man who was determined and free from the constraints of these laws and had the necessary courage to handle the problem. While everyone agreed, Cincinnatus initially refused, questioning why they would want to involve him in such a conflict at his advanced age. However, when they all insisted that his age, wisdom, and virtue surpassed that of everyone else, and praised him deservedly, and since the Consul wouldn't relent, Cincinnatus yielded, praying to the gods that his old age wouldn't be a detriment or disgrace to the Republic in such a dangerous situation. After being appointed Dictator by Consul Titus Quinctius, he then appointed Gaius Servilius Ahala as his Master of the Horse.

4.14 The following day, after setting up garrisons at different points, Dictator Cincinnatus went down to the Forum. The plebeians were curious and followed him into the Forum due to the unusual and extraordinary situation. Spurius Maelius and his followers realized that this high authority of the Dictator was directly targeting them. Those who weren't aware of Maelius' plans for royal power kept asking what was happening, what war was coming, and why was Cincinnatus a dictator when he was over eighty years old. Gaius Servilius, the Master of the Horse, was sent by the Dictator to Maelius. Upon arriving, he said, "The Dictator summons you." Maelius, frightened, asked what he wanted. Servilius explained that he must stand trial before the Senate and answer the accusation brought against him by the prefect of the grain market, Lucius Minucius. Spurius Maelius retreated into his group of supporters. Initially, when Maelius ducked into the crowd of his followers, he looked around and tried to sneak away but the lictors, under the orders of Servilius, caught him and started dragging him away. At that point, he was rescued by those standing around him and Maelius started running, begging for the protection of the Roman plebeians, claiming that he was being persecuted by a conspiracy of the patricians because he had been kind to the plebeians. He pleaded with them to help him in this critical situation and not let him be killed right in front of them. While he was shouting in this way and the plebeians started to riot, Servilius caught up with him and killed him. Covered in the blood of the slain man and surrounded by a group of young patricians, Servilius reported back to the Dictator that Maelius, after being summoned, had driven away the guard, had incited the populace to riot, and had been appropriately punished. Then the Dictator said, "By virtue of your strength, Gaius Servilius, you have bravely freed the Republic."

4.15 Cincinnatus, finding the rioting crowd unsure of what to think of the event, then ordered them to an assembly. There he proclaimed that Spurius Maelius was rightfully executed. Even if he wasn't guilty of seeking a kingship, he had failed to appear before the Dictator when summoned by the Master of the Horse. Cincinnatus had taken his seat ready to review the case, and if Maelius had pleaded his case before him, and if it was a just cause, he would have experienced an outcome his actions merited. However, when he used force to avoid a trial, he was stopped by force. Neither should they treat him as an ordinary citizen. He was born among a free people, among rights and laws, in a City which he knew that kings had been expelled. And that in the span of a single year, the king's nephews and a consul's children were executed by their own father, the very liberator the City, for plotting to bring back the royal family to Rome. He knew that Collatinus Tarquinius, a consul, was forced to resign and go into exile due to nothing more than his name's association with King Tarquinius. Spurius Cassius was executed years later for planning to seize power. More recently, the decemvirs were punished with confiscation, exile, and death for their tyrannical rule. And yet, despite all this, Spurius Maelius dared to dream of royal power? Who was this man? Although no nobility, no honors, and no merits should lead to a kingship, nevertheless, the Claudii and Cassii, due to their consulships, decemvirates, their own honors and those of their ancestors, and the prestige of their families, had aspired to heights that were a crime. But Spurius Maelius, a wealthy grain merchant who would have considered a tribuneship of the plebeians something to hope for but not expect, had the audacity to think he could buy his countrymen's freedom by a bribe of two pounds of grain? And by offering food to the plebeians, who had defeated all their neighboring states, he thought he could just trick them into slavery. And this City, which could barely tolerate him as a Senator, wouldn't tolerate him as a king bearing the symbols and authority of Romulus its founder, who was both born from and returned to the gods. This wasn't considered just a crime, but an abomination. His execution wasn't enough to atone for it. The house and walls where this insane plan was hatched should be razed to the ground. His possessions and wealth, used in an attempt to buy a kingdom should be confiscated. Thus, he ordered the quaestors to sell Maelius' property and transfer the proceeds into the public treasury.

4.16 With that, Cincinnatus then commanded for Maelius' house to be demolished immediately so that the empty land would serve as a reminder of wicked aspirations that were crushed. That area afterward was named Aequimaelium. Prefect Minucius was presented with an ox and a gilded statue set up outside the Trigemina Gate, and this was done without opposition from the plebeians. Maelius' grain was then divided up for one aes rude per modius, or approximately ten pounds. In some historical accounts, it's mentioned that this Minucius had switched his allegiance from the patricians to the plebeians, and that after being co-opted as the eleventh plebeian tribune, he managed to calm a disturbance that had erupted following the death of Maelius. However, it's hard to believe that the patricians would have allowed the number of tribunes to increase from ten, especially in the case of a man who was a patrician. It's also hard to believe that the plebeians did not continue to assert, or at least try to assert, this privilege once it was granted to them. But the law enacted a few years earlier, which stated that it wasn't permissible for the tribunes to co-opt a colleague, strongly contradicts the false inscription on Minucius' statue. Quintus Caecilius, Quintus Junius, and Sextus Titinius were the only members of the college of tribunes who hadn't been involved in passing the law to bestow honors on Minucius. They did not stop criticizing Prefect Minucius and Gaius Servilius in front of the plebeians and expressing their disapproval of the undeserved death of Spurius Maelius. They therefore forced through a measure for an election of consular tribunes instead of consuls. They were confident that, as there were six positions now open for election, some plebeians might also be appointed if they promised to seek revenge for the death of Maelius. Instead, the plebeians, despite being stirred up by various disturbances that year, elected only three consular tribunes. Among them was Lucius Quinctius, son of Cincinnatus, whose unpopular dictatorship was seen as a cause for unrest. Mamercus Aemilius, a man of great dignity, was elected before Quinctius. In the third place, they elected Lucius Julius Iullus.

4.17 During the consular tribunes' year, Fidenae, a Roman colony, defected to the leadership of Lars Tolumnius, king of the Veientes. This rebellion was accompanied by a more serious crime. Under Tolumnius' orders, the Fidenates executed Gaius Fulcinius, Cloelius Tullus, Spurius Antius, and Lucius Roscius. These men were Roman ambassadors who had come to investigate the defection. In an attempt to downplay the king's crime, some argue that the king made an ambiguous statement after a lucky dice throw so that it seemed he had given the order to kill. This was misinterpreted by the Fidenates and was the cause of the ambassadors' death. I find this explanation unbelievable. For one thing, when the Fidenates, his new allies, came to consult him as to committing a murder in violation of the Law of Nations, Tolumnius should have at least stopped his dice game, or afterwards, should have attributed it to a misunderstanding. Instead, it's more plausible that he wanted the Fidenates, deeply ashamed by what they had done, to feel bound to him with no hope of ever reconciling with the Romans. Statues of the murdered ambassadors were erected on the Rostra of the Forum at public expense. A bitter conflict was now imminent with the Veientes and the Fidenates, not just because they were neighboring peoples, but because now they had committed a vile act by murdering Roman ambassadors. As a result, the plebeians and their tribunes were quiet, anxiously focused on the general welfare. There was no disagreement over the election of consuls, and Marcus Geganius Macerinus was elected for a third term with Lucius Sergius Fidenas. I believe Consul Fidenas was presumably named after the war he later led, for he was the first to win in this second battle against Lars Tolumnius on this side of the Anio, but the victory wasn't without bloodshed. The citizens' grief from losing Roman lives outweighed the happiness of defeating the enemy. In response, as is usual in a situation like this, the Senate ordered the appointment of Mamercus Aemilius as Dictator. As his Master of the Horse, he named a man who had been his colleague the year before, when they had both been consular tribunes, namely Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, a young man worthy of his famous father. The consuls added experienced veteran centurions to the draft and replaced those lost in the recent battle. Dictator Aemilius ordered Lucius Quinctius Capitolinus and Marcus Fabius Vibulanus to serve as his legates or lieutenants general. These combined forces and the experienced Dictator leading them pushed the enemy from Roman territory across the Anio to the other side of the river toward Fidenae. They enemy withdrew, taking control of the hills between Fidenae and the Anio River where they moved their camp and did not descend into the plains until the legions of Etruscans from Falerii, also known as Faliscans, came to their aid. When the Faliscans arrived, they set up their camp outside the walls of Fidenae. Dictator Aemilius positioned his forces not far from there at the junction of the two rivers, the Tiber and the Anio, extending the construction of his fortifications as far as possible from one river to the other. The next day, the Dictator lined up his army for battle.

4.18 There was a diversity of opinion among the enemies. The men of Falerii, tired of fighting wars far from home and being confident in their own abilities, strongly demanded a battle. The Veientes and Fidenates, however, wanted to prolong and extend the war. Lars Tolumnius, although he preferred the opinion of his own men to prolong the war, announced that he would engage in battle the next day, in case the Faliscans became discontented and refused to fight through a long campaign. The Dictator and the Romans gained confidence because the enemy had declined to battle. And on the next day, as the Roman soldiers were growling that unless they were given a chance to fight, they would storm the enemy's camp and the city themselves, the battle lines of both sides were moved into the middle of the plain between the two camps. The Veientes, who had more soldiers, sent troops around the back of the hills to attack the Roman camp while the battle happened. The armies of the three allied states were arranged so that the Veientes were on the right wing, the Faliscans on the left, and the Fidenates in the center. The Dictator placed his standards on the right wing against the Faliscans, Quinctius Capitolinus directed his standards on the left against the Veientes, and the Master of the Horse advanced in front of the central line with the cavalry against the Fidenates. For a brief period, everything was silent and calm. The Etruscans were reluctant to fight unless they were forced to. The Dictator waited for a pre-arranged signal to be raised from the Citadel in Rome to be given by the augurs as soon as the birds had given a positive sign. Immediately upon seeing the signal, he let loose the cavalry, who shouted loudly and moved forward to attack the Fidenates first. The infantry line followed, fighting fiercely. The Etruscan legions couldn't withstand the Romans' charge in any area. The enemy's cavalry put up the most resistance. And Lars Tolumnius, by far the strongest horseman, extended the battle by skillfully avoiding the Romans while attacking them as they scattered in all directions for the pursuit.

4.19 Among the Roman cavalry was Aulus Cornelius Cossus, a military tribune. He was known for his good looks, bravery, and physical strength. Proud of his name, which was already famous when he inherited it, he left it to his descendants with even more distinction. Cossus noticed that wherever Lars Tolumnius went, the Roman troops retreated in alarm. Recognizing Tolumnius by his royal attire, flying along the whole line of infantry, he shouted, "Is this the one who breaks treaties and violates the Law of Nations? If it's the will of the gods that anything sacred should exist on Earth, I will kill this man and offer him as a sacrifice to the spirits of the murdered ambassadors." He spurred his horse and charged at Tolumnius with his spear. After striking and knocking him off his horse, he quickly vaulted off his own horse using his spear for support. As the king tried to get up, he struck him with the boss of his shield, pushing him back and stabbed him repeatedly with his spear until the king was pinned to the ground. He then stripped the spoils from the dead body, cut off his head, and carried it on his spear, scattering the terrified enemy at the death of their king. The enemy's cavalry, which had been the only force making the battle uncertain, was also scattered. Dictator Aemilius chased the fleeing enemy legions and forced them back to their camp, slaughtering many in the camp. Most of the Fidenates, familiar with the area, escaped to the mountains. Cornelius Cossus crossed the Tiber River with the Roman cavalry and took a large amount of loot from the Veiian territory back to the City. During the battle, there was also a fight at the Roman camp against a group of Veientes that Tolumnius had previously sent to the camp. The Roman legate, Fabius Vibulanus, initially defended his lines in a circular entrenchment. Then, while the Veientes were focused trying to break through the entrenchment, Fabius suddenly attacked with veteran triarii through one the main camp gates [porta principalis]. The unexpected sortie caused a panic among the Veientes, and they scattered. There was less killing because there were fewer of them, but their flight was just as chaotic as it had been on the battlefield.

4.20 Dictator Aemilius and the Roman army were victorious on all fronts. Following a decree from the Senate and the command of the people, he returned to the city in Triumph. By far the greatest spectacle of the Triumph was Aulus Cornelius Cossus, who carried the spoils [spolia opima] of King Lars Tolumnius, whom he had killed. The soldiers sang their crude verses about him, praising him as the equal of Romulus. He presented these spoils with a solemn dedication in the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, near Romulus' spoils, which were called spolia opima prima because Romulus' spoils were the first. Cossus drew the attention of all the citizens from the Dictator's chariot to himself, and almost alone carried off the glory of that day's celebration. Dictator Aemilius offered a golden crown, weighing a pound, to Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill. This was done at the public's expense, by order of the people. Following previous historians, I've portrayed Aulus Cornelius Cossus as a military tribune when he brought his spoils, spolia opima secunda, to the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius. Those spoils are rightly considered opima when one commander has taken them from an enemy commander. We call someone a commander under whose auspices a war is conducted. However, the inscription upon the spoils themselves, today, says that Cossus was consul when he took them, contradicting both me and the other writers. When I heard that Augustus Caesar, the builder or restorer of all our temples, had entered the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, which he had rebuilt after it had been deteriorating with age, and personally read that inscription on Cossus' linen breastplate, I thought it would be almost sacrilegious to deny Cossus of such a testimony about his spoils since it's from Augustus Caesar, the renovator of the temple, himself. Whether the mistake is due to the very ancient annals or the Linen Books of the magistrates, which are kept in the Temple of Moneta and which Licinius Macer repeatedly cites as authorities, is up for debate. These books have Aulus Cornelius Cossus as Consul with Titus Quinctius Poenus, seven years after this event. Everyone can form their own opinion on this. There is additional proof that a battle so famous could not be moved to that year. The three years surrounding Aulus Cornelius Cossus' consulship were completely free from war due to a pestilence and a grain shortage. Some annals, as if in mourning, only list the names of the consuls. The third year after Cossus' consulship has him as a consular tribune. In the same year, he was Master of the Horse and fought another notable cavalry battle. Speculation is open on the matter, but in my opinion, idle guesses can be used to support any view. The hero of the fight, having placed the recent spoils in the sacred repository and having Jupiter himself and Romulus as witnesses, who wouldn't be easily fooled by a false inscription, called himself "Aulus Cornelius Cossus, Consul."

4.21 The next consuls were Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis and Lucius Papirius Crassus. Leading the Roman army, the consuls invaded the lands of the Veientes and Faliscans. The spoils of men and cattle were carried off, but they found no enemy forces on the land. There were no battles, and cities weren't attacked due to an epidemic of illness among the people. At home, Spurius Maelius, a plebeian tribune, and a relative of the wealthy grain merchant, tried to stir up sedition, but failed. Relying on the popularity of his famous name, Maelius scheduled a trial for Prefect Lucius Minucius and brought forward a proposal to seize the property of Gaius Servilius Ahala, claiming that his relative had been a victim of false accusations from Minucius. Servilius, he said, was guilty of putting a citizen to death without a trial. However, when these charges were presented to the plebeians, they seemed frivolous considering who was making them. The plebeians were more concerned with the worsening epidemic and terrified of omens, as there were reports from the countryside of earthquakes that were so frequent and violent that they collapsed houses. Accordingly, the people performed a solemn religious ceremony of supplication led by the duumviri to seek relief. The following year, with consuls Gaius Julius, for the second time, and Lucius Verginius, the plague caused such fear of devastation in the City and surrounding areas that no one ventured out of Roman territory to raid, and neither the patricians nor the plebeians thought of starting any military actions. The Fidenates, who had initially barricaded themselves in their town, mountains, or fortifications, came down and began raiding Roman territory without provocation. They invited the Veiian army, as the Faliscans couldn't be persuaded to restart the war, despite the Romans' troubles and their allies' pleas. The two armies crossed the Anio River and displayed their standards not far from the Colline Gate. This caused as much fear in the City as it did in the countryside. Consul Julius positioned his troops on the ramparts and walls, while Consul Verginius consulted the Senate in the Temple of Quirinus. They decided to appoint Quintus Servilius Priscus Fidenas as Dictator, who, some say, had the nickname of Priscus, while others say Structus. Verginius, stayed behind to consult his colleague, Consul Julius, and, with his permission, proclaimed Servilius as the Dictator that night. Dictator Servilius chose Postumus Aebutius Helva as his Master of the Horse.

4.22 Dictator Servilius commanded everyone to gather at dawn outside the Colline Gate. All who were strong enough to bear arms complied. The military standards were swiftly retrieved from the treasury and delivered to the Dictator. As the Romans gathered their army together, the enemy forces retreated to higher ground. Servilius pursued them aggressively with an army now eager to fight, engaging them not far from Nomentum. The Etruscan legions and their standards were routed, and they fled. He then chased them into the city of Fidenae and surrounded it with a rampart. But, due to its elevated and fortified position, the city couldn't be captured by ladders. A siege was also ineffective as the city had ample grain supplies, not just for normal consumption but a lavish surplus, thanks to their troops bringing it in. With no hope of capturing the city by force or waiting for it to surrender, the Dictator decided to tunnel into their citadel from the opposite side of the city, known because of its proximity to Rome, which was often weakly fortified because its natural defenses made it seem impregnable. Meanwhile, he divided his army into four parts. Each part would keep the enemy distracted by taking turns attacking the walls continuously day and night. The strategy prevented the enemy from noticing the tunneling work until a passage was finally dug through the mountain and a road was built up to their citadel. The Etruscans, distracted by false attacks from the walls, realized their city was captured when they heard the enemy shouting above them, victoriously. In that year, Gaius Furius Paculus and Marcus Geganius Macerinus, as Censors, approved a public building in the Campus Martius. There, for the first time, a census of the people was taken.

4.23 The same consuls were re-elected the following year, according to Licinius Macer. Julius was elected for the third time, and Verginius for the second. However, Valerius Antias and Quintus Tubero claim that Marcus Manlius and Quintus Sulpicius were the consular tribunes for that year. Despite their differing accounts, both Tubero and Macer reference the Linen Books as their source. Neither of them disputes the claim made by ancient historians that there were consular tribunes that year. Licinius Macer believes we should trust the Linen Books without question, while Quintus Tubero is unsure about the truth. This issue remains unresolved, like many others lost to the passage of time. After Fidenae was captured, fear spread throughout the Etruscan peoples. Not only were the Veientes scared of facing a similar fate, but the Faliscans were also worried, remembering that the war had started with them, even though they hadn't participated in the recent hostilities. The two nations sent around envoys to the twelve Etruscan states, requesting to hold a general meeting at the Temple of Voltumna. After hearing about this, the Roman Senate, fearing a large-scale attack, ordered Mamercus Aemilius to be appointed Dictator once again. Aulus Postumius Tubertus was chosen by him as the Master of the Horse. The preparations for war were made with even more vigor than before, as the threat from all of the Etruscans was greater than from just two of its states.

4.24 The situation was resolved more peacefully than anyone anticipated. The traders reported that the Veientes were denied assistance and were told to continue the war they had begun with their own resources. Since they hadn't consulted them in their initial plans, they shouldn't seek help now that things were not going well. Dictator Aemilius, seeing that his chance for military glory was gone, and not wanting his appointment to be pointless, sought to do something during peacetime that would be a monument to his time as Dictator. He decided to limit the power of the censorship. He believed its powers were too great or that the duration of the office was too long. Aemilius called a meeting and stated that the gods had been taking care of foreign relations and ensuring general safety. He would take care of internal affairs and protect the freedom of the Roman people. Now, he said, to increase protection of Rome even more, protection was needed so that powerful positions shouldn't last too long. Also, there should be a time limit for those positions which did not have a limit on their jurisdiction. Other offices were annual, but the censorship was five years' duration. His position was that it was unfair for the same individuals to have control over a significant part of life for so many years. He would pass a law that the censorship shouldn't last longer than a year and a half. With popular support of the people, he passed the law the next day. Afterward, Aemilius said, "As you all know, Quirites, I don't like long-term authority. Here's my proof. Effective immediately, I resign my dictatorship." After limiting his own power and limiting the duration of another, he was escorted home amongst the praise and admiration of a large group of people. The Censors, on the other hand, were livid that the now-former dictator had reduced the duration of their office. They punished him by removing him from his tribe, increasing his taxes eight-fold, and declaring him a member of the non-voting, lowest class of citizenry [aerarii]. Mamercus Aemilius handled this with dignity, focusing on the reason for the punishment rather than the punishment itself. Even though they had disagreed with reducing the powers of the Censors, the leading patricians were upset with the Censors abusing their power. They realized that they, themselves, would more likely suffer under a Censor than to serve as one. At any rate, it's said that the people were so angry that only Mamercus Aemilius, himself, could prevent them from attacking the Censors.

4.25 The plebeian tribunes managed to stop the election of consuls by giving endless speeches almost causing an interregnum. After a long struggle, they finally succeeded in getting consular tribunes elected. However, their ultimate goal, to have a plebeian elected, wasn't achieved. All the elected officials were patricians, including Marcus Fabius Vibulanus, Marcus Folius, and Lucius Sergius Fidenas. That year, an outbreak of disease gave them no time for other matters. A temple was promised to Apollo for the health of the people. The duumviri did many things, guided by the Linen Books, to calm the anger of the gods and keep the plague away from the people. Despite their efforts, many people and animals died in the City and in the countryside. Fearing a famine because the disease had afflicted the farmers, they sent envoys to the Etruscans, the Pomptine region, Cumae, and finally even to Sicily to acquire grain. There was no talk of electing consuls. Instead, consular tribunes were appointed, all of whom were patricians, including Lucius Pinarius Mamercus, Lucius Furius Medullinus, and Spurius Postumius Albus. That year, the plague's severity lessened, and there was no risk of a grain shortage because they had prepared for it ahead of time. Plans for waging war were discussed in meetings of the Aequians and Volscians, and by the Etruscans at the Temple of Voltumna. The matter was delayed for a year, and a decree was passed that no meeting should be held before that time. The people of Veii complained in vain that the same fate awaited Veii as that which had destroyed Fidenae. Meanwhile, in Rome, the leaders of the plebeians, long hoping in vain for higher office during peacetime, held meetings in the homes of the plebeian tribunes. They secretly made plans and complained that they were so looked down upon by the plebeians themselves that, although consular tribunes had been elected for so many years, no plebeian had ever had access to that honor. Their ancestors had shown great foresight in taking care that no patrician could hold a plebeian magistrate's office, otherwise they would be forced to have patricians as plebeian tribunes and they themselves would not be considered as they were now so despised by their own class, much less the patricians. Some defended the plebeians and blamed the patricians, saying that it was their scheming and political manipulation that kept the plebeians from gaining high office. They argued that if the plebeians were allowed to take a break from the patricians' constant pleading and threats, they would vote for their own plebeians. Thus, having gained the support of their own, they could claim high office. As a result, they decided that the plebeian tribunes should propose a law to do away with the abuses of political manipulation by preventing any person from whitening their toga, which are ordinarily beige, for the purpose of announcing their candidacy for office. This issue, which may seem minor and hardly worth serious consideration now, caused a lot of conflict between the patricians and plebeians at the time. The plebeian tribunes succeeded in passing the law, and it was clear that the irritated plebeians would support their own candidates. To counter this, a decree of the Senate was passed to instead hold the election for consuls.

4.26 Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus, surnamed Poenus, son of the famous Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, and Gnaeus Julius Mento were elected as consuls. Reports came in from the Hernicians and the Latins, Roman allies, warning of an outbreak of hostilities by the Aequians and Volscians. The threat of war was imminent. A draft was held under the Lex Sacrata, the sacred oath which was the most powerful tool they had to force men into service. Large armies were assembled on both sides and met at Algidum. The Aequians and Volscians set up their camps independently, taking extra precautions this time to fortify their camps and drill their soldiers. This caused even more fear in Rome. The Senate wanted a dictator appointed. Despite many previous victories over these two nations, the enemies were now heading down the path of war with renewed energy while Rome was weak from having lost so many young Romans to the epidemic. Above all, people feared the consuls' wickedness, their constant disagreements over everything, and their inability to plan what needed to be done. Other sources say that the consuls fought badly at Algidum, and this was the reason for the call for a dictator. It's said that the consuls, despite their differences, united together against appointing a dictator, contrary to the will of the Senate. Alarming reports about the enemy continued to come in and the consuls still refused to submit to the Senate. Quintus Servilius Priscus, a former dictator and a highly respected figure, stepped forward, saying, "Plebeian tribunes, since the situation has come to such a dangerous point, the Senate appeals to you to use your power and force the consuls to name a dictator in such a crisis of the Republic." When they heard this, the plebeian tribunes saw this as an opportunity to increase their power. They withdrew for a discussion, and then, speaking on behalf of the college of tribunes, declared that the consuls should obey the Senate. If they continued to resist the will of that most distinguished body, the tribunes would order them to be imprisoned. The consuls preferred to be defeated by the plebeian tribunes than defeated by the Senate. The patricians were undermining the highest office and subjecting the consuls to the power of the plebeian tribunes. If a plebeian tribune could overrule a consul and even send him to prison, then what power does the Senate have? No one could agree on who should nominate the dictator. They all drew lots and the task of nominating a dictator fell to Titus Quinctius. Quinctius chose Aulus Postumius Tubertus, his father-in-law, known as a strict commander, as Dictator. Lucius Julius Iullus was appointed Master of the Horse. A draft was immediately called. All civil business was suspended, and the City focused solely on war preparations. The investigation of claims for exemption from military service was postponed until the end of the war, so, even in doubtful cases, men preferred to enlist. The Hernicians and Latins were also ordered to provide soldiers; both groups eagerly obeyed the commands of the Dictator.

4.27 All these actions were carried out swiftly. Consul Gnaeus Julius was left to protect the city, while Lucius Julius Iullus, Master of the Horse, handled any sudden demands of war so that nothing the army needed in camp would be delayed. As the situation was such a serious one, Dictator Postumius, echoing the ritual words of Aulus Cornelius, the Pontifex Maximus, who vowed to hold Great Games if they were victorious. After leaving the City, he split his army into two divisions, giving one to Consul Quinctius. Soon afterward, the Dictator advanced toward the enemy's position. As they noticed the enemy had set up independent camps not far from each other, the Romans also set up two separate camps, about a mile away. Dictator Postumius was nearer to Tusculum, and Consul Quinctius was nearer to Lanuvium. There were now four armies and just as many fortifications, with a plain between them that was large enough for skirmishes or lining up both armies for battle. From the time the camps were set up close to the enemy, there was constant light skirmishing. Dictator Postumius allowed his soldiers to test the waters with these minor skirmishes not only to compare their strength, but to whet their appetite for a decisive and final victory. The enemy, having abandoned all hope of a regular battle, decided to stake everything on a nighttime surprise attack of Consul Quinctius' camp. The sudden shout woke up not only the consuls and the guards, but also the entire army, and even woke the Dictator from sleep. Everything depended on instant action. Consul Quinctius showed equal courage and coolness. Some of his troops reinforced the guards at the gates, while others formed a ring around the rampart. As the Dictator's camp wasn't attacked, there was less confusion. It was easier to see what needed to be done. Dictator Postumius quickly sent reinforcements to Consul Quinctius' camp, appointing Spurius Postumius Albus as legate to lead. The Dictator, himself, with part of his forces, set out on a small detour to a place hidden away from the actual fighting where he could suddenly strike the enemy from the rear. He left Quintus Sulpicius, the legate, in charge of the camp, and assigned the cavalry to Marcus Fabius, another legate, ordering him not to move the cavalry before daylight, as it would be difficult to maneuver in the dark. The Dictator carried out all the measures that any other wise and experienced general could order and execute. One example where he showed extraordinary judgment and bravery, deserving of high praise, was when he sent Marcus Geganius with a special chosen group of cohorts to strike the enemy's camp, which had been previously scouted out, finding that the enemy had left with most of their troops. When Geganius stormed the camp, he discovered the defenders were so focused on the danger of their comrades that they were careless about protecting themselves. They even neglected their outpost and guard stations. Geganius took their camp almost before the enemy realized it was under attack. Then, when the Dictator saw the smoke signal as agreed, he shouted out that the enemy's camp was taken and ordered the news to be spread everywhere.

4.28 As dawn broke, everything was now visible. Fabius had launched an attack with his cavalry, and Consul Quinctius had charged from the camp at the panicking enemy. Meanwhile, Dictator Postumius had attacked their reserve and second line, sending his victorious troops, both cavalry and infantry, to intercept the enemy as they turned to face the wild shouts and sudden assaults. The enemy, now surrounded, would have suffered, down to the last man, the penalty of their rebellion, if not for a man named Vettius Messius, a Volscian. This man, more distinguished by his actions than his lineage, scolded his men as they formed a defensive circle. He shouted, "Are you going to offer yourselves to the enemy's weapons, unprotected, unavenged? Why do you have arms? Why have you started an offensive war, always restless in peace and cowardly in war? What hope do you have standing here? Do you think a god will save you and carry you away from here? You must fight your way out with swords. If you want to see your homes, your parents, your wives, and your children again, follow me. It's not a wall or a rampart blocking your way, but armed men like us. You're as brave as them; in desperation, which is the ultimate and most effective weapon, you're superior." As he said these words and began to act on them, they shouted and followed him, pushing against the Roman cohorts where Postumius had placed them. They broke through the Roman line, and they forced the Romans to retreat until Dictator Postumius came up to reinforce his retreating men, turning the tide of the battle once again. The enemy's fate now depended solely on Vettius Messius. There were many injuries and a lot of bloodshed on both sides. Even the Roman generals weren't spared from injury. Only Lieutenant General Spurius Postumius Alba left the battlefield, as he had a fractured skull from a stone's blow. Dictator Postumius refused to leave despite a shoulder wound, nor did Marcus Fabius, whose thigh was almost pinned to his horse by a spear. Consul Quinctius had his arm cut off, yet refused to leave the battle until it was decided.

4.29 Vettius Messius, along with a group of the bravest young men, charged over the bodies of slain Romans and led them back to the Volscians' camp, which hadn't yet been captured. The rest of his army followed. Consul Quinctius pursued the scattered men as far as the rampart, then attacked the camp and the rampart itself. The Dictator also brought up his forces from the other side. The attack on the camp was just as furious as the battle had been. At this point, the Consul threw a standard within the rampart into the camp to encourage his soldiers to move forward more fiercely in the charge to breach it. The standard was able to be recovered when the first breakthrough was made. At this point, the Dictator's forces had also breached the rampart, bringing the battle into the camp. When the enemy saw this happening, they started to drop their weapons and surrender. Finally, the camp was captured. All the enemies were sold into slavery, except for their senators. Some of the loot was returned to the Latins and Hernicians when they claimed their property. The Dictator sold the rest at auction. Then, leaving Consul Quinctius in charge of the camp, Dictator Postumius left for Rome. He entered the city in Triumph and subsequently resigned his dictatorship. Some historians cast a shadow over the memory of this glorious dictatorship by claiming that his son, despite being victorious, was beheaded by the Dictator because he had left his post without permission to take advantage of a favorable fighting opportunity. I don't believe this, and the differing opinions on the matter support my skepticism. An argument against this claim is that such orders have been called "Manlian," not "Postumian," suggesting that the person who first established such a brutal precedent would likely be given the notorious title of cruelty. Moreover, the nickname "Imperiosus", meaning "domineering", was given to Manlius. Postumius hasn't been marked by any hateful label. Consul Gnaeus Julius dedicated the Temple of Apollo in the absence of his colleague, without casting lots. Consul Quinctius, feeling slighted, complained about this in the Senate after he disbanded his army and returned to the City, but to no avail. In addition to the year's significant achievements, an event occurred that seemed unrelated to Rome's interests. The Carthaginians, who were destined to become formidable enemies, transported an army into Sicily for the first time to assist one of the factions during some domestic quarrels among the Sicilians.

4.30 In the City, the plebeian tribunes tried to get consular tribunes elected, but they were unsuccessful. Lucius Papirius Crassus and Lucius Julius Iullus were elected as consuls. The Aequians' ambassadors asked the Senate for a treaty but the Senate suggested that they surrender, instead of a treaty. However, they asked and secured a truce for eight years. The Volscians were dealing with internal problems and sedition due to a stubborn disagreement between those advocating for peace and those advocating for war. This was on top of the disaster they had suffered at Algidum. The Romans, meanwhile, were enjoying peace on all fronts. The consuls secretly learned from a plebeian tribune that a popular law about the assessment of fines was about to be proposed by plebeian tribunes. Instead, the consuls decided to propose it, themselves. The next new consuls were Lucius Sergius Fidenas, serving for the second time, and Hostius Lucretius Tricipitinus. Nothing noteworthy happened during their consulate. Next year, the consuls who succeeded them were Aulus Cornelius Cossus and Titus Quinctius Poenus, who was serving for the second time. The Veientes started making raids into Roman territory. There were rumors that some young men from Fidenae had been involved in these raids. Lucius Sergius, Quintus Servilius, and Mamercus Aemilius were tasked with investigating into the matter. Some of the suspects were exiled to Ostia because they did not have a good excuse for why they had been absent from Fidenae during those raids. New colonists were brought in, and the land of those who had died in the war was given to them. That year, there was a severe drought. Not only was there a lack of rain, but the earth was also devoid of its natural moisture, barely allowing rivers to flow. In some places, the lack of water led to piles of cattle dying of thirst around dried-up springs and streams. Other cattle were sickened by scabies, a skin disease, which then spread to humans, first affecting farmers and slaves. Soon, the City was filled with sick people. Not only were people physically affected, but their minds were also taken over by a horde of various superstitions, most of them foreign. Strangers, claiming to be soothsayers, profited from these superstitions by introducing new ways of sacrificing in their homes and captivating the peoples' minds. Eventually, the city's leaders, shamed by the sight of unfamiliar religious ceremonies being performed in the streets and chapels to appease the gods, ordered the aediles to ensure that only Roman gods were worshipped, and only in the traditional Roman way. Their anger toward the Veientes was put on hold until the following year, when Gaius Servilius Ahala and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus were consuls. Superstitious beliefs delayed what should have been an immediate declaration of war and the deployment of armies. They felt it necessary to first send fetials to demand restitution. There had been recent battles with the Veientes at Nomentum and Fidenae, followed by a truce, not a peace treaty. The truce had expired, as the Veientes had resumed hostilities even before it ended. Despite this, fetials were sent, but when they demanded restitution according to ancient custom, they were ignored. A debate then arose over whether the plebeians should order a war or if a Senate decree would be enough. The plebeian tribunes threatened to halt the draft, forcing Consul Quinctius to consult the people about the war. All the centuries voted in favor of it. In this matter too, the plebeians showed their superiority by ensuring that consuls wouldn't be elected for the next year.

4.31 Four consular tribunes were elected: Titus Quinctius Poenus, who had been consul, Gaius Furius Pacilus, Marcus Postumius Albinus, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus. Of these, Cornelius Cossus was left in charge of the City. The other three left for Veii after completing the draft for the necessary soldiers. These men showed how useless a divided command is in war as each insisted on his own strategy. Their differing views and stubbornness led to confusion, and this gave the enemy an opening. The Roman battle line was thrown into confusion, as one consular tribune called to advance, and another called to retreat. The Veientes seized this opportunity and attacked. The nearby Roman camp took in the soldiers who were disorganized and fleeing. This defeat was viewed as more of a disgrace than a loss. Rome was rattled, as the state had been unaccustomed to defeat. The people blamed the consular tribunes and demanded a dictator, placing all their hopes of victory on him. Here is where a religious issue arose because a dictator could only be appointed by a consul. The augurs were consulted, and the rule was removed. Aulus Cornelius Cossus, a consular tribune, nominated Mamercus Aemilius as Dictator for the second time, who, in turn, nominated Aulus Cornelius Cossus, himself, as Master of the Horse. This showed how powerless the Censors were to prevent an unfairly censured family from retaking power once the fortunes of the state demanded actual merit and talent. Emboldened by their second victory, the Veientes sent ambassadors to the Etruscan states, boasting that they had defeated three Roman generals in one battle. Although they couldn't secure an alliance for their plans, they attracted volunteers from all over with the promise of loot. Only the Fidenates decided to renew hostilities. They joined the Veientes, but as they thought it was impious to start a war with no crime, they killed the new colonists in Fidenae, just as they had killed the ambassadors before. The leaders of the two enemy states then discussed whether to choose Veii or Fidenae as the war's location. They chose Fidenae as it was more convenient. After crossing the Tiber River, the Veientes thus moved the war to Fidenae. A great sense of alarm and fear arose in Rome. The Roman army was called back from Veii, demoralized because of their humiliating defeat. A camp was set up before the Colline Gate, and armed men were stationed along the walls. A state of emergency was called, court proceedings and civil business were suspended in the Forum, and the shops were closed. The City looked more like a military camp than a city.

4.32 While the City was in a state of panic, Dictator Aemilius sent messengers through the streets and called the worried citizens to a meeting, at which he began to scold them by saying that they let their thoughts be swayed by trivial fluctuations of fortune. This small defeat wasn't due to the enemy's bravery or the Romans' cowardice, but by the disagreements between the generals. There is no need to fear the Veiian enemy, who have been defeated six times, and Fidenae, which had almost been captured more times than it had been attacked. The Dictator reminded them that the Romans and their enemies were the same as they had been for many centuries. They had the same spirit, the same physical strength, and carried the same weapons. And he, Mamercus Aemilius, was the same Dictator who previously defeated the armies of the Veientes and Fidenates, with the added help of the Faliscans at Nomentum. The Master of the Horse, Aulus Cornelius, was the same man who would be the same in the field. He was the military tribune in a previous war who had killed Lars Tolumnius, the king of the Veientes, in front of both armies, and brought the spolia opima to the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius. He urged them to remember that their past Triumphs, spoils, and victories were with them, while their enemies had the guilt of killing the ambassadors in violation of the Law of Nations, of slaughtering the colonists at Fidenae during peacetime, of breaking a truce, and now a seventh disastrous revolt. They should now take up arms. As soon as the camps were brought together, the Dictator was confident that the joy of these very wicked enemies over the disgrace of the Roman army wouldn't last long. The Dictator was also confident that the Roman people would realize how much better off the Roman Republic was when they nominated him Dictator for the third time as compared to those who tried to tarnish his second dictatorship because he ended the tyranny of the censorship. After making his vows to the gods and starting his march, Dictator Aemilius set up his camp fifteen hundred paces from Fidenae, protected on his right by mountains and on his left by the Tiber River. He instructed his legate, Consular Tribune Quinctius Poenus, to secure the mountains and to seize, in secret, a ridge that was directly behind the enemy. The next day, the Etruscans came onto the field full of confidence because of their accidental success the previous day from good luck, not good fighting. The Dictator, after waiting a little until scouts reported that Quinctius had reached the ridge near the Fidenae citadel, brought out his standards and led his line of infantry into position at a very fast pace. He ordered the Master of the Horse not to start the fight without orders; that he would give the signal for the cavalry's help when it was necessary. He reminded him of his fight with King Tolumnius and the spoils of war he had taken, and of Romulus and the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius. The Dictator then led the Roman legions into battle with great suddenness and fierceness. Filled with hatred, the soldiers expressed their utter rage in both action and word, calling the Fidenates traitors, and the Veientes thieves, trucebreakers, stained with the murder of ambassadors, covered with the blood of Roman colonists, faithless as allies, and cowardly as soldiers.

4.33 The enemy's resistance was shaken at the first encounter, but when the gates of Fidenae suddenly burst open, a new battle broke out unlike anything seen or heard before. A massive crowd appeared, armed with fiery torches that lit so brightly upon them that their size couldn't be doubted. Then, as if possessed by wild fury, they charged full speed toward the Romans. The sight of this strange battle tactic startled the Romans and they immediately started to retreat. Dictator Aemilius quickly summoned the Master of the Horse with his cavalry and sent for Quinctius to come back from the hills. He rushed to the left wing, which now more resembled a large fire than a battle, as the Roman army retreated in fear of the flames. He shouted at them, "Are you overcome by smoke, like a swarm of bees? Will you surrender to an unarmed enemy? Will you put out the fires with your swords? If we must fight with fire, not weapons, will you not grab those torches and throw them back? Move! Remember your Roman heritage, the bravery of your ancestors, and your own courage. Turn this fire against your enemy's city and destroy Fidenae with its own flames, which you couldn't tame with your kindness. The blood of your ambassadors and colonists and the devastation of your borders demand this." At the command of the Dictator, the entire line moved forward. Some of the enemies' thrown torches were now caught in midair; others were forcibly taken. Both armies were now armed with fire. The Master of the Horse introduced a new fighting style among the cavalry; he ordered his men to remove their horses' bridles. He led the charge, giving his unbridled horse its head and putting spurs to it, the horse carried him into the heart of the fire. The other horses, spurred on, also carried their riders at full speed against the enemy. While the dust and smoke obscured the vision of both men and horses, the sight that frightened the soldiers did not frighten the horses at all. The cavalry, wherever they broke through, left piles of bodies like a collapsed building. At this moment a new shout occurred which turned both armies' attention toward it. The Dictator called out that Quinctius and his men had attacked the enemy from behind. With a renewed battle cry, the Dictator and his army charged at the enemy with greater force. Now two Roman armies, from two separate battle lines, closed in on the Etruscans from the front and rear. The Etruscans found themselves surrounded with no escape route to their camp or the hills, where more Romans awaited them. To add to the chaos, Roman horses, now without bridles, had taken their Roman riders in all directions. Most of the Veientes fled toward the Tiber River. The surviving Fidenates headed for the city of Fidenae. When the Veientes reached the Tiber River in a disorganized panic, the Romans were waiting for them on the banks, where they were slaughtered. Other Veientes were driven into the water but were swept away by the river's currents. And those who could swim were weighed down by exhaustion, wounds, and fear. Only a few managed to cross successfully. The rest of the Fidenae army made their way through their own camp and into their city. The Romans, carried along by their own momentum, pursued them, especially Quinctius and those who had just descended from the hills. These soldiers were well-rested and ready for battle, having joined in toward the end of the battle.

4.34 The Fidenae and Roman armies, mixed together, spilled through the city gates of Fidenae in disorganized chaos. As soon as the Romans had mounted the walls, they signaled to those below that the city was taken by removing the standard of Fidenae from the wall. Dictator Aemilius, already inside the deserted enemy camp, saw the signal. The Roman soldiers, at this point, were anxious to disperse and start taking loot from the camp. The Dictator reminded them that there were more spoils in the city and led them to the city gates. After entering the city, the Dictator headed to the Fidenae citadel, where he saw a crowd of fleeing fugitives. The bloodshed in the city was no less than that in the battle until, throwing down their weapons, the fugitives surrendered and pleaded that their lives may be spared. The Romans subsequently looted both the city and the camp. The next day, each cavalryman and centurion took turns drawing lots to choose one captive as their slave, while those who showed exceptional bravery were given two. The remaining captives were sold at auction. The victorious army, heavy with spoils, was led back to Rome where Dictator Aemilius enjoyed a Triumph. He ordered the Master of the Horse to resign his position, and he himself resigned on the sixteenth day after receiving it, peacefully relinquishing the authority he had received during a time of war and danger. Some historical records mention a naval battle with the Veientes at Fidenae. This seems as unlikely as it's difficult, given that the river isn't wide enough for such a purpose, even today. According to ancient writers, it was even narrower back then. Possibly, in their desire to prevent the enemy from crossing the river, some boats came in contact, and, as often happens, they exaggerated it into some kind of large naval victory.

4.35 The next year saw Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, Lucius Furius Medullinus, and Lucius Horatius Barbatus serving as consular tribunes. A twenty-year truce was granted to the Veientes, and a three-year truce to the Aequians, even though they had requested a longer one. The city was also free from political unrest. The consular tribunes were Appius Claudius Crassus, Spurius Nautilus Rutilus, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, and Sextus Julius Iulus. This year, while not marked by foreign wars or unrest at home, was made notable by the Great Games that had been promised seven years previously during the war. The famous spectacle was magnificently presented by the military tribunes with a large attendance of neighboring states. The visitors publicly agreed that the event was made even more enjoyable for them by the hospitality of their hosts. After the Great Games, the plebeian tribunes gave speeches criticizing the plebeians. They said that the plebeians were so awestruck by those they despised that they remained in perpetual servitude. Not only did the plebeians not have the courage to hope for a share in the consulship, but also, they did not even consider themselves or their fellow plebeians during the election of consular tribunes even though the election was open to both patricians and plebeians. They argued that plebeians shouldn't be surprised that no one was looking out for their interests. Plebeians work hard with the expectation of honor and reward. They would try anything if the rewards reflected the size of the effort. But why should a plebeian tribune take great risks, rushing blindly into conflicts with no profit, knowing that the patricians he opposes will persecute him relentlessly, and he wouldn't be any more honored or appreciated by the plebeians he defended. Under such conditions, he should neither hope, nor demand to be honored. Great honors inspire great courage. Plebeians will be respected when plebeians start to respect themselves. The plebeian tribunes suggested that it should be tested whether any plebeian could handle a high position, or whether it was almost miraculous for a plebeian to be brave and hardworking. It had taken a lot of effort to allow consular tribunes to be chosen from the plebeians. They had asked for men respected at home and in the army and good candidates had run for these positions, but they had been mocked, rejected, and ridiculed by the patricians in the first few years. Eventually, the plebeians stopped putting themselves in positions where they could be insulted. The plebeian tribunes suggested that the law allowing the plebeians to run for office could be repealed, since it was legal but never actually happened. It would be less shameful to have a law that was clearly unfair than for them to be passed over in elections, as if they were unworthy to hold office.

4.36 Speeches of this nature, which were well received by the plebeians, encouraged some individuals to run for the position of consular tribune. Each candidate promised that, if elected, they would propose measures beneficial to the plebeians. Their speeches raised hopes of distributing public land, establishing colonies, and generating funds for soldiers' pay through a tax on estate owners. The consular tribunes seized an opportunity during a time when many people were away from the city. They arranged for the senators, who were in the countryside, to be summoned by private notice to attend a meeting on a specific day. In the absence of the plebeian tribunes, a Senate decree was then passed, owing to a rumor that the Volscians had invaded the allied Hernician lands, that the consular tribunes should go to investigate the matter and that elections for consuls should be held. On the consular tribunes' departure, they left Appius Claudius, the decemvir's son, as prefect of the city. An energetic young man, Appius Claudius had always, from birth, harbored a deep resentment toward the plebeian tribunes and the plebeians, in general. The plebeian tribunes had no chance to contest the matter with the consular tribunes, now absent, who had arranged the Senate decree, or with Appius Claudius who announced that the matter was already settled.

4.37 Gaius Sempronius Atratinus and Quintus Fabius Vibulanus were chosen as consuls. An event in a foreign land worth remembering occurred that year. The city of Vulturnum, belonging to the Etruscans and now known as Capua, was captured by the Samnites. The city was named Capua either after their leader, Capys, or more likely, due to its flat lands. The Samnites took over after being received as allies and admitted into the city and its lands, because the Etruscans were weary of war. Then, on a festival day, while the old inhabitants were heavy with sleep and feasting, the new settlers, the Samnites, fell upon them in a nighttime massacre. After these events, the new consuls whom we mentioned took office on the thirteenth of December. Intelligence reports about an impending Volscian war were coming in not only by those who were sent for that purpose, but also by ambassadors from the Latin and Hernician allies. They all said the same thing: the Volscians were more focused than ever on choosing generals and raising an army. There was murmuring among the people that the Volscians should either abandon arms and war forever and accept slavery, or surpass those they competed with for supremacy in bravery, persistence, and military discipline. The reports weren't baseless, not only was the Senate not overly concerned, but Consul Sempronius, who was assigned the province by lot, acted rashly and carelessly, relying on luck as if it were the most constant thing in the world. As the leader of a victorious state against a frequently defeated one, he believed that success was guaranteed. Accordingly, even the Volscian army was more disciplined than the Roman one. Thus, as often happens, luck follows virtue. In the first battle, Sempronius acted without planning or forethought. The Romans fought without strengthening their columns with reserves nor did they properly position their cavalry. The war cries were the first sign that things weren't going well. The Volscians' shout was animated and more sustained. The Romans' shout was intermittent, uneven, and weak, revealing their low morale. It betrayed the terror in their hearts. The Volscians, emboldened by this, pushed forward with their shields and their swords flashing in the sun. On the Roman side, helmets wavered as the men looked around nervously, unsure of themselves, and they crowded together for mutual protection. At one point the Roman standards were abandoned by the front ranks and the next moment they were taken back among their respective maniples. There was no outright flight, but neither was there any victory. The Romans would rather have taken cover than fight. The Volscian standards pushed against the Roman line, forcing the battle, which saw more Romans killed than fleeing.

4.38 Consul Sempronius' troops were now retreating in all directions, despite his futile attempts to reprimand and encourage them. His authority and dignity had no effect, and the Romans were on the verge of showing their backs to the enemy in full retreat. However, Sextus Tempanius, a commander of a cavalry unit, intervened with timely support when the situation seemed hopeless. He loudly shouted that those who wished for the safety of the state should dismount from their horses. This command, perceived as an order from the consul, stirred all the cavalry units and they dismounted. He then declared, "If this cohort carrying their small parma shields can't halt the enemy's advance with their weapons, the state is doomed. Follow my spear as your standard! Prove to the Romans and to the Volscians alike that no cavalry can match your cavalry, nor infantry to your infantry!" This rallying cry was met with a resounding cheer, and he led the charge, spear held high. Wherever they advanced, they carved a path for themselves, parma shields in front, pushing toward the area where their comrades were most in distress. The battle was reignited wherever their charge reached. There was no doubt that if such a small group could be everywhere at once, the enemy would have retreated.

4.39 When the Volscian general saw this new cohort of the Romans with parma shields could no longer be resisted, he signaled for a path to be opened for them. The plan was to let them rush forward in their eagerness, separating them from their horses and then the Volscians would close in behind. Once this was accomplished, the Roman cavalry would be cut off. The Roman cohort wouldn't be able to force their way back through the same route they had come, as the enemy was most concentrated there. Consul Sempronius and the Roman legions, now unable to locate the cohort unit that had previously been a shield for the entire army, feared that the enemy would slaughter these brave men. So, they advanced regardless of the risk. The Volscians, forming two fronts, withstood the Consul and the legions on one side, while the other front pressed on Commander Tempanius and the cavalry. Despite numerous attempts, Tempanius and his cavalry couldn't break through to their own side. Instead, they occupied a hill and defended themselves in a circular formation, managing to inflict damage on the Volscians. The battle didn't end until nightfall and Consul Sempronius didn't let up, determined to keep the enemy engaged as long as there was light. The uncertainty of the outcome caused panic in both camps when night fell. Leaving their wounded and much of their baggage behind, both armies retreated to the nearby mountains as if they had been defeated. The hill continued to be surrounded by the Volscians until after midnight. When the Volscians heard that their camp had been abandoned, they became afraid, assuming that their own side had been defeated, and fled into the darkness of night. Commander Tempanius, wary of a trap, kept his men on the hill until dawn. He then descended with a few men to scout the area. Having questioned some of the wounded Volscians, he learned that the Volscian camp had been deserted. Overjoyed, he called his soldiers down from the hill and they entered the Roman camp. Here, he found the Roman camp was empty and deserted with the same foul scene as in the enemy's camp. He quickly gathered all the wounded he could carry with him. Unsure of Consul Sempronius' whereabouts, he took the shortest route back to Rome before the Volscians could realize their mistake and return.

4.40 News of the failed battle and the desertion of the camp had already reached the City. The loss of the cavalrymen was mourned both privately and publicly. Consul Fabius was now stationed at the City gates, as panic had gripped the City. The sight of the returning cavalrymen initially caused fear among those who were unsure of their identity. However, recognition soon brought immense joy, leading to a City-wide celebration with shouts and cheers of their safe and victorious return. People who had previously mourned their friends as lost were now seen rushing into the streets. Overjoyed mothers and wives, forgetting all decorum, ran out to greet their loved ones. Their happiness was so overwhelming that they could barely control themselves. The plebeian tribunes had previously set a trial date for Marcus Postumius Albinus and Titus Quinctius Poenus Cincinnatus due to their role in the unsuccessful battle near Veii the three years previous. They saw the recent unhappiness with Consul Sempronius as an opportunity to reignite public resentment against Postumius and Quinctius. An assembly was called where they loudly accused the consuls of betraying the Republic at Veii, and now, because they had gone unpunished, they accused Consul Sempronius of doing the same with the army in the Volscian territory. The bravest cavalrymen, they claimed, were sent to their deaths and the camp was disgracefully abandoned. Gaius Junius, one of the military tribunes, summoned the cavalry commander, Tempanius, and asked him, "Sextus Tempanius, I ask you, do you believe that Consul Gaius Sempronius initiated the battle at the right time, or reinforced his line with reserves, or fulfilled any duty of a good consul? Or did you, when the Roman legions were defeated, decide to dismount the cavalry and resume the fight? When you and your cavalry were separated from our army, did the Consul come to your aid or send help? The next day, did you receive any assistance, or did you and your cohort bravely find your way back to your camp? Finally, on the following day, did you have any help at all, or did you and your cohorts bravely break through to your camp? Did you find a consul or an army in the camp, or did you find the camp deserted and the wounded soldiers left behind? Today, you must speak the truth, as befits your courage and honor, which alone has kept the Republic standing. In short, where is Consul Sempronius? Where are our legions? Have you been abandoned, or have you abandoned the Consul and the army? In short, have we been defeated, or have we been victorious?"

4.41 Commander Tempanius is reported to have responded to these inquiries in a manner that was unpolished and simple. However, it was marked by the dignity of a soldier. He did not boast about his own accomplishments or take pleasure in blaming others. He stated that it wasn't his place as a soldier to evaluate the military expertise of Consul Sempronius. That is the responsibility of the Roman people when they select consuls during the election. They shouldn't expect him to outline the strategies a general should adopt, nor the qualities to look for in a consul. These are matters for great minds and great abilities to consider. He could only report what he had witnessed. Before he was separated from his group, he saw Consul Sempronius fighting in the front line, motivating his men, actively engaged among the Roman standards and the enemy's weapons. After he was later taken out of view from his comrades, he could still hear the noise and shouting, and he deduced that the battle lasted until nightfall. He did not believe the Volscians could find a path to reach the high ground he himself held against the enemy. At that point, Tempanius did not know where the Roman army might be. He assumed that, just as he himself had defended himself and his men in a dangerous situation by taking up a strong position, so too had Consul Sempronius chosen safer places in his camp to protect his army. He did not believe the situation of the Volscians was better than that of the Roman people. Both sides made many mistakes due to luck and the darkness of night. After pleading to be released due to his exhaustion and injuries, Tempanius was dismissed with great praise for his courage and humility and allowed to leave. While this was occurring, Consul Sempronius was at the Sanctuary of Quietis for rest on the Labicana Road. Wagons and other forms of transportation were sent from the City to collect the weary army, who had been worn out by the battle and the night march. The Consul returned to the City shortly after, eager not only to clear his name but also to commend Commander Tempanius for his well-earned praise. While the citizens were still mourning their defeat and angry at their leaders, Marcus Postumius Albinus, who had been a consular tribune at Veii, was accused of poor leadership and was brought before them for trial. He was condemned to pay ten-thousand pounds of aes rude. His colleague, Titus Quinctius Poenus Cincinnatus, who tried to place all the blame on his already condemned colleague, was acquitted by all the tribes. The decision was based on his successful leadership in the Volscians' territory when he was consul under the guidance of the Dictator, Aulus Postumius Tubertus, and at Fidenae, as the legate of another Dictator, Mamercus Aemilius. The reputation of his father, Cincinnatus, a man worthy of great respect, is believed to have helped him, as did Quinctius Capitolinus, now elderly, who pleaded that they not ask him to deliver such terrible news to Cincinnatus in his final years.

4.42 The plebeians elected Sextus Tempanius, Marcus Asellius, Tiberius Antistius, and Tiberius Spurillius as plebeian tribunes, even though they weren't present. All of them, on the advice of Tempanius, were selected by the cavalry to act as their centurions. The Senate, due to the growing dislike for the name of "consuls" because of the hatred toward former consul Sempronius, decided that consular tribunes should be elected. The elected individuals were Lucius Manlius Capitolinus, Quintus Antonius Merenda, and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus. At the start of the year, Lucius Hortensius, a plebeian tribune, set a trial date for Gaius Sempronius, the consul from the prior year. When his four colleagues pleaded with him in front of the Roman people not to trouble their innocent general, who could only be blamed for his bad luck, Hortensius became offended. He believed they were testing his resolve, and that the accused was relying not on the pleas of the plebeian tribunes, which were done for appearances, but on their veto for protection. Hortensius then asked Sempronius, "Where is your patrician spirit? Where is the spirit of someone confident with an innocent conscience? Is a man of consular dignity hiding under the protection of the plebeian tribunes!" Hortensius then turned to his fellow tribunes, "What will you do if I continue with the prosecution? Will you take away the plebeians' rights and overthrow the plebeian tribunes' authority?" The plebeian tribunes responded that the power of the Roman people was supreme. Higher than Gaius Sempronius' power. Higher than anyone else's power. They, the plebeian tribunes, had neither the will nor the power to overturn the plebeians' judgment. However, he was like a father to them, and if their prayers weren't answered, they would change their garments to mourning and stand by his side. "The plebeians of Rome won't see their tribunes dressed in mourning," Hortensius replied, "I drop all charges. I've nothing more to say to former consul Sempronius, who has been fortunate enough to be loved by his soldiers while in office." The loyalty of the four plebeian tribunes was appreciated by both the plebeians and the patricians, as was Hortensius' willingness to listen to their fair pleas. The Aequians, who had claimed the uncertain victory of the Volscians as their own, were no longer favored by Fortune.

4.43 The following year Numerius Fabius Vibulanus and Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, son of Capitolinus, were consuls. Consul Fabius, to whom the Aequian province fell by lot, didn't accomplish anything noteworthy. The dispirited Aequian army was routed out and immediately ran away in shame, without much honor to the consul, so a Triumph was denied. However, because he had erased the shame of Gaius Sempronius' defeat, he was allowed to enter the city with an ovation. As the war had ended with less fighting than they had feared, the City, being calm during the conflict, erupted in unexpected conflicts between the plebeians and patricians, starting with the doubling of the number of quaestors. This measure, which was proposed by the consuls, stated that in addition to the two city quaestors, two more quaestors should assist the consuls with military duties. When this proposal was offered to the Senate by the consuls, it received strong support. However, the plebeian tribunes insisted that half of the quaestors be chosen from the plebeians. Until then, only patricians were appointed. Both the consuls and the Senate initially resisted this idea, but eventually conceded that the plebeians should have equal say in the selection of quaestors, as they did in the election of consular tribunes. Ultimately, as nothing was to be gained by the consuls and the Senate doing this, they dropped the topic of increasing quaestors entirely. The plebeian tribunes took up the issue, however, and other seditious plans were quickly being proposed, one after the other, including the Agrarian Law. Due to this commotion, since the Senate preferred to elect consuls rather than consular tribunes, and since the plebeian tribunes' protests prevented any Senate decree from being passed, the Republic transitioned from consular to an interregnum, but not without a significant struggle, as the plebeian tribunes vetoed any meeting of the patricians to appoint an interrex. Much of the next year was consumed by conflicts between the new plebeian tribunes and several interreges, with the plebeian tribunes preventing the patricians from meeting to declare an interrex, and other times interrupting the interrex from calling the election of consuls. Finally, Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, who was appointed as the interrex, criticized both the patricians and the plebeian tribunes, saying that the Republic had been abandoned and neglected by men and was sustained only by the providence and care of the gods who saved it from the Veiian truces and the Aequians' delay. If any threat arose, did we want the state to collapse for lack of patrician magistrates? Are we to have no army or a general to recruit one? Could we then fight a foreign war while still engaged in a civil one? If both occurred at the same time, the Roman state could barely be saved, even with the help of the gods. Why not, then, compromise, meeting halfway to restore harmony? Let the patricians allow consular tribunes to be elected in place of consuls, and let the plebeian tribunes refrain from vetoing the election of four quaestors, to be chosen freely by the people from both the plebeians and patricians.

4.44 The election of consular tribunes was done first. The elected consular tribunes were all patricians and included Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus for the third time, Lucius Furius Medullinus for the second time, Marcus Manlius, and Aulus Sempronius Atratinus. Sempronius presided over the election of quaestors. Among the plebeian candidates were a son of Aulus Antistius, a plebeian tribune, and a brother of Sextus Pompilius, another plebeian tribune. Yet, despite the power and support of these plebeian tribunes, they couldn't prevent the people from preferring candidates from patrician families, whose fathers and grandfathers they had seen serving as consuls. All the plebeian tribunes were angered, especially Sextus Pompilius and Aulus Antistius, who were upset about the rejection of their relatives. What on earth was the matter? Despite their own services, the patricians' mistreatment, and the desire to exercise their new rights, when they were finally allowed to run for office, no one from the plebeians was elected, not as a consular tribune and not even as a quaestor! Not even the pleas of a father for his son or a brother for his brother, or the authority of the plebeian tribunes, whose sacrosanct power was created for the support of their liberty, had any effect. Clearly, there was fraud involved. They accused Consular Tribune Aulus Sempronius of dishonesty, claiming that he used more trickery than fairness in the elections. They complained that their own candidates had been unfairly defeated for office. Unable to attack Sempronius directly as he was protected by his innocence and his current official position as magistrate, the plebeian tribunes directed their anger toward Gaius Sempronius, his cousin, and with the help of their colleague, Marcus Canuleius, they brought a charge against him for the disgrace of the previous failed war against the Volscians. As the same plebeian tribunes frequently brought up the issue of the Agrarian Law in the Senate, they knew that Gaius Sempronius had always strongly opposed the proposal. If Sempronius abandoned the matter, they thought, he would lose favor among the patricians, or if he persisted, he would offend the plebeians. Sempronius stood firm in his belief, risking unpopularity and damage to his own case, rather than fail the Republic. He refused to allow a land grant to win favor with the three plebeian tribunes. They were not seeking land for the plebeians but were trying to discredit him and he was prepared to face the backlash with courage. Nor should he, a citizen or anyone else, be so indebted to the Senate that sparing one person would cause public harm. On the day of the trial, he chose to defend himself with an unbroken spirit but was ultimately fined fifteen-thousand pounds of aes rude despite the patricians' attempts to persuade the plebeians to be lenient. That same year, Postumia, a Vestal Virgin, was tried for incest. She was innocent, but her overly pretty dress, charming manners, and the free-spirited way she behaved was unbefitting a virgin and had raised suspicions. The case was initially postponed, but she was later acquitted. The Pontifex Maximus, under the guidance of the college, instructed her to stop the dirty jokes and to act like a solemn Vestal instead of a flirt. Also, that same year, the city of Cumae, which was then occupied by the Greeks, was captured by the Campanians.

4.45 The next year, Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, Publius Lucretius Tricipitinus, and Spurius Nautius Rutilus served as consular tribunes. This year was marked by the prosperity of the Roman people due to a great danger rather than an actual disaster. A plot was uncovered where slaves planned to set fire to the city in multiple areas. While the citizens were distracted trying to put out the fires, the slaves planned to arm themselves and take control of the Citadel and Capitoline Hill. However, their plans were thwarted by Jupiter, and the culprits were caught and punished due to information provided by two accomplices. The slave informants were each rewarded with ten thousand pounds of aes rude from the treasury, a significant sum at the time, and their freedom. The Aequians then started preparing for renewed hostilities. Reports reached Rome that the Labicans, a new enemy, were joining forces with the Aequians. The Roman state had become accustomed to the annual conflicts with the Aequians. When ambassadors were sent to Labici and returned with an ambiguous response, it became clear that neither peace nor war was certain. The Tusculans were instructed to keep a close watch on Labici for any signs of unrest. The following year, Lucius Sergius Fidenas for the third time, Marcus Papirius Mugillanus, and Gaius Servilius Ahala, the son of Dictator Quintus Servilius Priscus who captured Fidenae, served as consular tribunes. As they began their term, ambassadors from Tusculum arrived and reported that the Labicans had taken up arms and, together with the Aequian army, had ravaged Tusculan territory. After this, the Labicans and Aequians had set up camp at Algidum. The Senate immediately declared war on the Labicans. A decree from the Senate stated that two of the consular tribunes should go to war, while one should stay in Rome to manage affairs. A dispute then arose among the consular tribunes, each claiming he was better suited to lead the war effort and dismissing the task of managing the City as unappealing and lacking in glory. The Senate was taken aback by this unprofessional argument among the colleagues. Quintus Servilius declared, "Since there is no respect for this office or the Republic, parental authority will end this dispute. My son, Gaius Servilius, will take charge of the City without drawing lots. I hope those who are so eager to manage the war will conduct it with more thoughtfulness and harmony than they display seeking it."

4.46 The decision was made that the draft shouldn't be drawn from the entire population indiscriminately. Instead, ten tribes were selected by lot. The two consular tribunes, Lucius Sergius and Marcus Papirius, recruited the young men of military age from these tribes and led them to war. The disputes of the two consular tribunes that began between them in the City then escalated in the camp due to their intense desire for supreme command. They disagreed on every issue, each advocating for their own views. Each wanted his own strategies and commands to be the only one followed. They held mutual contempt for each other until, after the intervention of the legates, it was finally agreed that the consular tribunes would alternate supreme command every other day. When news of these events reached Rome, Quintus Servilius, a man of age and experience in public service, is said to have prayed to the gods that the consular tribunes' quarreling wouldn't harm the state as it had at Veii. Anticipating a looming disaster, he urged his son, Consular Tribune Gaius Servilius, to enlist soldiers and prepare weapons. His foresight wasn't misplaced. Under the leadership of Consular Tribune Sergius, whose turn it was, the Romans engaged the Aequians on unfavorable terrain near the enemy's camp. Since the enemy had retreated to the rampart in feigned fear, Sergius was lured there by the false hope of storming and capturing the camp. But the Aequi, launching a surprise attack across the valley, routed the Romans pushing them down the slope and many were killed, more by the great fall from the steep slope and the ensuing chaos than by the enemy, themselves. The Roman camp barely held on that day and on the following day, when the enemy had already largely surrounded it, the Romans abandoned it in a disgraceful retreat through the opposite gate. The consular tribunes, legates, and the strongest part of the main army who stayed close to the standards, retreated to Tusculum. Others, scattered across the fields, rushed to Rome by various routes, reporting a greater loss than had actually occurred. The panic was somewhat lessened because the outcome matched the plebeians' fears and because reinforcements had been prepared by Consular Tribune Servilius. Following his orders, once the City's unrest was calmed by the lower magistrates, scouts were immediately sent out. They reported that the consular tribunes and the army were at Tusculum and that the enemy hadn't moved their camp. The most uplifting news was that Quintus Servilius Priscus was appointed Dictator by a decree of the Senate. His wisdom in public affairs had been proven on many occasions, including the recent war, as he was the only one who had foreseen the consequences of the consular tribunes' disputes before the disaster occurred. He appointed his own son, Consular Tribune Gaius Servilius Ahala, who had appointed him Dictator, as his Master of the Horse, and led his newly enlisted army to war. After summoning to war those who were at Tusculum, Dictator Servilius set up his camp two miles from the enemy.

4.47 The arrogance and negligence that had once been a characteristic of Roman generals due to their previous successes was now seen in the Aequians. In the first battle, Dictator Servilius disrupted the enemy's front line with a cavalry charge. He then commanded the infantry to move forward, even killing one of his own standard-bearers who hesitated. The Aequians couldn't withstand the attack and were defeated. They fled to their camp, but it was captured and looted with less effort and in less time than the battle itself. After the Aequians' camp was seized and looted, the Dictator distributed the spoils to his soldiers. The cavalry, who had chased the fleeing enemy, reported that all the Labicans were defeated and a significant number of the Aequians had escaped to Labici. The next day, the Roman army marched to Labici. They surrounded the town and stormed the wall with ladders, thus capturing and then looting it. The Dictator led his victorious army back to Rome and resigned his position eight days after his appointment. Before the plebeian tribunes could stir up agrarian unrest by suggesting a division of the Labican land, the Senate wisely decided in a full assembly to establish a colony in Labici. They sent one-thousand five-hundred colonists from the city, each receiving two jugera of land. After the capture of Labici, the consular tribunes elected were Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, Gaius Servilius Structus Ahala, Publius Lucretius Tricipitinus, all for the second time, and Spurius Rutilius Crassus. The following year the consular tribunes elected were Aulus Sempronius Atratinus who served for the third time, and Marcus Papirius Mugillanus and Spurius Nautius Rutilus who both served for the second time. For two years, there was peace abroad, but at home, there was conflict due to the renewed interest in the Agrarian Laws.

4.48 The troublemakers of the conflict over land were elected as plebeian tribunes, Spurius Maecilius, for the fourth time, and Spurius Metilius, for the third time, while they weren't present. They proposed a bill that the land taken from the enemy in warfare should be distributed to each man. This Agrarian Law would mean that a significant portion of the patricians' property would be taken away from them and given to the plebeians because almost all of the land, including the City itself, had been won through warfare. Only the plebeians had possession of land that had been sold or publicly assigned. This was leading to a terrible conflict between the plebeians and the patricians. The consular tribunes couldn't find a solution in the Senate or in private meetings with the patricians. Appius Claudius, the youngest senator at the meeting and the grandson of the Appius Claudius who had been decemvir and had compiled the Laws of the Twelve Tables, suggested a solution. He said that his great-grandfather had shown the patricians a way to counter the power of the plebeian tribunes by using the vetoes of their colleagues. He believed that men who had newly risen from the plebeians to a higher rank could be easily swayed to change their opinions by influential patricians only if they were spoken to about current matters as equals, rather than being spoken down to as inferiors. He thought that their opinions were shaped by their fortunes. When they see that their colleagues are taking the lead in proposing measures and winning the plebeians support, taking all the credit for themselves, and leaving no place for them to gain favor, they would willingly support the Senate. This would help them win the favor of not only the entire Senate, but also the leading senators. Everyone agreed with this idea, especially Quinctius Servilius Priscus, who praised the young man for not having degenerated from the old Claudian stock. The leaders of the Senate decided to try to convince as many as they could from the college of tribunes to protest with a veto. After the Senate meeting, the leading patricians approached the plebeian tribunes. They persuaded, advised, and promised them that their support would be to their benefit personally as well as the entire Senate. They managed to convince six plebeian tribunes to oppose the measure. The next day, as had been prearranged, the proposal was presented to the Senate about the sedition stirred up by Maecilius and Metilius, regarding handing out land, a precedent of the worst kind. The leading senators gave speeches declaring that they had no advice to offer and saw no other solution but to rely on the support of the plebeian tribunes. They said that the harassed Republic, like a private citizen in distress, was looking to the power of the tribune for refuge. They argued that the honor and glory of the tribunes would be shown to be greater by restraining corrupt colleagues rather than causing trouble for the Senate and creating division among the classes. Then a roar arose in the entire Senate as they called on the plebeian tribunes for help from every side of the Curia. After a moment of silence, the plebeian tribunes who had been persuaded by the leading men declared that they would veto the proposed measure, which the Senate believed would lead to the collapse of the Republic. The Senate formally thanked those who vetoed the measure. Plebeian Tribunes Maecilius and Metilius, who had proposed the law then called a meeting in which they showered their colleagues with abuse, accusing them of betraying the plebeians and being slaves to the consular tribunes. They continued to use other harsh words against them, but ultimately abandoned the proposal.

4.49 The next year, Publius Cornelius Cossus, Gaius Valerius Potitus, Quintus Quinctius Cincinnatus, and Numerius Fabius Vibulanus were elected as consular tribunes. This year could have seen two ongoing wars, but the Veiian campaign was postponed due to the Veiian leaders' religious concerns, as the Tiber River had flooded over its banks and devastated their farmland and ruined their farmhouses. At the same time, the Aequians, who had suffered losses from war three years before, couldn't send aid to the people of Bolae, their fellow countrymen. The Bolani had attacked the neighboring territory of Labici and caused trouble for the newly settled colonists from Rome. They had hoped to defend their aggressive actions with the support of all the Aequians. However, they were abandoned by their allies in a war not even memorable, and lost both the town and their territory by a single siege and a small battle. Lucius Decius, a plebeian tribune, tried to pass a law to send Roman colonists to Bolae, just as had been done for Labici, but his colleagues blocked it, saying that they wouldn't allow any order from the plebeians to pass without the approval of the Senate. The following year, the Aequians took Bolae and sent a fresh colony there who, in turn, fortified the town with new forces. The consular tribunes in Rome were Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus, Lucius Valerius Potitus, Quintus Fabius Vibulanus for the second time, and Marcus Postumius Regillensis. The war against the Aequians to take back Bolae was given to Postumius, a man with a depraved mind, which was revealed more in victory than in war. After energetically raising an army and marching to Bolae, Postumius weakened the Aequians in minor battles and then, vigorously pulling the army together, he marched to Bolae and burst his way into the town. He then turned the conflict from the enemy to his own citizens. Although Postumius had promised the soldiers the spoils of war during the battle, after Bolae was recaptured, he broke that promise. I'm inclined to believe that having a leader who breaks promises likely triggered the army's displeasure a lot more than the fact that there was less loot in Bolae than Postumius had originally promised, since that city had been recently looted, and a new colony wouldn't yield much plunder. This anger increased when, after being summoned back to Rome by his colleagues because of the plebeian tribunes' seditions, his foolish and almost insane voice was heard in the assembly where Marcus Sextius, the plebeian tribune, was proposing an Agrarian Law. One of its provisions was to send colonists to Bolae stating that those who had captured the city of Bolae deserved the city and lands surrounding it. Postumius responded, "It will be a bad day for my soldiers if they don't shut up and keep quiet." This statement deeply offended not only the Senate but the assembly. Marcus Sextius, a clever and eloquent man, saw Postumius' arrogance and unrestrained tongue as a chance to provoke him into making statements that would not only harm him, but also his cause and the entire group of consular tribunes, as well. In the past, Sextius often drew Postumius into an argument more than any other plebeian tribune. So, after such a brutal and inhuman statement, Sextius said, "Quirites, do you hear him threatening his soldiers with punishment just as if they were slaves? Yet, you consider this brute more deserving of such high honor than those who send you as colonists, give you a free gift of a city and land, provide a settlement for your old age, and fight against such cruel and arrogant adversaries in defense of your interests." "Why would it surprise you that few people now take up your cause? What do they expect from you? Is it honors which you give to your adversaries rather than to the champions of the Roman people? You groaned just now, hearing this man's statement. What does it matter? If you were asked to vote now, would you prefer this man who threatens to harm you, rather than those who want to secure lands, and houses, and prosperity for you?"

4.50 Back at camp, the words of Postumius had reached the soldiers and inflamed their anger: was the one who stole the spoils and cheated his soldiers also threatening to harm them, as well? As the soldiers' anger became more open, Publius Sestius, the quaestor, thought he could stop the rebellion with the same force that started it. When he sent a lictor to arrest a shouting soldier, a fight broke out. Sestius himself was hit with a stone and had to leave the crowd. The person who threw the stone sarcastically noted that the quaestor got what he deserved for serving a commander who was threatening his soldiers with punishment. Postumius was recalled back to the camp because of the disturbance. He acted with even more severity in his harsh interrogations, imposing cruel punishments which only made things worse. Finally, when he could no longer control his anger, he ordered certain men to be crushed to death under a wicker frame piled with rocks. A crowd gathered shouting in protest. Foolishly, Postumius ran down from his platform to those who were interrupting the executions of their comrades. When the lictors and centurions tried to break up the crowd by pushing them back, their rough handling ignited such rage that Consular Tribune Postumius was stoned to death by his own army. When news of this terrible act reached Rome, the consular tribunes tried to get the Senate to investigate the death of Postumius, as he was still their colleague. But the plebeian tribunes vetoed it. This disagreement was part of a larger political conflict. The patricians were worried that, out of fear of the investigations and in anger, the plebeians might elect consular tribunes from among themselves. So the patricians did everything they could to get consuls elected instead. When the plebeian tribunes blocked the Senate's decree to investigate the murder of Postumius, and also vetoed the election of consuls, the state reverted to an interregnum. In the end, the patricians won.

4.51 Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, acting as interrex, presided over the assembly where Aulus Cornelius Cossus and Lucius Furius Medullinus were elected as consuls. At the start of their term, the Senate passed a decree: the plebeian tribunes should propose to the plebeians that an investigation into the murder of Consular Tribune Postumius be held as soon as possible. The plebeians were to appoint whoever they deemed fit to lead this investigation. By unanimous vote, the plebeians entrusted the consuls with this task. The consuls carried out the investigation with great care and leniency, punishing only a few, who, it was believed, ended their own lives. When the matter was settled, however, they weren't able to prevent the plebeians from feeling bitterly disappointed. The plebeians were upset that measures enacted for their own benefit weren't executed in a timely manner, while a law passed in the meantime regarding their members' punishment and death was instantly executed. After justice had been meted out for the mutiny and the death of Postumius, it would have been an opportune time to distribute the conquered land of the Bolae territory as a way to soothe the plebeians' minds. This action could have lessened their desire for the Agrarian Law, which aimed to remove the patricians from the public land they unjustly occupied. Instead, the plebeians were further upset and indignant that not only were the patricians stubbornly keeping the public lands which they already had, but they also refused to distribute the recently conquered unoccupied land to the plebeians. This land, like the rest, would soon be claimed by a few patricians. In the same year, Consul Furius led the legions against the Volscians, who were causing havoc in the Hernician allies' territory. Finding no enemy there, the Romans captured Ferentinum, where a large number of Volscians had fled. The spoils were less than expected because the Volscians, seeing little hope of retaining the town, had taken their belongings and abandoned it at night. The town was captured the next day, as it was nearly deserted. The town and the land were then given to the Hernicians as a gift.

4.52 After this year, which was a quiet one thanks to the restraint of the plebeian tribunes, came the year in which Lucius Icilius served as a plebeian tribune and Quintus Fabius Ambustus and Gaius Furius Pacilus were consuls. At the start of this year, Icilius stirred up trouble by proposing the Agrarian Law, as if it were his family's duty. However, a widespread though not deadly disease broke out, shifting the people's focus from the politics at the Forum and other public contests to their personal health and home life. Some believe the disease was less destructive than the potential political unrest caused by the discussion of the Agrarian Law. Marcus Papirius Atratinus and Gaius Nautius Rutilus were the consuls during this time. Disease caused widespread sickness but few deaths. Afterward, however, the state faced a grain shortage due to neglected farming, as is often the case when illness breaks out. The famine could have been worse than the disease, but envoys were sent to all the states bordering the Tuscan Sea and the Tiber River to buy grain. This alleviated the shortage. The Samnites, who controlled Capua and Cumae, arrogantly refused to trade with the envoys. However, the tyrants of Sicily were very helpful. The Etruscans also contributed significantly, sending large amounts of supplies down the Tiber River. Due to the disease, the consuls struggled to find enough people to help run the government in the sick City. They could only find one senator for each commission, so they had to include two men from the equestrian class for each. Apart from the disease and the famine, there were no other internal or external problems during these two years. As soon as these issues were resolved, all the previous problems that had plagued the state reemerged, including domestic unrest and foreign wars.

4.53 Mamercus Aemilius Mamercinus and Gaius Valerius Potitus were the next consuls. The Aequians were preparing for war. The Volscians also took up arms, but not with official sanction from their government. Instead, they joined the fight as paid volunteers. News of these enemies stirred up concern, especially as they had now moved into allied Latin and Hernician territory and Consul Valerius began to hold a draft. But Marcus Menenius, the plebeian tribune who had proposed an Agrarian Law, tried to hinder Consul Valerius from drafting soldiers. No one was forced to swear a military oath against their will, thanks to the protection of Menenius. Suddenly, news arrived that the enemy had taken over the citadel of Carventum. This humiliation gave the Senate an opening to stir up popular resentment against Menenius. It also gave the other plebeian tribunes, who were ready to veto his Agrarian Law, a stronger reason to oppose their colleague. After a long period of dispute, the consuls, calling upon gods and men to bear witness that whatever disgrace or defeat had already been received from the enemy, or was imminent, the blame would lie with Menenius, who was obstructing the draft. Menenius retorted that if the illegal occupiers, the patricians, would give up the public land, he would not delay the draft. The nine plebeian tribunes intervened with a decree, ending the dispute, declaring that, in accordance with the opinion of the college, they would support Consul Valerius in imposing fines and other penalties on those who refused to enlist, regardless of the veto of their colleague. As Menenius was being appealed to by the citizens for protection, Consul Valerius, armed and accompanied by a few attendants, grabbed Menenius by the neck. Out of fear, the potential recruits swore the military oath. The army was sent to the citadel of Carventum. Despite their dislike of Consul Valerius, they managed to retake the citadel upon their arrival, having driven out the enemy's garrison. The Romans took advantage of the laxity of the enemy's generals, whose troops had gone away on a plundering campaign, creating an opening for them to attack. There was an abundance of loot the enemy had taken during their constant raids, and it had all been gathered into one safe area. Consul Valerius ordered the quaestors to sell the loot at auction and put the money into the treasury. He said that the army would share in the loot only when they served without resisting the draft. This decision not to share the cache of loot once again increased the rage of the plebeians and soldiers. When Consul Valerius entered the city in an ovation, as decreed by the Senate, the soldiers sang rude verses abusing the Consul in typical military fashion. The Consul was ridiculed, while Menenius' name was celebrated in praises. At every mention of the plebeian tribune, applause and cheers by the citizens attending and the voices of the troops competed with each other. This caused more worry for patricians than the soldiers' mockery of the Consul, which had been a custom for a while. They feared that Menenius would be elected as a consular tribune. To prevent this, they arranged for an election of consuls.

4.54 Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus and Lucius Furius Medullinus, for the second time, were chosen as consuls. Of the things that upset the plebeians, they were never more outraged than when they weren't allowed to elect consular tribunes. They showed their anger during the nomination of quaestors by electing three plebeians as quaestors for the first time ever. This left only one spot for a patrician, Caeso Fabius Ambustus, while three plebeians, Quintus Silius, Publius Aelius, and Publius Pupius, plebeians from highly regarded families, were chosen over young men from very prestigious families. It is said that the Icilii family were the ones who encouraged such a free vote for the people. Members of a famously anti-patrician family, three of whom had been elected plebeian tribunes that year, they promised the plebeians many great reforms, and this made the plebeians very hopeful. However, they declared that they would take no further action unless the plebeians showed courage, even in the quaestor elections which the Senate had officially opened to both patricians and plebeians, to claim what they had long desired and which the laws had now put within their reach. The plebeians saw this as a significant victory. They did not see the quaestorship as a great honor by itself, but as a steppingstone for new men, plebeians, to the consulship and the honors of a Triumph. The patricians, on the other hand, grumbled not as if honors would be shared, but about losing them. If things continued this way, there would be no need to raise sons, since they would be banished from the roles that their ancestors once held, watching others possess the honors that belonged to them. Without any military command or political power, they would have few options other than to act as salii or flamens for the people. Both sides became increasingly agitated. The plebeians had gained new courage and now had three powerful leaders, the Icilii, to champion their cause. The patricians, seeing that all future elections could be like the one for quaestors, fought hard for the election of consuls, which wasn't yet open to the plebeians. The Icilii, however, argued that consular tribunes must be elected and that the plebeians should be given positions of honor, at last.

4.55 But the consuls had no ongoing proceedings available to counter the tribunes' proposals and no way to assert consular authority, when, by a wonderful piece of luck it was reported the Volscians and the Aequians had crossed their borders and raided the Latin and Hernician territories. The consuls began a draft to gather troops for war in response to a decree from the Senate. The plebeian tribunes strongly opposed this, claiming that this was a fortunate opportunity for themselves and the plebeians. There were three plebeian tribunes, all were extremely fierce and capable men, already considered distinguished at least among the plebeians. Two of them each chose a consul to monitor closely with constant effort to obstruct his actions. The third was given the task of either restraining or inciting the plebeians through his speeches in the public assembly. The result was that neither the draft by the consuls nor the elections sought by the plebeian tribunes could go forward. Then, luck seemed to favor the plebeians. News arrived that the Aequians had retaken the citadel of Carventum. The Roman soldiers who were supposed to be guarding the citadel had wandered off in search of loot, leaving only a few guards behind. The Aequians killed these few guards. They then killed the others as they came running back to the citadel, before moving to the ones still out in the field. This unfortunate event strengthened the plebeian tribunes' position, and they were unsuccessfully urged to stop obstructing the draft. Since they refused to yield, neither to the public emergency nor to the personal blame they incurred, they managed to get a Senate decree passed for the election of consular tribunes. However, the decree stipulated one strict condition: that no current plebeian tribune could be considered as a candidate, and no one could be re-elected as a plebeian tribune for the following year. The Senate was clearly targeting the Icilii, whom they suspected of seeking the consular tribune position as a reward for their seditious conduct as plebeian tribunes. Then, the consuls began to gather troops with the draft, the oath was held, and preparations for war were made with the agreement of all social classes. The differing accounts of historians make it unclear whether both consuls went to the citadel of Carventum or if one stayed behind to oversee the elections. However, it's certain that the Romans withdrew from the citadel of Carventum after a long and unsuccessful siege. This same Roman army then went on to recapture Verrugo in the Volscian territory and caused great destruction and captured significant loot in both the Aequian and Volscian territories.

4.56 In Rome, the plebeians won a victory by securing the type of elections they wanted. However, the patricians were victorious in the outcome of the elections. Unexpectedly, three patricians were elected as consular tribunes: Gaius Julius Iulus, Publius Cornelius Cossus, and Gaius Servilius Ahala. It was rumored that the patricians used a trick, which the Icilii accused them of at the time. They mixed a group of unworthy candidates in among the worthy ones. As a result, it created confusion and turned the people away from supporting plebeian candidates out of disgust at the notably disgraceful ones. News arrived that the Volscians and Aequians, whether inspired by the retention of the Carventum citadel or angered by the loss of the Verrugo garrison, were preparing for war with the greatest strength. The Antiates were the main instigators of this plan. Ambassadors from Antium had traveled to the tribes of both nations, criticizing their cowardly behavior and saying that they had allowed the Romans to raid the previous year and the Verrugo garrison to be defeated. Now, not only were armed Roman troops going to be sent into their territories, but Roman colonies were being sent as well. The Romans weren't just distributing and keeping their property, but they had captured Ferentinum from them and given it to their allies, the Hernicians. After these complaints had stirred up emotions, a large group of young men from the Aequian and Volscian tribes were recruited wherever the ambassadors went. Then, the youth from all the tribes gathered in Antium, where they set up camp and waited for the Romans. When these reports reached Rome, it caused more panic than necessary and the Senate immediately ordered a dictator to be nominated, as this was their final resort in dangerous situations. It's said that Consular Tribunes Julius and Cornelius resented this action greatly, and a bitter struggle followed. The leaders of the Senate, after complaining in vain that the consular tribunes wouldn't follow the Senate's decision, finally appealed to the plebeian tribunes. They claimed that, historically, even consuls had been forced by the Senate to appoint a dictator when placed in similar situations. The plebeian tribunes, delighted by the disagreement among the patricians, stated that there was no help from those who weren't considered citizens or even as human beings. They then said that if the positions of honor were ever open and the government administration were ever shared, they would ensure that the Senate's decrees weren't undermined by the arrogance of magistrates. In the meantime, the patricians, who weren't restrained by respect for laws or for magistrates, would have to handle the consular tribunes by themselves.

4.57 This argument took place at a very inconvenient time, when a significant war was on the horizon. Consular Tribunes Julius and Cornelius argued at length about how unfair it was that a position of honor given to them by the people was now being taken away, even though they were generals well-equipped to lead the war. Then the third consular tribune, Gaius Servilius Ahala, spoke up. He said he had been quiet not because he was unsure of his opinion, for what loyal citizen would place his own interests distinct from that of the state, but because he wanted his colleagues to respect the authority of the Senate on their own, rather than allow the power of the plebeian tribunes to be invoked against them. Then, too, he would still give them time to change their overly obstinate minds if circumstances allowed. But since the demands of war do not wait for men's decisions, he cared more about the public good than his colleagues' approval. If the Senate still felt the same way, he would declare a dictator the next night. If anyone vetoed the decree, he would be satisfied with the authority of the Senate alone. His actions earned him praise and goodwill from everyone. The next night, after naming Publius Cornelius as Dictator, he, himself, was then appointed as his Master of the Horse. He became an example for his colleagues, showing how honor and opportunity often come more easily to those who don't seek them. The war wasn't particularly memorable. The enemy was defeated at Antium in a single, easy battle. The victorious army devastated the Volscian territory. They stormed their fortress at Lake Fucinus, capturing it, and three-thousand men were taken prisoner. The rest of the Volscians retreated behind their walls and did not defend their lands. The Dictator, having waged the war with luck on his side, returned to the City more notable for his success than his fame, and resigned his position. The consular tribunes did not mention electing consuls, probably out of resentment for the Senate appointing a dictator. Instead, they announced the election of consular tribunes. This caused even more confusion for the patricians, who felt betrayed by their own side. So, just like the previous year, they proposed the least deserving plebeians as candidates, which made everyone, even the deserving ones, look bad. At that point, they got the most distinguished patricians to run. These patricians won all the positions, and no plebeians were allowed to be chosen. Four consular tribunes were elected, all of whom had already served: Lucius Furius Medullinus, Gaius Valerius Potitus, Numerius Fabius Vibulanus, and Gaius Servilius Ahala, who was re-elected with continued honor, both because of his past achievements and because of the popularity he had recently gained through his exceptional restraint.

4.58 During that year, the truce with Veii ended, and the process of demanding restitution began through ambassadors and fetials. Upon reaching the borders, they were met by a delegation from Veii. The Veientes asked that the ambassadors and fetials not proceed to Veii until they had first spoken to the Roman Senate. Back in Rome, the Senate agreed that, due to the Veientes' internal civil wars, restitution wouldn't be demanded from them this year. The Romans did not take advantage of the Veientes' troubles for their own gain. And, in the Volscian territory, the Romans suffered a disaster with the loss of their garrison at Verrugo. The timing was so crucial that the Roman soldiers who were under siege by the Volscians and begging for assistance could have been saved if help had arrived sooner. However, the relief force only arrived in time to surprise the enemy, who, having just killed the Roman garrison, were scattered in search of plunder. The cause of the delay was attributed to both the Senate and the consular tribunes, who were given information that the soldiers were holding their ground courageously. They didn't adequately consider that there is a limit to human endurance, which no amount of courage can surpass. However, these heroic soldiers weren't unavenged, whether living or dead. In the following year, Publius and Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus, Numerius Fabius Ambustus, and Lucius Valerius Potitus, were consular tribunes. A war with Veii threatened the Romans due to a disrespectful response from the Veiian senate that occurred. It seems that when the Roman ambassadors demanded restitution from the Veientes this year, as they had said they would do, the Veiian senate instructed them to leave the city and territories immediately, or else they would face the same fate that Lars Tolumnius had given the previous ambassadors. The Roman Senate, outraged by such a response, decreed that the consular tribunes should propose a declaration of war against the Veientes and bring it to the people the very next day. However, when the announcement was made, the young men expressed their dissatisfaction. They argued that the war with the Volscians wasn't yet over. Two garrisons had recently been completely destroyed, and the remaining garrisons were barely holding on. There wasn't a single year in which they hadn't fought in wars. And, as if the people hadn't already fought enough, a new war was being started with a nearby and very powerful nation, which could potentially incite all of the Etruscans against Rome. These grievances, initially discussed among themselves, were further inflamed by the plebeian tribunes. Once again, the plebeian tribunes claimed that the most significant war was between the patricians and the plebeians because it was the plebeians who were deliberately burdened with military service and butchered by the enemy. It was the plebeians who were kept away from the City, as if exiled, for fear that while resting at home they might think about their freedom, or establishing colonies, or obtaining some of the public land, or the right to vote freely. And grasping the hands of the old veterans, they counted up each man's years of military service, their wounds and scars, insistently asking what part of the body still remained whole, fit for receiving new wounds, and how much blood was left that could still be given for the Republic. After discussing these issues in private conversations and public speeches, they created a reluctance among the people to go to war against the Veii. As a result, the proposal was postponed, as it would have been rejected due to the prevailing discontent.

4.59 During this period, it was decided that the consular tribunes would lead an army into the territory of the Volscians. Only Gnaeus Cornelius remained in Rome, in charge of the City. The three consular tribunes realized that the Volscians hadn't set up a camp, so they likely wouldn't risk a battle. They split into three groups to ravage the land. Valerius headed for Antium, and Cornelius headed for Ecetrae. Wherever they went, they plundered the houses and fields, aiming to divide the Volscians. Fabius, whose target was the most important, went straight to besiege Anxur, without any raiding. Anxur is now known as Tarracinae, a city built on a slope leading to a swamp. Fabius pretended to attack from the swamp side. Then four cohorts led by Gaius Servilius Ahala set out to seize a hill overlooking the city where there was no garrison. From this higher ground they began a tumultuous assault on the walls with loud roars and sounds of chaos. Those defending the lower parts of the city facing the swamp against Fabius were confused by this uproar and abandoned their positions. This gave Fabius a brief chance for his men to apply the scaling ladders to the walls and storm the City. Soon, Anxur was overrun with the enemy, and a horrific slaughter ensued for a long time, without discriminating against those who fled and those who resisted, whether armed or unarmed. The defeated had no choice but to fight, as there was no hope for those who retreated. Suddenly, a proclamation was issued that only those with weapons would be harmed, leading all the remaining people to willingly lay down their arms and two thousand five hundred of them were captured alive. Fabius prevented his soldiers from looting until his colleagues arrived, stating that Anxur had also been captured by these armies, who had distracted the other Volscian troops from defending Anxur. When Valerius and Cornelius arrived, the three armies pillaged the town, which was filled with ancient wealth accumulated over many years. This generosity from the three consular tribunes was the first step in reconciling the plebeians with the patricians. Later, in a timely act of generosity from the patricians to the people: the Senate decreed, before the plebeians or plebeian tribunes could demand it, that the soldiers would receive pay from the public treasury. Until that time, everyone had paid for this duty out of their own pocket.

4.60 Nothing, it was said, was ever welcomed by the plebeians with such joy. They flocked to the Curia, grasping the hands of those exiting and calling them true fathers. No one, they confessed, would hesitate to risk their life or shed their blood in defense of such a generous City, at least as long as they had the strength to do so. Not only were they elated that their personal property would remain untouched while they devoted their bodies to the interests of the state, but this was offered voluntarily, without ever being brought up by the plebeian tribunes or discussed among themselves. The plebeian tribunes were the only ones not sharing in the general joy and harmony among the different classes. They observed that these benefits to the plebeians might not bring as much joy or honor to the patricians as they thought. The measure seemed better at first glance than it would prove to be in practice. Where would the money for this come from, if not from taxing the plebeians, themselves? It seemed as if the patricians were generous to some with money taken from others. Those who had already served their time in the military wouldn't tolerate new soldiers serving under better conditions than they had. After all, the same individuals who had to pay the cost of their own service would now be taxed to pay for the service of others. These arguments swayed some of the plebeians. When, at last, the tax was announced, the plebeian tribunes publicly stated that they would protect anyone who refused to contribute their share for the soldiers' pay. Still, the patricians continued to support the initiative. They were the first to contribute, and since there was no coined silver yet, some of them made their contributions in heavy bronze, transported to the treasury in wagons, so that they would make their contributions visibly noble and impressive to all. After the Senate had conspicuously contributed according to the rate at which they were assessed, the leading plebeians, who were friends of the patricians, also began to contribute according to a prearranged plan. Then, when the plebeians saw these men being praised by the patricians and respected as good citizens by the military-aged men, the plebeians ignored the plebeian tribunes and they, too, began to compete to pay the tax. After the law was passed to declare war on Veii, the new consular tribunes led an army, largely made up of volunteers, to Veii.

4.61 The new consular tribunes included Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, Quintus Quinctius Cincinnatus, Gaius Julius Iulus for the second time, Aulus Manlius, Lucius Furius Medullinus for the third time, and Manius Aemilius Mamercinus. These individuals were the first to lay siege to Veii. Immediately after the start of this siege, a full gathering of the national council of Etruscans took place at the Temple of Voltumna. However, it wasn't conclusively decided whether Veii would receive support by the armed strength of the entire confederacy. The siege was less intense in the following year, as some of the consular tribunes and their armies were diverted to the Volscian war. The consular tribunes that year included Gaius Valerius Potitus for the third time, Manius Sergius Fidenas, Publius Cornelius Maluginensis, Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus, Caeso Fabius Ambustus, and Spurius Nautius Rutilus for the second time. A significant battle took place with the Volscians between Ferentinum and Ecetra, which ended favorably for the Romans. Following this, the consular tribunes laid siege to Artena, a Volscian town. During an attempted sally, the enemy was forced back into the town, providing the Romans with an opportunity to force an entrance. All areas of the town were captured except for the Artena citadel. A group of armed men retreated into this naturally protected fortress. Many men were slain or captured under the citadel. The citadel was then besieged. It couldn't be taken by storm due to its sufficient garrison, nor did it show any signs of surrender, as all the public grain had been moved into the citadel before the city was captured. At this point, the Romans would have withdrawn, exhausted, if not for a slave who betrayed the Artena citadel. This slave showed the soldiers where to enter through a difficult steep access point, leading to its capture. When the guards were killed, the remaining people, overwhelmed by sudden fear, surrendered. After the destruction of both the citadel and city of Artena, the legions were withdrawn from Volscian territory, and all Roman forces were directed toward Veii. The slave who was the traitor to Artena was rewarded with his freedom and the goods from two families. He was then named Servius Romanus, in honor of his service to the Roman people. Some believe that Artena belonged to the Veientes, not the Volscians. This confusion arises from the existence of a city with the same name between Caere and Veii. However, that other Artena was destroyed by the Roman kings and had belonged to Caere, not Veii. This other destroyed city named Artena was in Volscian territory.

5.1 Despite peace having been established everywhere else, the Romans and the Veientes remained at war. Their hostility was now so intense that it was clear whomever would be defeated would face total ruin. With so much at stake, each state needed solid leadership. However, the election processes in both states were very different. The Romans increased the number of consular tribunes to eight, more than ever before. These included Manius Aemilius Mamercinus for the second time, Lucius Valerius Potitus for the third time, Appius Claudius Crassus, Marcus Quinctilius Varus, Lucius Julius Iullus, Marcus Postumius, Marcus Furius Camillus, and Marcus Postumius Albinus. In contrast, the Veientes, disgusted with the annual political maneuvering that sometimes caused disputes, elected a king. This move upset the other Etruscans, not just because they disliked a monarchy, but because they disliked the king himself. He had previously annoyed the Etruscans with his wealth and arrogance but upset them when he violently interfered with the performance of the annual games, which was seen as sacrilege. The story goes that he was angry over his rejection as a priest, since another had been preferred over him by the vote of the twelve Etruscan tribes. In a rage, he suddenly withdrew the performers, most of whom were his own slaves, right in the middle of the spectacle. Therefore, the Etruscans, more devoted to religious ceremonies than any other nation because they excelled in the knowledge and skill of carrying them out, vowed that they wouldn't aid the Veientes as long as the Veientes were ruled by a king. It was not talked about in Veii for fear of their king, who would have seen anyone mentioning it as a seditious leader, not just a mere spreader of rumors. The Romans were told that the Etruscans, overall, were quiet because the issue was being discussed in many of their meetings. As a result, the Romans built fortifications to ensure safety on all sides. Some were aimed toward Veii to prevent sorties from that city, while others were positioned toward the Etruscans to block any assistance that might help Veii.

5.2 When the Roman generals decided that a siege of Veii would be more effective than an assault, they began to construct winter quarters. War during the wintertime was a new concept for the Roman soldiers, and the plan was to continue the siege perpetually by simply remaining there and not returning home. When news of this reached Rome, the plebeian tribunes, who had been looking a long time for a reason to stir up trouble, seized the opportunity. They rushed to the assembly and agitated the plebeians, saying that this was the reason soldiers were now paid. This "gift" from the Senate was smeared with poison, and the freedom of the plebeians had been sold. Freedom had come to the plebeians but the young men would be sent away forever from the City and the Republic, not even allowed to return home during the winter or at any time of the year to see to their homes and property. What did they think was the cause of this prolonged military service? They could find no other reason than it was a plan to ensure that the nothing would be done for the plebeians in the absence of their young men, in whom all the strength of the plebeians was concentrated. These young soldiers would be working harder than the Veientes, they said, who were comfortably spending the winter under their own roofs, defending their city with their strong walls and natural defenses. Meanwhile, the Roman soldiers, covered with snow and frost, living in tents, would be enduring hardship and toil, not able to put down their weapons even during the winter, which had traditionally been a break from all wars both on land and by sea. Neither the kings, nor the proud consuls before the tribune power, nor the harsh dictators, nor the oppressive decemvirs had ever imposed upon them the duty of perpetual military service. The consular tribunes were now exercising a kind of kingship over the Roman plebeians, they claimed. What would these men do if they were consuls or dictators, given that they're already so harsh and overbearing? This was no accident, they said. There had never been a single spot for a plebeian among the eight consular tribunes. At one time, the patricians would struggle to fill three positions, yet now they were taking up eight positions: not one plebeian among them. A plebeian, if nothing else, could remind his colleagues that the soldiers were free citizens, not slaves, and the soldiers should be allowed to return home at least during the winter, to see their parents, children and spouses, and at some time of the year enjoy their freedom and participate in the election of magistrates. While they were making these arguments, the plebeian tribunes encountered an old opponent, Appius Claudius, left behind by his colleagues to suppress any sedition by plebeian tribunes. Claudius was a man who'd been trained from a young age to fight the plebeians. They remembered that, in previous years, he'd advocated the intervention of his colleagues to break the power of the plebeian tribunes.

5.3 Appius Claudius, gifted with a natural ability to speak which he polished over time through his experience, gave the following speech on that specific occasion: "Quirites, if there ever was a time to question whether the plebeian tribunes have stirred up sedition for your benefit or their own, I'm confident that this year answers any uncertainty. I'm glad that this long-standing misconception has finally been corrected. I congratulate you, and the Republic on your behalf, that this illusion has been lifted during a time when you are prospering." "Can anyone doubt that the plebeian tribunes were never as unhinged by any injustices done to you, if such ever occurred, as they were by the generosity of the Senate to the plebeians, when they agreed to pay soldiers serving in the army? What else do you think they feared then, or seek to disrupt now, other than the harmony of the orders, which they believe most threatens their power? So, by Hercules, they are like dishonest craftsmen looking for work, wishing for some part of the Republic to always be broken, so that you may hire them to fix it." "Do you defend or attack the plebeians? Are you enemies of the soldiers, or do you advocate for them? Unless, perhaps, what you're saying is, ‘Whatever the patricians do upsets us, regardless of whether it benefits or harms the plebeians.' Just as masters prohibit their slaves from dealings with outsiders, and consider it right that they avoid both doing favors or harming them, you similarly forbid us patricians from interacting with the plebeians, fearing that our kindness and generosity might win their affection, and they become compliant and obedient to us." "If you possess any sense of humanity, not just as fellow citizens, but as human beings, you should be doing everything in your power to foster the patricians' goodwill and the plebeians' cooperativeness! If such harmony could be sustained, who would hesitate to predict that this empire would soon become the greatest among its neighbors?"

5.4 Appius Claudius continued, "I'll later explain why my colleagues' plan, which keeps the army at Veii until the mission is complete, isn't just useful but necessary." "For now, I just want to talk about the soldiers' situation. I believe my thoughts on this matter would be seen as reasonable not only by you, but also by the soldiers themselves, if they were to hear them. Even if I couldn't think of anything to say on this topic, I'd be fine using the arguments made by my opponents. They recently argued that soldiers should not be paid because, traditionally, they never have been. So why are they upset now that more work is being asked of those who are receiving more benefits? There's no such thing as work without reward, or reward without some effort. Hard work and pleasure, though very different, are naturally connected." "In the past, soldiers were upset that they had to serve the Republic at their own expense. However, they were happy to spend part of the year working their own land, earning the means to support themselves and their families at home and during war. Now, they're happy that serving the Republic benefits them, and they gladly accept their pay. So, they should be patient about being away from home and their family responsibilities, which are no longer a financial burden. If the state were to ask them to settle their accounts, wouldn't it be fair to say, ‘You're paid for a year, so work for a year. Do you think it's fair to get a year's pay for six months of service?' Quirites, I hesitate to dwell on the issue. This is how you deal with hired soldiers." "But we want to deal with you as fellow citizens, and we think it's only fair that you deal with us as your countrymen. Either we shouldn't have started this war, or we should conduct it in a way that upholds the dignity of the Roman people and end it as soon as possible. However, it'll only end if we keep up the pressure on the besieged and don't leave until we've achieved our goal of capturing Veii. In fact, by Hercules, if there were no other reason, even just the shame of giving up should make us keep going." "Didn't Greece keep a city under siege for ten years because of a single woman? How far from home they were! How many lands and seas away! Yet we're complaining about a year-long siege just twenty miles from us, almost within sight of our own city. Is it because the cause of the war is trivial, and there's not enough righteous anger to make us keep going?" "The Veii have attacked us seven times now. They have never been trustworthy in peacetime. They have ravaged our lands a thousand times. They forced the Fidenates to turn against us and they killed our colonists there! They broke the Law of Nations by murdering our ambassadors! They tried to turn all the tribes of the Etruscans against us, and they're still trying today. Our ambassadors barely escaped being assaulted again when we were only asking for restitution."

5.5 "Should we be timid and procrastinate in waging war against such enemies? If our justified anger doesn't sway us, let's look at some facts. The enemy's city is surrounded by massive fortifications, trapping them within their walls. They haven't been able to farm their land, and what was previously farmed has been destroyed in the war. If we pull back our army, who can deny that they'll attack our land not only out of revenge, but also out of the need to steal from others, since they have lost their own farms? By delaying, we wouldn't be avoiding war. We'd be inviting it into our own territory." "What about the soldiers, whose interests the plebeian tribunes suddenly seem so eager to protect, after trying to take away their pay? How would that sit with them? They have built a rampart and a ditch covering an immense area, both requiring great effort; they have constructed forts, initially a few, but many more as the army grew. They have set up numerous fortifications facing not only toward Veii, but also toward the Etruscans, against any reinforcements that might come from there. And what about the towers, the covered sheds, the battering rams and other siege equipment used in attacking cities? After so much effort has been put in, and they have finally completed the work, do you think all these preparations should be abandoned so that next summer they can start over, sweating over the same work that they already did the previous summer? It would be much easier to maintain the work already done, to keep pushing forward, and to finish our task! The job will be over quickly if we, as one, keep up a steady effort and don't slow ourselves down with interruptions and breaks." "And not only am I talking about hard work and wasted time. Can we ignore the danger we face by delaying the war? What about the frequent meetings among the Etruscans about sending aid to Veii? As things are now, they're angry, they dislike us, and they refuse to help; they don't care if we capture Veii. Who can guarantee that they'll feel the same in the future if the war is postponed? If you allow any rest, larger and more frequent delegations will go to Veii. The thing that now annoys and upsets the Etruscans, the appointment of a Veiian king, may change after pausing for the winter either by the decision of the people of Veii to remove the king to regain the goodwill of the Etruscans, or by the king's own choice, who may resign his office for the welfare of his countrymen." "Look at the many negative consequences of this course of action. The loss of works built with so much effort. The looming devastation of our borders. An Etruscan war on behalf of Veii. These are your plans, tribunes, by Hercules, not unlike the actions of someone who, though he could immediately recover from an illness if he submitted to a strict regimen, turns it into a prolonged and perhaps incurable illness by indulgently eating and drinking the wrong things."

5.6 Appius continued, "By heaven, even if it doesn't matter for the current war, it's crucial for military discipline that our soldiers learn not only to enjoy their victories, but also to endure when things don't go as quickly as expected. They should be able to tolerate delays and patiently wait for their hopes to be realized, no matter how long it takes." "If the war isn't over by summer, they should be prepared to wait until winter, rather than, like migrating birds, seeking shelter and retreat at the first sign of autumn. Consider how the thrill and joy of hunting can drive men into the snow and frost, over mountains and forests. Shouldn't we apply that same patience to the demands of war, which sport and pleasure can inspire? Are we to believe that our soldiers are so effeminate, their spirits so weak, that they can't endure a single winter in their camp, away from home? That they can only fight a war by taking advantage of the weather and the seasons, unable to withstand either heat or cold? They'd surely blush with shame if anyone accused them of such things." "They would insist that in both spirit and body they possess manly endurance, capable of waging war equally well in winter and summer. They would deny that they have authorized the tribunes to act as protectors of weaklings and idlers, remembering that this same tribune power wasn't created by our ancestors in the cool shade nor under warm roofs." "These are the sentiments worthy of your soldiers' bravery, worthy of the Roman name. They should not only consider Veii or this immediate war, but also strive to build a reputation for future wars and among other peoples. Or do you think our reputation has little importance in this matter? Should neighboring peoples believe that if any city can withstand a brief, initial Roman attack, they don't need to fear anything from us in the future? Or should our name inspire such fear in our enemies because they know that neither the length of a siege, nor the harshness of winter, can drive the Roman army away from a besieged city? The Roman army knows no end to war other than victory, and they wage wars not just by a brief encounter, but by persistence." "This is undoubtedly necessary in all types of war, but especially in the siege of cities. Most cities, though protected by fortifications and natural defenses, are eventually conquered by time, hunger, and thirst. Veii will be conquered, unless the plebeian tribunes aid the enemy and the Veientes find, inside Rome, the reinforcements that the Veientes can't find within their own Etruscan tribes. What could be more in line with the Veientes' wishes than for Rome to be filled with political upheaval and then, through contagion, that rebellion spreads into our military camps?" "But, by Hercules, the enemy is so patient that they haven't changed at all, neither due to the length of the siege nor the form of government. Nor has the Etruscans' outright refusal to help stirred up their tempers. In Veii, anyone who incites rebellion is immediately put to death; no one is allowed to express the sentiments that are freely spoken among you. Anyone who abandons the standards or leaves their post is deservedly beaten to death; however, in your public meetings, plebeians openly tolerate those who advise not just one or two soldiers, but entire armies to abandon their standards and desert their camp. As a result, whatever a plebeian tribune says, even if it is to betray the City and to dissolve the Republic, you listen to it with favor. Seduced by the sweetness of authority, you allow all kinds of crimes to be hidden beneath it. The only thing left is for them to carry the same messages they're shouting here to the military camps and among the soldiers, leading the armies astray and preventing them from obeying their commanders. Because, in Rome, the only thing that is considered freedom is to show no respect for the Senate, nor the magistrates, nor the laws, nor the ancestral customs, nor our forefathers' institutions, nor military discipline."

5.7 Appius was already a formidable opponent for the plebeian tribunes in the popular assemblies. However, an unexpected disaster near Veii gave Appius an advantage in the dispute, one which also fostered greater unity among the different orders and increased determination to continue the siege of Veii. The siege ramp had been pushed forward to the city, and the covered sheds were nearly joined to the walls. But while the work was carried out diligently during the day, it wasn't as well guarded at night. Suddenly, a gate was thrown open, and a large crowd of Veientes, armed mostly with torches, threw fire onto everything. Within an hour, the flames had destroyed the ramp and the vineae, a labor that had taken a long time to build, as well as many men who tried in vain to help and who were killed by sword and fire. When news of this reached Rome, it caused sadness among everyone. The Senate was filled with worry and fear, concerned that they could no longer resist the sedition in the City or the camp, and that the plebeian tribunes would gloat over the Republic as if they had been conquered by them. But then, those whose wealth elevated them to equestrian status but hadn't been given horses by the public, held a meeting among themselves. They went to the Senate and, having been given permission to speak, promised to serve in the cavalry and pay for their own horses. The Senate thanked them profusely, and when word of this spread throughout the Forum and the City, the plebeians spontaneously flocked to the Curia. The infantry declared that they, too, were ready to serve the state, without being forced to do so with a draft. They were willing to march to Veii, or anywhere else, and would not return until they had taken the city. The outpouring of joy from the senators that followed this was overwhelming. Unlike the equites, they did not issue a formal order to the magistrates to thank them, nor were they called into the Curia to receive thanks or stay within the threshold of the Curia. Instead, each senator from his elevated position in the Comitium individually expressed gratitude to the crowd in the assembly through their words and gestures. Rome was blessed and such unity, they said, would make it invincible and eternal. They praised the equites, the plebeians, and even the day itself, stating that the Senate had been overcome by the goodwill and kindness of all. Both the patricians and the plebeians shed tears of joy together until the senators were recalled back to the Senate-house where they then passed a decree that the military tribunes should call an assembly and thank the infantry and cavalry, and tell them that the Senate would remember their patriotic loyalty. That those who had volunteered for service outside of the normal draft would be paid. A stipend was also assigned to the cavalry. From that time forward, the cavalry began to earn their living by their own horses. This volunteer army not only rebuilt the lost siege engines at Veii, but also constructed new ones. Supplies were sent from the City with greater zeal than before, to ensure that nothing was lacking for such a deserving army.

5.8 The subsequent year saw six consular tribunes, including Gaius Servilius Ahala for the third time, Quintus Servilius, Lucius Verginius, Quintus Sulpicius, Aulus Manlius for the second time, and Manius Sergius also for the second time. During their tenure, since the focus was on the Veiian war, the garrison at Anxur fell into neglect because the soldiers were being given liberal leave privileges. Since Volscian traders were openly welcomed and had unrestricted entry, the guards at the gate were soon overpowered and the town was taken. Few soldiers were lost because, except for the sick, they were all busy engaging in trade throughout the countryside and neighboring towns like camp-followers. The situation at Veii, the primary concern of the public, wasn't any better. The Roman commanders were more engaged in fighting with each other than with fighting the enemy, whose forces were enlarged by the unexpected arrival of the Capenates and the Faliscans. These two states of the Etruscans, being geographically close, feared that if Veii fell, they would be the next targets of the Romans. The Faliscans had an added worry of their own, having already stirred up Roman anger by being involved in the previous war on behalf of Fidenae. After sending envoys back and forth, the Faliscans swore mutual allegiance by oath with the Capenates and together they surprised the Romans by marching their armies to Veii. It happened in that region where Manius Sergius, the consular tribune, was in command, causing great terror, as the Romans feared that the entire body of Etruscan tribes were mobilizing against them. The Veientes, believing the same thing, felt courageous by what was happening and stormed out of the city. Thus, the Roman camp was now being attacked from both sides in a precarious battle. As they ran back and forth moving their standards, they were unable to keep the Veientes within their fortifications, or to repel the assault upon their own defenses and protect themselves from the enemy outside. Their only hope was to receive aid from the larger camp, allowing different legions to fight against the Capenates and Faliscans on one side, while others could fight against the Veii. However, Consular Tribune Verginius, who privately hated and opposed Consular Tribune Sergius, was in command of that larger camp. When he received word that most of the forts were under attack, the fortifications were overrun, and the enemy was pouring in from both sides, he kept his men on standby, stating that if assistance was needed, his colleague would request it. The arrogance of Verginius was matched by the stubbornness of Sergius, as Sergius chose to be defeated by the enemy rather than seek help from an adversary. For a long time, the soldiers were caught between the two positions and were being slaughtered, suffering heavy losses. Eventually, a small number, abandoning the fortifications, managed to reach the larger camp, while the rest, including Sergius, himself, fled back to Rome. Once in Rome, Sergius blamed his colleague for the defeat. It was decided that Verginius should be summoned from the camp and the legates should take command in the interim. The matter was then debated in the Senate, and a quarrel broke out between Sergius and Verginius who hurled accusations at each other. Few in the Senate were concerned with the good of the Republic, with most favoring one or the other based on personal bias or influence.

5.9 From the viewpoint of the leading senators, the humiliating defeat was either due to the commanders' incompetence or due to simple bad luck. Regardless, they decided that elections should not be postponed, and new consular tribunes should be elected immediately so that they could enter into office on the first of October. As others began to express their agreement with this view, the other consular tribunes didn't resist. However, Sergius and Verginius, who were clearly the reason for the Senate's dissatisfaction with that year's officials, initially resisted the disgrace, then protested against the Senate's decree. They wouldn't leave office before December thirteenth, they declared, the traditional day for assuming official duties. At this point, the plebeian tribunes, who had reluctantly remained silent during the general agreement and successful state of public affairs, suddenly started to threaten the consular tribunes. Unless they complied with the Senate's order, they warned, the consular tribunes would be imprisoned. Then Gaius Servilius Ahala, a consular tribune, snapped back, "As far as you are concerned, plebeian tribunes, I would gladly test if your threats had as much legal force as you possess courage to actually carry them out. We know it's sacrilegious to oppose the authority of the Senate. Stop trying to cause trouble during our disputes. My colleagues will either do what the Senate deems appropriate or, if they stubbornly refuse, I'll immediately appoint a dictator who will force them to leave office." This speech was universally approved, and the patricians were glad that another greater power had been found to control the officials without the intimidation of the plebeian tribunes. Sergius and Verginius, the reluctant consular tribunes, overcome by the unanimous will of all, conducted the elections for new consular tribunes who would start their office on the first of October, and they, themselves, resigned their office before that day.

5.10 The new consular tribunes were Lucius Valerius Potitus for the fourth time, Marcus Furius Camillus, for the second time, Marcus Aemilius Mamercinus for the third time, Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus for the second time, Caeso Fabius Ambustus, and Lucius Julius Iullus for the third time. During their year, many tasks were carried out both domestically and abroad. There was a complicated war happening simultaneously in Veii, Capena, Falerii, and among the Volscians, with the aim of Rome reclaiming Anxur back from the enemy. At the same time, in Rome, there was a simultaneous fight due to the military draft and the collection of a tax. There was also a dispute over the co-optation of plebeian tribunes, and significant unrest over the trials of the two consular tribunes from the year before. The new consular tribunes ensured that the draft was held, and not only were young men enlisted, but older men were also required to register to serve as guards for the City. However, as the number of soldiers increased, so did the need for more money for their pay. They tried to collect this money through a tax, but it was paid with heavy resistance by those who remained at home, as they were the ones who were guarding the City and also had to perform military service and serve the Republic. The plebeian tribunes, through giving inflammatory speeches, made these burdens seem even more severe, claiming that the soldiers' pay was established to exhaust half of the plebeians through military service and the other half through taxation. A single war in Veii had been ongoing for three years, and it was deliberately handled badly with the intention of prolonging it. Armies had been raised for four different wars at one draft; young boys and old men were being now pulled from their homes. Now there was no distinction between summer and winter, so there was never any break for the unfortunate plebeians who now were required to pay taxes. And even when they finished their service, worn out from fighting, from wounds, and finally, old age, they return home to find everything broken and the fields uncultivated due to their long absence. But they're expected to pay the war tax from their depleted household estate, and repay their military pay as if they had received it on loan, and now they must return it to the Republic, with interest many times over. Carrying the weight of the draft and the tax, the plebeians were preoccupied with other, more pressing matters such that, this year, they did not turn out to vote. The number of plebeian tribunes couldn't be filled at the elections. Attempts were made to co-opt patricians for the empty positions. When this failed outright, it was nevertheless arranged, in an attempt to weaken the Trebonian Law forbidding the practice, that Gaius Lacerius and Marcus Acutius were co-opted, appointed by existing plebeian tribunes, to become plebeian tribunes. Without a doubt, this was due to the influence of the patricians.

5.11 This year, Gnaeus Trebonius served as the plebeian tribune. He felt that he was obligated to support the Trebonian Law due to his family name. Shouting loudly, he said that what the patricians had once sought, despite their initial failure, had at last been achieved through the consular tribunes. The Trebonian Law had been undermined. The plebeian tribunes were chosen not by the people's votes but co-opted by the command of the patricians. Patricians or patrician yes-men were now serving as plebeian tribunes. Patricians were using trickery in their efforts to strip away tribunal power, Trebonius said, while his own colleagues were guilty of treachery. Not only the patricians but also the plebeian tribunes became targets of public anger. This included both those who were co-opted and those who had co-opted them. Three members of the consular tribune college, Publius Curiatius, Marcus Metilius, and Marcus Minucius, fearing for their own safety, turned their attack upon Sergius and Verginius, the consular tribunes of the previous year. They diverted the anger and resentment of the plebeians onto them by formally charging them and setting a trial date. The tactic worked, shifting the plebeians' rage away from them as they spoke to those who were burdened by the draft, the tax, the long military service, and the long distances of war. Those who grieve at the defeat they have suffered at Veii and those whose homes are in mourning for the loss of children, brothers, relatives and friends at Veii, they said, now had the power to avenge their private and public grief on the two guilty parties. All their suffering originated from Sergius and Verginius, who should confess their guilt instead of accusing each other; Verginius blaming Sergius for desertion and Sergius accusing Verginius of betrayal. Their senseless behavior was so unbelievable that it may have been planned ahead of time as part of a larger conspiracy among the patricians. The former consular tribunes were accused of trying to prolong the war by allowing the Veientes to set fire to their fortifications on purpose, thus betraying the Roman army and handing over the Roman camp to the Faliscans. Everything was done to keep the young soldiers at Veii where they would grow old there, and at preventing the plebeian tribunes from either bringing proposals to the people about the land and other advantages to the plebeians, or conduct well-attended assemblies or resist the conspiracies of the patricians. A preliminary judgment on the accused had already been passed by the Senate, by the Roman people, and even by their own colleagues. Then, by a Senate decree, the two consular tribunes were removed from their positions, but they resisted resigning their magistracy. They were forced to do so by their colleagues under threat of a dictator. The Roman people then elected new consular tribunes to take office immediately on the first of October, not the thirteenth of December, the usual solemn day, because the Republic couldn't stand having them remain in office any longer. Despite being condemned by so many decisions, Sergius and Verginius still presented themselves for trial before the people. They felt they had suffered enough punishment, as they had been demoted to private citizens two months early. The pair still didn't understand that their power to cause harm had been taken away, not their punishment. In fact, the power was taken from their colleagues, the other consular tribunes, as well, and they had done nothing wrong. Let the Roman people, Quirites, remember their feelings when they saw their army fleeing in fear, as they stumbled, wounded and terror-stricken, through the City gates, accusing neither fortune nor any of the gods, but these commanders. They were certain that everyone in the assembly that day despised Lucius Verginius and Manius Sergius, cursing and damning their lives, homes, and fortunes. They argued that it was completely wrong for those whom everyone has called the gods' wrath against to remain unpunished, when it is both allowed and necessary to act against them, yet no one uses their power to do so. They claimed that the gods never punished the guilty directly but armed the injured with the means of revenge.

5.12 Encouraged by these speeches, the plebeians condemned the accused to a fine of ten thousand pounds aes rude in weight. Sergius futilely blamed Mars and Fortune, common to all in warfare, while Verginius pleaded not to be more unfortunate at home than he was on the battlefield. The plebeians' anger toward them erased the memory of the co-optation of the plebeian tribunes and the fraud against the Trebonian Law. The victorious plebeian tribunes, wanting the plebeians to immediately benefit from the trial, announced an Agrarian Law and stopped the tax collection, even though there was now a need to pay a large number of troops as multiple military operations were going well but hadn't been brought to a hopeful conclusion. At Veii, the camp that was lost was regained and strengthened with forts and a garrison, commanded by Manlius Aemilius and Caeso Fabius, consular tribunes. Consular Tribune Marcus Furius in the Faliscan territory and Consular Tribune Gnaeus Cornelius in the Capenate district found no enemies outside the walls. So, they drove off the herds as plunder and devastated the land by burning farmhouses and crops. However, the towns were neither attacked nor besieged. In the Volscian territory, after ravaging the fields, they tried futilely to attack Anxur, which was located on a high hill. They then encircled it with a rampart and a trench under the command of Consular Tribune Valerius Potitus, who had been assigned to fight the Volsci. Amid these military affairs, internal sedition erupted more violently than the wars. When the plebeian tribunes made it impossible to collect the tax, the generals were sent no money. The soldiers demanded their military wages, and the camp was almost caught up in the contagion of the City's sedition. In the middle of the plebeians' anger toward the patricians, the plebeian tribunes claimed that it was time to establish freedom and transfer the power of the consular tribune from the likes of the Sergii and Verginii to courageous and energetic plebeian men. However, they could only go as far as electing one plebeian, Publius Licinius Calvus Esquilinus, as a consular tribune to set a precedent. The other elected officials were patricians: Publius Manlius Vulso, Lucius Titinius Pansa Saccus, Publius Maelius Capitolinus, Spurius Furius Medullinus, and Lucius Publius Volscus. The plebeians were surprised at achieving such a significant victory, especially the elected official, who had never held a position of honor before and was simply an elderly, long-serving senator. It's unclear why Publius Licinius Calvus was the first to be elected to enjoy the new honors. Some believed that his brother, Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus, a consular tribune the previous year who had tripled the cavalry's pay, had influenced his election. Others suggest that he delivered a timely speech that pleased both the patricians and the plebeians about the harmony of the different orders. The plebeian tribunes, elated at their electoral victory, then withdrew their opposition to the tax which had hindered the work of the State. The tax was obediently collected and quickly sent to the army.

5.13 In Volscian territory, Anxur was quickly recaptured due to the city's guards relaxing and being less vigilant on a feast day. This year was marked by a harsh, snowy winter that made roads impassable and the Tiber River unnavigable. Despite these conditions, the price of provisions remained stable due to a stockpile of supplies. Publius Licinius Calvus assumed the role of consular tribune without much commotion and governed it in a manner that brought more happiness to the plebeians than annoyance to the patricians. It led to a strong desire to elect plebeians for consular tribune positions in the upcoming election. Only Marcus Veturius, a patrician, kept his position as a consular tribune. Almost all the centuries elected plebeians as consular tribunes. These included Marcus Pomponius, Gnaeus Duillius, Volero Publilius, Gnaeus Genucius, and Lucius Atilius. The severe winter, whether due to the poor air quality, a sudden change in weather, or other reasons, was followed by a deadly summer that sickened all types of animals as well as the people. Unable to determine the cause or end of this deadly disease, the Sibylline Books were consulted as per a decree of the Senate. The duumviri responsible for sacred rites [duumviri sacris faciundis] introduced the lectisternium for the first time in the city of Rome. For eight days, they sought to appease Apollo, Latona, Diana, Hercules, Mercury, and Neptune, setting out three of the most spacious couches with the greatest possible magnificence. This solemn ritual was also observed by private individuals. Throughout the City, doors were left open and all things were left out in the open air to be shared by all. It's said that all passersby, known and unknown, were invited into homes as guests. People who were normally at odds engaged in polite and kind conversation, refraining from disputes and quarrels. Prisoners were unchained during these days. Afterward, it became a religious taboo to imprison those who had received such divine aid. Meanwhile, the situation in Veii became more alarming as three wars converged in one place. As has been said, the Capenates and Faliscans had come to aid Veii, resulting in the Romans battling against three armies on two fronts. Above all, the memory of the sentence passed on Sergius and Verginius was also a significant motivator. Accordingly, forces from the larger camp, which had remained inactive, were quickly led around to attack the Capenates from behind while they were focused in front against the Roman rampart. This surprise attack struck terror in the Faliscans and a timely charge from the Roman camp turned the tide and sent them fleeing. The Romans pursued them, inflicting a massive slaughter on the fleeing enemy. Soon after, Romans who had been sent to ravage the territory of Capena encountered the fleeing Faliscan survivors, now scattered across the countryside. All the survivors were killed. Many Veientes ran in desperation, trying to make it back into the city. As soon as they arrived, however, they discovered that the gates had been closed. Their Veiian comrades, panicking, had shut out the last of their own men to prevent the Romans from entering Veii at the same time. The Romans slaughtered them all, right in front of their own gates.

5.14 The events of that year concluded as such. The time for the election of consular tribunes was now nearing, causing the patricians to feel a heightened sense of concern, more so than they felt about the ongoing war. They realized that the highest authority was not only being shared with the plebeians but was on the verge of being completely lost to them. As a result, they arranged for the most distinguished patricians to stand as candidates, men whom they believed the people would be too ashamed to pass over. And as if they themselves were candidates, using every possible strategy to win over not only the men, but also the gods, by pointing out that the elections held over the past two years had been held against divine will. In the first year, there was an intolerable winter that rose like a divine omen. In the following year, there were not just omens, but consequences as the plague brought upon the city and countryside was due to the clear anger of the gods. It had been discovered in the Sibylline Books that the gods needed to be appeased to ward off pestilence. Thus, they argued, it was offensive to the gods that elections held under auspices should see high offices made common, and the distinction between classes blurred. The plebeians, influenced by the majesty of the candidates and their religious fears, elected all the consular tribunes from among the patricians. Most of these were men had been highly honored in the past; Lucius Valerius Potitus for the fifth time, Marcus Valerius Maximus, Marcus Furius Camillus for the second time, Lucius Furius Medullinus for the third time, Quintus Servilius Fidenas for the second time, and Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus for the second time. During this tribunate, nothing of great significance was accomplished at Veii. All their efforts were focused on plundering the countryside. Two skilled commanders, Valerius Potitus at Falerii and Furius Camillus at Capena, led massive expeditions that carried off immense spoils, leaving no part of the enemy territory untouched that could be harmed by sword or fire.

5.15 During this time, many omens were reported. Most of these weren't taken seriously because they were reported by a single person without any other witnesses and because the Etruscans, whose soothsayers the Romans typically employed to interpret evil omens, were at war with them. So, there were no soothsayers. However, one omen caught everyone's attention: the lake in the Alban Forest rose to an unusual level without rain or any other explainable cause. This was seen as a miracle. Delegates were sent to the Oracle of Delphi to ask what the gods meant by this omen. However, a local interpreter of the fates, an old man from Veii, gave them an interpretation. Despite being mocked by both the soldiers of the Roman and Etruscan outposts, he began chanting in the manner of a prophet, saying that the Romans would never conquer Veii until the water was drained from the Alban Lake. At first, this was dismissed as a random comment, but later it became a topic of discussion. Eventually, one of the Roman outpost soldiers asked a townsperson from the closest town near his outpost, the war had been going on so long that they were able to converse about these things, who was this man who threw out such mysterious clues about the Alban Lake? The townsperson told the soldier that the man was an Etruscan haruspex. Being a superstitious person, the soldier pretended to want to consult the man about a personal omen and lured the soothsayer into a meeting. When both had walked further down the road from their own colleagues, unarmed and without any fear, the young and strong Roman soldier picked up the feeble, old man in front of everyone and carried him away from the Etruscans to his own side, despite the protests of the Etruscans. The old man was carried all the way to the general and then sent to Rome to the Senate. When prompted regarding his comment about the Alban Lake, he said that the gods must certainly have been angry with the people of Veii on the day they inspired him to reveal the fatal destruction of their City. Since what he had said was under divine inspiration, it couldn't be taken back; and by hiding what the gods wanted to be known would be just as great a sin as if he revealed what should be kept secret. According to the books of fate and Etruscan lore, he explained, when the Alban water level rose high enough that it overflowed, if the Romans drained it properly, they would be granted victory over the Veii. Before this happened, however, the gods wouldn't abandon the walls of Veii. He then explained the technical details of what the proper ritual drainage or diversion of water would be. But the Senate, not fully trusting his authority in such an important matter, decided to wait for the delegates and the responses from Pythia, the Oracle of Delphi.

5.16 Before the delegates returned from Delphi or a solution to the Alban mystery was found, the new consular tribunes assumed their roles. These included Lucius Julius Iullus for the second time, Lucius Furius Medullinus for the fourth time, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, Aulus Postumius Regillensis, Publius Cornelius Maluginensis, and Aulus Manlius Vulso Capitolinus for the third time. During this year, a new adversary emerged, the people of Tarquinii. They saw the Romans engaged in multiple wars simultaneously, including the Volscians at Anxur, where the garrison was under siege, the Aequians at Labici, who were assaulting the Roman colony there, as well as the Veiian, Faliscan, and Capenate wars. The Tarquinians saw that there was no peace within the City walls due to the ongoing conflict between the patricians and the plebeians. So, they seized the opportunity to attack, sending lightly armed cohorts to raid the Roman territory, believing that the Romans would either ignore this offense to avoid another war, or they would retaliate with a small and weak army. The Romans were more indignant than frightened by the Tarquinian raid. As a result, they didn't prepare extensively or delay their response. Aulus Postumius and Lucius Julius, not through a regular draft since they were hindered by the plebeian tribunes, but by a force of volunteers motivated by their speeches, marched through the territory of Caere using indirect paths and launched a surprise attack on the Tarquinians as they were returning from their raids, laden with loot. They slaughtered many, stripped them all of their baggage, reclaimed the goods which had been plundered from Roman lands, and returned to Rome. The owners were given two days to reclaim their belongings. On the third day, the unclaimed portion, most of which belonged to the enemy, was sold at a public auction, and the proceeds were distributed among the soldiers. The outcome of the other wars, especially against the Veientes, were still indecisive. The Romans, losing hope in human aid, began to turn to the gods and to fate when the delegates returned from Delphi. They brought the oracle's answer with them. It matched the captive prophet's response: "Romans, do not let the Alban waters stay within the lake, nor let them flow to the sea through their natural rivers. Release the waters into the fields, irrigating the fields by spreading water across the land. Let it be dispersed and absorbed by small streams. Then, boldly push upon the walls of the enemy, knowing well that you have besieged this city for so many years, and now, through the revelations of fate, victory is granted to you. Once the war is ended, bring a large offering to my temple as a victor and ensure the sacred rites of your City, which you have neglected, are duly restored, performing them in the traditional way."

5.17 From that moment, the captive soothsayer was viewed with great respect. The consular tribunes, Cornelius and Postumius, began to consult him how to deal with the Alban prodigy and the proper appeasement of the gods. Eventually, the Romans discovered that the gods were upset because of the neglect of ceremonies and the omission of traditional rites. It was undoubtedly because the magistrates, who were improperly elected, hadn't properly proclaimed the Latin Festival and the solemnities on Mount Alba had not been properly performed. The only way to atone for this was for the consular tribunes to resign their office, the auspices to be taken again, and an interregnum to begin. All these actions were carried out according to a decree of the Senate. There were three interreges following one after the other in succession, Lucius Valerius, Quintus Servilius Fidenas, and Marcus Furius Camillus. Meanwhile, disturbances continued, with the plebeian tribunes blocking the elections until it was agreed that the majority of the consular tribunes should be elected from the plebeians. While this was happening, the Etruscan tribes met in council at the Temple of Voltumna. The Capenates and Faliscans asked that all the Etruscans collectively join together to help lift the siege of Veii. The response given from the council was that they had already refused the request from the Veientes because the Veientes shouldn't be asking for advice from a council whose advice hadn't been consulted in the first place. They had no standing to ask for help now. At present, the council would continue to decline aid, but it was now for the Etruscans' own sake. They would not risk their fortunes for the Veientes. Much of the Etruscans' land was now occupied by an unfamiliar people, new Gallic settlers, with whom they couldn't establish a reliable peace nor a certain war. However, out of consideration for their shared blood, their name, and the present dangers faced by their kinsmen, they agreed that if any of the young Etruscan men wished to go to war voluntarily, they wouldn't be stopped. In Rome, there were reports that a large number of enemy forces had arrived. Therefore, as is typical, internal conflicts began to subside in the face of a common threat.

5.18 With the support of the Senate, Publius Licinius Calvus, though not a candidate, was elected consular tribune by the praerogative centuries. He was a man known for his moderation in his previous tribunate, but now he was very old. It was noted that his colleagues from that same year would be reappointed as well, including Lucius Titinius, Publius Maenius, Gnaeus Genucius, and Lucius Atilius. Before they were confirmed, the tribes were summoned, and with the permission of the interrex, Publius Licinius Calvus spoke: "Quirites, I see that by remembering our previous magistracy, you're hoping to achieve the same unity as we had in our past leadership. Indeed, this is very important right now for the coming year. While you also re-elected the same colleagues who are even better through their experience, I am not the same man. I am merely the remaining shadow and the name of Publius Licinius. My physical strength has faded. My sight and hearing have weakened. My memory is unreliable, and my mental sharpness has dulled." "Look at this young man," he said, holding his son, "he's the image of the man you once made a consular tribune, the first from among the plebeians. This young man, whom I've trained myself, I offer and dedicate to the state as a replacement for me. And I ask you, Quirites, to give the honor you have willingly offered to me to him, as he requested, and with my prayers on his behalf." The father's request was granted, and his son, Publius Licinius, was declared a consular tribune along with those I mentioned earlier. Consular Tribunes Titinius and Genucius went against the Faliscans and Capenates. They fought courageously but, lacking prudence, they fell into an ambush. Genucius died honorably, paying for his recklessness by falling to his death before the standards in the front lines. Titinius, after gathering his frightened men on a hill, reformed their battle lines. However, he didn't dare to fight the enemy on flat ground. The defeat of both consular tribunes was more embarrassing than damaging, but it nearly turned into a great slaughter. It caused terror not only in Rome, where exaggerated versions of the story reached the citizens, but also in the Roman camp at Veii. There, the Roman soldiers were barely stopped from running away, as rumors spread through the camp that the commanders and the army had been killed and that the victorious Capenates, Faliscans, and all the young men of the Etruscans were close by. The tumult in Rome was greater than this, for they believed even worse stories such as a rumor that the Roman camp at Veii was being assailed, and that part of the enemy was heading in a furious column toward the City, ready to attack. There was a rush to the walls of the City and women, drawn from out of their homes by the fear, prayed in the temples. Petitions were made to the gods begging them to keep destruction away from their homes, their roofs, temples, and the walls of Rome, and to turn that fear against Veii, provided that the sacred rites had been properly performed, and the omens had been appeased.

5.19 By now the Games and Latin Festival had been newly restored, water from the Alban Lake had been released onto the fields and fate, it would seem, was now closing in upon Veii. Therefore, the man destined to destroy Veii and save the Republic was next appointed Dictator: Marcus Furius Camillus. He chose Publius Cornelius Scipio as his Master of the Horse. The change in leadership brought about a change in the minds of the people. Their hopes and spirits suddenly seemed different. The City's fortunes seemed to change as well. First of all, in accordance with military custom, Camillus punished those who had fled from Veii in that moment of panic and ensured that the enemy was no longer the greatest fear of the soldiers. Then, after announcing a draft for a specific day, he visited the Veii camp to boost the morale of the Roman soldiers. From there, he returned to Rome, without disturbing the camp, to recruit the new army. No one refused to serve. Even the young men from allied states, the Latins and Hernicians, also came, offering help for the war. After the Dictator thanked them in the Senate, and with everything now sufficiently prepared for the war, he vowed that he would celebrate the Great Games, by decree of the Senate, once Veii was captured, and repair and re-dedicate the Temple of Mater Matuta, a temple that had previously been consecrated by King Servius Tullius. He left the City with his army, the Roman people having high expectations rather than just high hopes. His first battle was an encounter with the Faliscans and Capenates in the Nepesine Field. Everything there was handled with great prudence and strategy and as often happens, fortune followed. He not only routed the enemy in battle but also took their camp and an immense amount of loot. The majority of this was handed over to the quaestor, with only a small amount given to the soldiers. The army then marched to Veii, where additional fortifications were built close to each other. After many random skirmishes occurred between the wall and the rampart, a proclamation was issued that no one should fight without orders and Camillus put them to work, instead. The most significant and laborious task was a tunnel they began to dig that would reach into the enemy's citadel. To ensure the work wasn't interrupted and that the same individuals weren't exhausted from continuous underground labor, he divided the workers into six groups, working around the clock in six-hour shifts. They didn't stop, day or night, until a passage was made into the citadel.

5.20 Camillus saw that victory was within his grasp. The most opulent city was about to be captured, with spoils greater than any previous conflict. He wanted to avoid angering the soldiers with a stingy division of the loot on the one hand or upsetting the patricians with an overly generous distribution to them on the other, so he composed a letter to the Senate. Thanks to the kindness of the immortal gods, his own strategies, and the soldiers' determination, he wrote, Veii would soon be under Roman control. What did the Senate think should be done with the spoils of war? Two differing opinions emerged from the Senate. The first was from the elder Publius Licinius who was questioned by his son. He suggested that a public announcement be made, inviting anyone who wished to share in the loot should come to the camp at Veii. The second opinion was from Appius Claudius who argued against Licinius' new proposal of the distribution as extravagant, unfair and ill-considered. If it was once considered wrong for money taken from the enemy to go to the treasury, which had been drained by wars, he suggested it should then be used to pay the soldiers. This way, it would reduce the amount of tax demanded from the plebeians. The benefits of this distribution would be felt equally by all households, he argued, rather than the greedy hands of idle city-dwellers taking the rewards that should rightfully go to the brave warriors. It often happens, he added, that the laziest are the ones to plunder the most, while those who take the greatest share of the hardship and danger are left with the least. Licinius countered that using the money in this way would only lead to jealousy and conflict. It could lead to accusations among the plebeians, resulting in sedition and new laws. Instead, he argued, it was better to win the favor of the plebeians by sharing the spoils of war. His idea would provide relief to those burdened by years of taxation and allow them to enjoy the benefits of a war they had endured for so long. What each person took from the enemy and carried home with his own hands would be much more satisfying than receiving multiple shares determined by someone else. He noted that the Dictator, himself, wanted to avoid the blame and criticism that could come from this decision, so he was passing the responsibility onto the Senate to decide for him. His idea would allow the Senate to pass the decision onto the plebeians, themselves, allowing each person to keep whatever the fortunes of war had provided to each. Licinius' idea seemed safer and would likely make the Senate more popular. Accordingly, a proclamation was issued inviting those who wished to take part in sharing the spoils of Veii should join the Dictator at the camp.

5.21 A large crowd went out to Veii and filled the camp. Camillus, after taking the auspices and ordering the soldiers to arm themselves, said, "Under your leadership, Pythian Apollo, and inspired by your divinity, I proceed forward to destroy the city of Veii, and I promise you a tenth part of the spoils. I also beg you, Juno Regina, who now resides in Veii, to follow us as victors to our City, soon to be yours, where a temple worthy of your majesty will welcome you." After these prayers, he ordered an attack on the city from all sides with an overwhelming number of men, such that the inhabitants of Veii wouldn't sense the danger approaching from the Roman's tunnel. The Veientes spent their final days in total ignorance that their own soothsayers, as well as foreign oracles, had already doomed them, and that their gods had been invited to share in the Romans' plunder. They didn't know that some Veientes had been summoned by vows to abandon their city and were already looking to the enemy's new temples and new homes. They didn't know they were living through their last day, and feared nothing, unaware that the walls of their citadel was already full of enemies having been breached by a tunnel. The Veientes rushed to the walls in arms, in awe at what was happening. They were astonished to see the Romans, who had been quiet for days, with no one moving from his post, were now surging forward like madmen in a frenzy, rushing to their walls. At this point, some sources insert a story: a legend tells that when the king of the Veii was offering a sacrifice, the Romans heard the voice of a haruspex from inside the tunnel, declaring that the victory would go to whomever cut up the entrails of the sacrifice. This spurred the Romans to break open the mine, steal the entrails, and bring them to the Dictator. However, in such ancient stories, it's enough to accept those that seem plausible. This particular tale, more suited to a stage production than to historical accuracy, isn't worth affirming or refuting. At this time, the tunnel, filled with a select group of men, suddenly erupted with armed Roman troops, spilling into the Temple of Juno Regina inside the citadel of Veii. Some attacked the Veientes from behind on the walls; some tore down the bars on the gates; some set fire to the houses when women and slaves threw stones and tiles from the roofs. The clamor filled the city with various voices of terror and fear, mixed with the screams and cries of weeping women and children. In a moment the Veiian soldiers were quickly thrown off the walls on all sides, and the gates were opened. While some Roman soldiers rushed in, in columns, others scaled the deserted walls, and the city was filled with enemies. Fighting broke out everywhere in all directions. After much bloodshed, the intensity of the fight lessened, and Camillus ordered the heralds to announce that the unarmed should be spared. This ended the bloodshed. The disarmed Veiian people began to surrender, and the soldiers, with the Dictator's permission, began to search for plunder. When the plunder was gathered before him, much bigger than he had hoped or expected, and of greater value that anything he had, the Dictator is said to have raised his hand to heaven and prayed, asking that if his good fortune and that of the Roman people seemed too excessive to gods or men, that they might be allowed to appease this envy with as little harm as possible to himself and the Roman people. It's recorded that as Camillus was turning around in the middle of this reverent prayer, he slipped and fell to the floor. Later, those who interpreted events by their outcomes believe that this omen referred to the condemnation of Camillus himself, and to the disaster of the capture of the City of Rome, which occurred a few years later. And the rest of that day was spent slaughtering the enemy and plundering a very opulent, wealthy city.

5.22 The next day, Camillus auctioned off the Veiian freeborn citizens as slaves. This was the only money brought into the public treasury, but it caused resentment among the plebeians. The spoils they brought home themselves, they gave credit not to Camillus who, not wanting to look greedy, had referred the matter to the Senate. Instead, they credited the Licinian family because the son had presented the matter to the Senate, and the father had proposed a resolution that was well-received by the plebeians. After all the wealth had been stripped from Veii, they began to carry off the offerings to their gods as well as the gods, themselves. However, they did this more like worshippers than plunderers. Young soldiers specifically chosen from the whole army, their bodies washed and purified, dressed in white garments and were given the task of transporting Juno Regina to Rome. They entered her temple with deep reverence. Raising their hands hesitantly, they touched the statue with religious awe, which, according to Etruscan custom, only a priest from a certain family was allowed to touch it. Then, someone, either inspired by a divine force or youthful jest, asked, "Juno, do you want to go to Rome?" The others cried out, shouting that the goddess had nodded in agreement. From this story was added that her voice was heard saying that she was willing. It's accepted among sources that she was lifted from her place by a slight effort of supports and was light and easy to move, as if she were following them. Juno Regina was safely brought intact to the Aventine Hill, her eternal home, where the vows of the Roman dictator had called her, and where the same Camillus who had vowed it later dedicated a temple to her. This was the fall of Veii, the most affluent city of the Etruscan nation. Even in its downfall, it showed its greatness. It was under siege for ten continuous summers and winters, and it inflicted significantly more damage than it suffered. Finally, driven by fate, it was conquered not by force, but by clever strategy and siege engines.

5.23 When Rome received the news of Veii's capture, Rome was filled with joy. Although the omens had been attended to and the Pythian Oracle and soothsayer's prophesies had agreed, and although they had chosen Marcus Furius Camillus as Dictator, the most renowned general of their time, nevertheless, they were still surprised by the success because the war had been fought in Veii for many years with mixed results and numerous reversals. Before the Senate could pass any decree, all the temples were filled with Roman matrons giving thanks to the gods. The Senate decreed a four-day public thanksgiving, a longer period than in any previous war. The arrival of Dictator Camillus was also a huge event, more celebrated than any other before, with crowds from every social order pouring out to greet him. However, his Triumph greatly exceeded the usual style of honoring for such a day. The most egregious and inappropriate sight of all was the Dictator riding through the City in a chariot pulled by white horses. This was seen as disrespectful, not just for a citizen, but for any human being. The people saw it as a religious offense that the Dictator would appear to compare himself to Jupiter and Apollo whose chariots were also pulled by white horses. For this reason, his Triumph was considered more famous but not popular. He then contracted to build a temple for Juno Regina on the Aventine Hill and consecrated the Temple of Mother Matuta. After performing these services to the gods and mankind, he then resigned his dictatorship. A debate then began to discuss the offering to Apollo. When the Dictator said that he had vowed to give a tenth of the spoils to Apollo, the pontiffs declared that the people would need to fulfill their religious obligation. It wasn't easy to devise a plan for the people to give back their spoils so that the appropriate portion could be set aside for sacred purposes. Eventually, they decided on the simplest course of action. Anyone who wished to fulfill their religious obligation and their family's obligation should estimate their share of the plunder and pay the value of a tenth of it into the treasury. This would allow for the creation of a golden offering worthy of the grandeur of the temple, the divinity of the god, and fitting for the dignity of the Roman people. But even this contribution alienated the plebeians from Camillus. During these events, ambassadors from the Volscians and Aequians came to ask for peace. Peace was granted, not because they deserved it, but because Rome was tired from the long war and needed rest.

5.24 Following the capture of Veii, the next year saw six consular tribunes. These included Publius Cornelius Cossus and Publius Cornelius Scipio, Marcus Valerius Maximus for the second time, Caeso Fabius Ambustus for the third time, Lucius Furius Medullinus for the fifth time, and Quintus Servilius for the third time. The two Cornelii were assigned the Faliscan war, while Valerius and Servilius were given the Capenate war by lot. They didn't attempt to take any cities by storm or siege, but instead they laid waste to the countryside, taking all the produce from the land. Not a single fruit tree or vegetable was left. This devastation weakened the people of Capena, who were also granted peace when they asked for it. The war with the Faliscans, however, continued. Meanwhile, in Rome, complex disturbances were on the rise. To quell this, it was decided that a colony would be established on the Volscian frontier. Three thousand Roman citizens were enlisted for this, and triumvirs, three men, had been appointed to divide the land into three and seven-twelfths jugera of land per person. However, this offer was scorned as it was seen as a consolation meant to distract them from higher expectations. The plebeians questioned why they were being exiled to the Volscian territory when the beautiful city of Veii, with its fertile and expansive territory, was still visible. They praised Veii as superior to Rome in terms of location and grandeur of both public and private buildings and other spaces. There was also a proposal to move to Veii, a suggestion that gained more traction after Rome was taken by the Gauls. The plan was for Veii to be inhabited by part of the plebeians and part of the Senate, creating two cities under one Republic. The patricians emphatically opposed this, stating they would rather die in front of the Roman people than allow such a vote. If one city was already causing so many disagreements, what would happen with two? Why would anyone choose a defeated city over a victorious one, and why should Veii prosper more after its capture than before? Finally, they said, could a man bear to be abandoned by fellow citizens in his own city? Yet they would be abandoning their homeland and their fellow citizens, a wrong that no external force had ever accomplished. And they would be following Titus Sicinius, the plebeian tribune who proposed the move, to be the founder of a new Veii, forsaking the divine Romulus, the son of a god, the father and founder of the City of Rome.

5.25 These debates were filled with shameful arguments since the patricians managed to sway some of the plebeian tribunes to their side. Nothing prevented the plebeians from resorting to violence except that whenever a riot seemed imminent, the leading men of the Senate offered themselves first to the mob, ordering them to seek out, strike, and kill them first. Their age, dignity, and honorable position commanded respect, which helped to curb the crowd's anger and prevent similar attacks on others. Camillus repeatedly chastised the assembly in many areas, saying that it wasn't surprising that the City had gone mad, which, despite being bound by a vow, they were more concerned about everything else than fulfilling their religious obligations. In all, the contribution the people had made was more like a casual donation than actually giving a tenth of their spoils back. Since everyone was now bound by this in their own private consciences, this freed the state, itself. However, his conscience made him speak out that there was still something left. While a tenth of the movable spoils were taken care of, there had been no discussion about the immovable things such as the city and its captured territory. These also would have been included in the vow. The Senate found this point challenging to discuss, so it was delegated to the pontiffs, with Camillus being consulted. The College of Pontiffs decided that what belonged to the Veientes before the vow and came into the power of the Roman people after the vow, a tenth of it was sacred to Apollo. Thus, the city and land were evaluated. The money was taken from the treasury, and the consular tribunes were given the task to buy gold with it. When there wasn't enough gold available, Rome's matrons held meetings to discuss the issue. By agreement, they promised to give to the consular tribunes their gold and all their ornaments, which they brought to the treasury. The Senate was particularly pleased with this, and it's said that in return for this generosity, the matrons were given the honor of using a four-wheeled covered carriage [pilentum] and a a two-wheeled covered carriage [carpentum], on festival and common days. A certain weight of gold was received from each matron and valued so that it could be paid for. It was decided that a golden bowl would be made from this gold and carried to Delphi as an offering to Apollo. Once they had fulfilled their religious obligation, the plebeian tribunes resumed their agitation. The populace was stirred up against all the patricians, but especially against Camillus, whom they accused of reducing the spoils of Veii to nothing by confiscating and consecrating it for religious reasons. They verbally attacked him when he was absent, but when he appeared and voluntarily presented himself to the angry crowd, they were intimidated by him and were ashamed. Realizing that the matter wouldn't be resolved that year, they re-elected the same plebeian tribunes for the following year who supported the law. The patricians tried to do the same with those who opposed the law. As a result, many of the same tribunes, plebeian and consular, were returned to office.

5.26 During the consular tribune elections, the patricians managed to get Marcus Furius Camillus elected through their relentless efforts for the third time. He was needed, they said, as a commander due to the ongoing wars. However, their real purpose was to counteract the plebeian tribunes' giveaway programs. The consular tribunes elected alongside Camillus were Lucius Furius Medullinus for the sixth time, Gaius Aemilius, Lucius Valerius Publicola, Spurius Postumius, and Publius Cornelius for the second time. At the start of the year, the plebeian tribunes didn't take any action until Marcus Furius Camillus departed for the Faliscans, as that war had been assigned to him. Because of the delay, the plebeians' enthusiasm cooled down, and while their most-feared opponent, Camillus, was away, his glory among the Faliscans grew. Initially, the enemy stayed within their walls, thinking it was the safest strategy. However, by destroying their lands and burning their houses, he forced them to leave the city. Their fears stopped them from going too far. They set up their camp about a mile from the town, believing it was safe due to the difficult access routes, which were rough and broken, with roads that were narrow in places and steep in places. But Camillus, guided by a prisoner taken from the area, moved the camp late at night and reappeared on higher ground at dawn, in a better position. Then the Romans built fortifications in three places while the rest of the army stood by ready for battle. When the enemy tried to disrupt the work, they chased them away and scattered them. This caused such panic and fear among the Faliscans that they ran past their own camp on their way back to the city. Many were killed and wounded before they could reach the city gates in their panic. The Romans captured their camp, and the spoils were given to the quaestors, which made the troops irate. However, even though they disliked Camillus' strictness, they both hated and admired Camillus' strong moral principles. A formal siege of the city began with the fortifications around it. The townspeople occasionally attacked Roman outposts, leading to minor skirmishes, but the situation was at a standstill and neither side had the upper hand. Those who were besieged had more food and supplies than the besiegers. The siege seemed likely to be as long as the one at Veii, had it not been for a fortunate opportunity that allowed the Roman general to demonstrate an example of his military valor and achieve a swift victory.

5.27 The Faliscans had a tradition of hiring one person to serve as both a tutor and attendant of multiple children, and several boys were entrusted to the care of one at the same time, a practice that still exists in Greece today. He educated the sons of influential families because he was believed to be an educated, knowledgeable scholar. In one Faliscan leader's family, their tutor had established a routine during peacetime of taking the children outside the city for games and exercise. This routine wasn't abandoned during the war. He would lead them away from the city gates, sometimes on short trips, sometimes on longer ones for games and varied conversations. When the opportunity arose, the tutor led them further than usual between the enemy's posts and from there he led them into the Roman camp, straight to Camillus' tent. He then followed this wicked deed with an even more villainous speech, claiming that he had handed Falerii into the hands of the Romans by giving them these children, whose parents were the city's leaders. When Camillus heard this, he responded, "You have come, wicked man, with a wicked gift, to a people and a commander who are not like you. There is no treaty between us and the Faliscans, but there is a natural, common bond between us that will always exist. There are laws of war just as there are of peace, and we have learned to exercise them justly as well as bravely. We don't wage war against children, who are spared when cities are captured, but against armed men who attacked the Roman camp at Veii without provocation. You, as far as it was in your power, have defeated them through a new wickedness. I will conquer them in the Roman way, just as I did Veii: with Roman tactics, bravery, hard work, and weapons." Camillus then stripped the man naked, tied his hands behind his back, and handed him over to the Faliscan children to be returned to Falerii. He gave them rods to whip the traitor as they drove him into their city. This spectacle drew a large crowd, and the senate of Falerii was called into session due to the extraordinary event. The men underwent such a change of heart, that those who a short time before, in the fury of their hate and resentment of the Romans would almost have preferred the doom of the Veientes to the peace of the Capenates, began to demand peace with the voice of the entire city. The honesty of the Romans and the justice of the commander were universally praised in the Falerii marketplace and their senate-house. With the consent of all, ambassadors were then sent to Camillus' camp and, with his permission, to Rome to surrender Falerii to the Roman Senate. When they appeared before the Senate, they reportedly said, "Senators, we surrender to you and your commander, defeated by a victory that neither god nor man can find fault with. Nothing could be more glorious for a conqueror. We believe we will live happier lives under your rule than under our own laws. This war has provided two beneficial lessons for humanity. You chose honor in war over immediate victory, and we, inspired by your honor, have willingly surrendered the victory to you. We're under your rule. Send people to collect our weapons, our hostages, and our city with its gates wide open. You'll never regret our loyalty, and we will never regret your rule." Both the enemy and his own people gave thanks to Camillus. The Faliscans were asked to pay the soldiers for that year so that the Roman people wouldn't need to pay the tribute. Then, after peace was granted, the army returned to Rome.

5.28 When Camillus came back home, praise for him was far greater than when his white horses had carried him through the City in Triumph. He had defeated the enemy through justice and good faith. The Senate received him in reverent silence and immediately worked to fulfill his vow. To carry the golden bowl as a gift to Apollo at Delphi, they appointed Lucius Valerius, Lucius Sergius, and Aulus Manlius, who were sent in one long ship. However, the men were intercepted by the Liparian pirates near the Strait of Sicily and taken to their city. Lipari was an island nation which had a tradition of piracy. It was customary for the government to distribute the spoils the pirates acquired to the public. That year, a man named Timasitheus was the chief magistrate for the Lipari people. However, he was more like the Romans than his own people. Upon learning they were Roman ambassadors, and out of reverence for the offering, the god it was intended for, and the reason for the offering, he himself was filled with religious awe. He inspired the same reverence in his fellow countrymen, who were almost always inclined to follow their leader. After providing the ambassadors with his hospitality and a place to stay, he provided an escort of ships, accompanying them to Delphi and then escorted them safely back to Rome. The Senate issued a formal bond of hospitality making Timasitheus a guest and friend of Rome for his work, presenting him with gifts from the state. That same year, the war with the Aequians had mixed results. It was unclear, both to the soldiers and those in Rome, whether they had won or lost. The Roman commanders were Gaius Aemilius and Spurius Postumius, both consular tribunes. Initially, they worked together. After the enemy was defeated in the field, it was decided that Aemilius would hold Verrugo with his garrison, while Postumius would ravage the Aequian countryside. Postumius, however, was careless and his troops were in disorganized columns while returning from their plundering. The Aequians attacked, throwing the Romans into a panic which caused them to retreat to the nearest hills. Fear spread back to the Verrugo garrison, as well as the rest of the army. After gathering them together in a safe place, Postumius scolded his troops for their fear and for retreating from a cowardly enemy who was notorious for running away. The entire army shouted out that he was right, admitting the disgrace, and promised to ensure that the enemy wouldn't be able to savor their victory for long. They demanded that Postumius lead them, at once, to the enemy's camp, still visible from their location, and they said he could punish them in any way he liked if they didn't capture the camp by nightfall. Postumius praised them and ordered them to eat, rest their bodies, and be ready by the fourth watch. The enemy, suspecting a night attack, positioned themselves to block the Romans on the road from the hill to the Verrugo garrison. So, the battle was fought before daybreak, although the moon shone all night long. The battle was just as intense and decisive as a daytime battle. However, the shouting and noise of the battle could be heard from Verrugo which made the Roman garrison panic and think their camp was under attack. Despite Aemilius' pleas and attempts to stop them, the soldiers fled to Tusculum in disarray. From there, rumors reached Rome that Postumius and his army had been slaughtered. When daylight showed the fear of an ambush was baseless, Postumius rode past the battle line, renewing his promises of reward. This inspired them so much that the Aequians could no longer resist the assault and the slaughter of the fleeing soldiers, an act driven more by rage than courage or honor, leading to the complete destruction of the enemy. The grim news from Tusculum, which had caused unnecessary panic in Rome, was followed by a laurel-wreathed letter from Postumius, announcing that victory belonged to the Roman people and the Aequian army had been destroyed.  5.29The actions of the plebeian tribunes were still ongoing. The plebeians worked hard to keep people in office who supported the bill allowing them to move to Veii, while the patricians worked hard to re-elect those who would veto it. However, the plebeians were more successful in electing their preferred magistrates. The patricians retaliated by passing a Senate decree to elect consuls, a position disliked by the plebeians. Thus, after fifteen years without consuls, Lucius Lucretius Flavus and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus were elected as the next consuls. At the start of this year, the plebeian tribunes worked together to pass the law to move to Veii, as none of their colleagues were likely to oppose them. However, the new consuls resisted them with equal determination. Everyone in the state was focused on this one idea. Meanwhile, the Aequians attacked Vitellia, a Roman colony in their territory. Most of the colonists managed to escape unharmed, as the town had been captured at night by betrayal. The darkness obscured the colonists allowing them to freely escape through the back of the city, and they fled to Rome. This province was assigned to Consul Lucius Lucretius who marched out with an army, defeated the enemy in battle, and returned to Rome victorious, only to face a more serious challenge. A trial date had been set for Aulus Verginius and Quintus Pomponius, the plebeian tribunes from two years prior. The Senate, by general agreement, supported their defense, feeling that the honor of the Senate was at stake. The only accusation against them was that they had vetoed the plebeian law moving to Veii in order to please the patricians. However, the anger of the plebeians overpowered the influence of the Senate, and shameful precedent was set when these innocent men were condemned to pay a fine of ten thousand pounds aes rude each. This greatly angered the patricians. Camillus openly accused the plebeians of a serious breach of duty. By punishing their own tribunes for using their legal veto, he said, they hadn't realized the broader consequences of their action. By condemning the tribunes for interceding, using their right to veto, they were undermining the legality of that constitutional safeguard. By removing that intercession, the veto, the tribunes lose their power to check other magistrates. If they believed the patricians would tolerate the unchecked power of the plebeian tribunes, they were mistaken. If the power of the plebeian tribunes couldn't be resisted by the veto of another plebeian tribune, the patricians would find another weapon. He also criticized the consuls for silently allowing the plebeian tribunes to be condemned, though they acted in accordance with the Senate's authority and expected protection from them. By openly expressing these views daily, he continuously inflamed the anger of the people.

5.30 Camillus continued to encourage the Senate to resist the law allowing the plebeians to move to Veii. When the day to propose the law came, he urged them to approach the Forum with the mindset of men who remembered they were fighting for their homes, their altars and temples of their gods, and the land of their birth. Selfishly, if he could consider his own glory during this struggle, it would absolutely be an honor for him to see a city he had captured now successful and thriving with inhabitants. He would take pleasure in the daily reminder of his Triumph, and the sight of a city that bore witness to his victory. However, it was wrong for a city deserted and abandoned by the gods to be repopulated. It was wrong for a large swath of Roman people to mass migrate and go live in a conquered city. The Romans would be exchanging their victorious fatherland for a defeated one, he said. Inspired by their leader's words, patricians, both young and old, came to the Forum in a procession when the law was about to be proposed. They spread out among the tribes, each passionately pleading with members of their own tribe to not abandon the City for which they and their ancestors had bravely and successfully fought, pointing to the Capitoline Hill, the Temple of Vesta, and the other temples of the gods. They pleaded for them not to force the Roman people, as refugees and outcasts, from their homeland and household gods into the defeated city of an enemy. Please, they begged, don't bring about a situation where it would have been better if Veii hadn't been captured, lest Rome be abandoned. Because they didn't resort to force, but to pleas, and because they frequently invoked the gods during these pleas, many were swayed by religious concerns. More tribes rejected the law than approved it. This victory was so pleasing to the patricians that the next day, at the consuls' suggestion, the Senate passed a decree stating that seven jugera of Veiian land per person should be distributed to the plebeians. This wasn't only for the heads of families, but also for each freeborn child in their households, so that, with such a prospect before them, they might be encouraged to raise children in the hope of land ownership.

5.31 The plebeians were swayed by such a generous act and, as such, they didn't resist the holding of elections for consuls. Lucius Valerius Potitus for the second time and Marcus Manlius, who later earned the surname of Capitolinus, were elected as consuls. These consuls hosted the Great Games that Marcus Furius Camillus, as Dictator, had promised during the Veiian war. In the same year, the Temple of Juno Regina, also promised by the same Dictator during the same war, was dedicated. It's reported that the dedication was met with great enthusiasm by the women. A minor war was fought with the Aequians on Mount Algidus, with the enemies fleeing almost before the battle began. Valerius was granted a Triumph for his relentless pursuit of the fleeing enemies; it was decided that Manlius should enter the City with an ovation. The same year saw the start of a new war with the Volsinians in the Etruscan territory. However, an army couldn't be sent due to famine and disease in Roman territories, said to be caused by drought and extreme heat. This led the Volsinii, in alliance with the Salpinati who were puffed up with arrogance, to make an unprovoked attack on the Roman territories. War was then declared against the two states. Gaius Julius died during his term as Censor; Marcus Cornelius was appointed in his place. This move was later seen as a religious transgression, as Rome was captured during that lustrum. Since then, no Censor has ever had a substitute after dying while in office. The consuls had become sick with the disease affecting Rome, so it was decided to renew the auspices through an interregnum. Following a decree from the Senate, the consuls resigned their positions. Marcus Furius Camillus was then appointed as interrex. He, in turn, appointed Publius Cornelius Scipio as interrex, who later appointed Lucius Valerius Potitus as interrex. Potitus then appointed six consular tribunes. This was done to ensure that if one of them fell ill, there would still be enough magistrates to run the state.

5.32 On the first day of July, the following individuals assumed their offices: Lucius Lucretius, Servius Sulpicius, Marcus Aemilius, Lucius Furius Medullinus for the seventh time, Agrippa Furius, and Gaius Aemilius for the second time. Lucius Lucretius and Gaius Aemilius were assigned the Volsinii as their province, while Agrippa Furius and Servius Sulpicius were given the Sappinati. The first battle was with the Volsinii. Despite the size of the enemy forces, the battle was not particularly intense in the fighting. Their battle line was routed at the first engagement. Eight thousand soldiers, having turned to flight, were intercepted by the Roman cavalry. They laid down their arms and surrendered. The fame of this victory deterred the Sappinati from engaging in battle. Instead, they fortified the walls of their towns. The Romans, unopposed, plundered both Sappinati and Volsinii territories. This continued until a twenty-year truce was granted to the war-weary Volsinii, on the condition that they return the goods of the Roman people and cover the army's pay for that year. In the same year, a plebeian named Marcus Caedicius reported to the tribunes that while on the Via Nova, where there is now a chapel above the Temple of Vesta, he had heard a voice, louder than any human's voice, during the silence of the night. The voice, he claimed, warned of the approaching Gauls and for him to warn the magistrates. This warning was ignored, largely due to Caedicius' low social status and that the Gauls lived a very long distance away from Rome. In addition to ignoring divine warnings, the Romans also alienated Marcus Furius Camillus, the only remaining human that could save the City. He had recently lost his young son. Still, he was indicted by Lucius Apuleius, a plebeian tribune, and was facing a trial over the matter of the handling of spoils from Veii. When Camillus asked his fellow tribesmen and clients, who were a large part of the plebeians, for support, they offered to pay any fine he might incur but admitted they couldn't acquit him. Feeling wronged, Camillus went into exile and prayed that the gods would soon give his ungrateful City a reason to miss him. In his absence, he was fined fifteen-thousand pounds aes rude in weight.

5.33 And so Marcus Furius Camillus, a citizen so vital to Rome that his presence could have prevented its capture, was expelled by the Romans. Disaster headed toward the condemned City and its unaware inhabitants as ambassadors from Clusium arrived, seeking help against the Gauls. It's believed that the Gauls, attracted by the fertile lands and especially the wine, a new pleasure at that time, crossed the Alps and took over lands previously being farmed by the Etruscans. Arruns of Clusium is said to have introduced wine into Gaul to entice the people. He did it out of anger because Lucumo, a youth whom he had once been the guardian to, seduced his wife. Lucumo had become so powerful that Arruns couldn't seek revenge without calling for outside assistance. It's said that Arruns guided the Gauls across the Alps and suggested they besiege Clusium. While it's plausible that Arruns or another Clusium native led the Gauls to Clusium, it's clear that the Gauls who besieged Clusium weren't the first to cross the Alps. The Gauls had entered Italy two hundred years before they attacked Clusium and captured Rome. Nor was this their first conflict with the Etruscans, because long before that, Gallic armies had often fought with the people who lived between the Apennines and the Alps. Before the Roman Empire, the power of the Etruscans extended widely over land and sea. How great their power was on the upper and lower seas, surrounding Italy like an island, is apparent from the names whereby the Italian people called one of the seas Tuscan, the general designation of the race. The other was called Hadriatic named after Haria, an Etruscan colony. The Greeks referred to these seas as the Tyrrhenian and the Adriatic. The Etruscans inhabited lands bordering on both seas occupying twelve cities on each side. The first twelve cities were established on the side of the Apennines facing the lower sea, the Tyrrhenian, and later, the same number of original cities were established beyond the Apennines on the Adriatic. They sent colonies to fill them and controlled all the land beyond the Po, up to the Alps, except for the corner where the Veneti lived, located around the bay of the sea as far as the Alps. They also undoubtedly originated with the Alpine peoples, particularly the Raetians whose harsh environment made them so savage that they retained nothing of their ancient culture, only the accent of their original language, and even that was corrupted over time.

5.34 The story of the Gauls' journey into Italy is as follows: During the rule of King Tarquinius Priscus in Rome, the Biturigians held the highest authority among the Celts, who made up a third of Gaul. They appointed a king for the Celtic people, Ambigatus. He was highly respected for his achievements and his success in both personal and public matters. Under his rule, Gaul was so prosperous and densely populated that it seemed almost impossible to manage such a large population. As he grew older, Ambigatus, burdened by the overwhelming population, decided to send his sister's sons, Bellovesus and Sigovesus, energetic young men, to establish new settlements in whatever lands the gods, through augury, would designate. They were allowed to take as many people with them as they wanted, to ensure no other nation could stop them from entering. The Hercynian Forest was assigned to Sigovesus by lot, while the gods gave Bellovesus a more promising route into Italy. He took with him the surplus population of his tribes, the Bituriges, Arverni, Senones, Haedui, Ambarri, Carnutes, and Aulerci. Setting out with a vast force of cavalry and infantry, he reached the territory of the Tricastini. Next, they faced the Alps, and I am not at all surprised they seemed impassable since there was no road yet. As far as memory serves, unless we believe the tales about Hercules, no one had ever crossed them before. There, while the towering mountains seemed to keep the Gauls fenced in, they looked around wondering how they might cross the ridges joined to the sky into another part of the world. Their journey was further delayed by a religious concern. They heard that the Saluvii, a local tribe, were attacking foreigners seeking land. The newcomers were from Massilia, having set out in ships from Phocaea. The Gauls saw this as an omen of their own good fortune and helped the Massilians fortify the place which they had first occupied when they came ashore, without any resistance of the Saluvii. The Gauls then crossed the Alps through the Taurine passes, and the pass of the Duria. After defeating the Etruscans in a pitched battle not far from the Ticino River and learning that the land they had settled in was called Insubrium, close to the name of Insubres, the name of a tribe of the Aedui, they saw it as a good omen. It was here that they built a city, naming it Mediolanum.

5.35 After some time, another group, the Cenomani, followed the path of the previous group. They were led by Etitovius and crossed the Alps through the same forest with the help of Bellovesus, settling in the area where the cities of Brixia and Verona are now located. After them, the Libui and the Saluvii settled near the ancient nation of the Ligurians known as Laevi, along the banks of the Ticino River. Then, the Boii and Lingonians crossed the Alps through the Poenine Pass and, finding the area between the Po River and the Alps occupied, crossed the Po River on rafts. They drove the Etruscans and Umbrians out of the countryside, but they stayed within the Apennines. The Senonians, the last of these migrants, claimed the land from the Utis River to the Aesis River. It's believed that this group was the one that went to Clusium and then to Rome, although it isn't clear whether they were alone or supported by the peoples of the Cisalpine Gauls. The people of Clusium, frightened by such an unfamiliar enemy with their large numbers, unusual appearance, and unique weapons, and hearing that the Etruscan forces had been repeatedly defeated by them on both sides of the Po, sent ambassadors to Rome to ask for help from the Senate. Clusium had no relationship with the Roman people, either in terms of alliance or friendship, except that they chose not to defend their kinsmen, the Veientes, against the Romans. They received no help. Instead, three ambassadors, the sons of Marcus Fabius Ambustus, were sent to negotiate with the Gauls on behalf of the Senate and the Roman people. They asked the Gauls not to attack the allies and friends of the Romans, who had done them no harm. The Romans would support their allies, with military force, if necessary, but they preferred to avoid war if at all possible. They wanted to get to know the Gauls, a new nation unfamiliar to them, through peace rather than through war.

5.36 The embassy should have been a peaceful one, but it was entrusted to aggressive, quick-tempered ambassadors who acted more like Gauls than like Romans. After they presented their mission to a council of the Gauls, the Gauls responded that, although the Romans were unfamiliar to them, they believed them to be courageous men since the Clusians sought them out in their time of danger. Since the Romans chose to defend their allies by negotiation instead of arms, the Gauls said they would accept the peaceful terms proposed by the Romans if the Clusians would surrender some of their land, of which the Clusians had more than they could cultivate, to the land-hungry Gauls. If not, peace couldn't be achieved. The Gauls wanted the Romans present when they received the response back. If the land was denied, they would fight it out in front of those same Roman so they could report to Rome how much the Gauls had excelled other mortals in their supreme bravery. The Romans responded: what right did the Gauls have to demand land from its owners? What right did they have to threaten war against the Romans who were simply seeking answers? And what business did the Gauls even have in Etruscan territory? In response, the Gauls, with defiant pride, claimed that their right was in their weapons and that everything belonged to the brave. With tempers flaring on both sides, they rushed to arm themselves and started to fight. There, with disaster closing in on Rome, the Roman ambassadors, against the Law of Nations, took up arms against the Gauls. This wasn't done secretly, either, as the three bravest, noblest Roman youths fought before the standards of the Etruscans, their bravery, as outsiders, was impressive. Moreover, Quintus Fabius, one of the ambassadors, riding out of the line on horseback, boldly charged the leader of the Gauls, who was recklessly charging right into the Etruscan standards, and thrust a spear through his side, killing him. The Gauls recognized him while Quintus Fabius was taking the spoils from the body, signaling through their ranks that he was a Roman ambassador. The Gauls, dropping their anger with the Clusians, sounded the retreat, and instead threatened vengeance against the Romans. Some suggested they should march straight to Rome. The Gaul's elders decided to send ambassadors to Rome first, to complain about the wrongs done to them and to demand that the Fabii, the Roman ambassadors, be handed over to them for breaking the Law of Nations. The Gauls' ambassadors presented their case demanding justice. The Senate didn't approve of the three Fabii's actions and thought the Gauls' demands were fair. However, their own ambition prevented the Senate from making the right decision. To avoid blame for any misfortune that might occur in a war with the Gauls, they let the people decide on the Gauls' demands. The people, influenced by the power and wealth of the Fabii, and ignoring that there was punishment being demanded, instead elected the Fabii as consular tribunes for the next year. After this happened, as one would expect, the enraged Gauls openly threatened war and returned to their people. The three Fabii, Quintus, Caeso for the fourth time, and Gnaeus, for the second time, were elected as consular tribunes along with Quintus Sulpicius Longus, Quintus Servilius Fidenas for the fourth time, and Publius Cornelius Maluginensis for the second time.

5.37 Fortune clouds human judgment when it doesn't want its growing power to be stopped. With such a great calamity looming, the City, which often resorted to the ultimate aid of appointing a dictator against the Fidenae and Veii enemies and other neighboring peoples, didn't seek any extraordinary command or assistance on this occasion. They didn't do this even though they faced an unprecedented and unheard-of enemy from the ocean and the uttermost reaches of the earth. The consular tribunes, who had recklessly instigated the war as ambassadors, were given the main control of the highest affairs. They underestimated the war and conducted the draft with no greater diligence than was usual in ordinary wars, even downplaying the threat of the war. Meanwhile, the Gauls, upon hearing that the violators of human rights were being honored by election to office and their own embassy was being ignored, were seething with rage, a passion so powerful that their nation was powerless to control it. They immediately raised up their standards and began their march in a column with utmost speed. As they hurried noisily past the cities causing panic, the men rushed to arm themselves and the farmers fled in terror. The Gauls announced with loud shouts that they were heading to Rome. Their column of foot soldiers and horsemen spread out in all directions, far and wide, covering a vast area of land. The news of their approach was brought by the messengers of the Clusians and then from other states, one after another. It was this tremendous speed of the Gauls that caused great fear in Rome. The Romans hastily assembled an army which was barely able to intercept them at the eleventh milestone, where the Allia River, flowing down in a deep channel from the mountains high above Crustumerium, meets the Tiber River just below the road. By that time, the entire area was swarming with enemy forces. This nation of Gauls, naturally prone to vain bravado and wild uproars, filled the air with a terrifying sound of fierce songs and shouting, creating a dreadful, chaotic din.

5.38 The consular tribunes didn't select the ground in advance, didn't set up their camp beforehand, and didn't secure it with a rampart to allow for retreat. They neglected their duties to the gods, let alone for men, not taking auspices or offering sacrifices. Instead, they spread out their troops in a battle line that extended toward the right and left flanks to avoid being surrounded by the enemy's superior numbers. However, their front line was still not equal to that of the enemy, and by spreading their troops thin, they had a weak and scarcely coherent central line. It was decided to place their reserve troops on a small hill on the right. While this decision marked the beginning of the panic and flight, it ended up being their only means of escape. Brennus, the leader of the Gauls, was suspicious of the strategy used with the small number of enemy troops. He thought that the high ground had been taken to launch a surprise attack on the Gauls' rear and flank while they were engaged with the Roman legions in the center. He turned his standards toward the reserves, confident that if he could dislodge them, victory would be easy on the open plain against a force that was outnumbered. Thus, the Gauls had not only luck but also strategy on their side. The Roman army didn't act like Romans, either in their commanders or their soldiers. Panic and flight had taken over everyone's minds, and they were so disoriented that more of them fled to Veii, a city of their enemy, even though the Tiber River blocked them, rather than by a direct route to Rome where their spouses and children waited. The reserve troops were protected for a short time by their elevated location. The rest of the line, as soon as shouting from the unknown and unseen enemy was heard by those nearest from the flank and by those furthest from the rear, fled untouched and unharmed, not only without attempting to fight, but without even raising a shout. Those who stayed and fought were not killed in combat. Only those fleeing were killed from behind in the confusion caused by their own men and in the chaos of the crowd that was blocking their escape. Many Roman soldiers were slaughtered on the banks of the Tiber River, where the entire left wing, having dropped their weapons, tried to escape. Many who couldn't swim or were weak, weighed down by their breastplates and other armor, were swept away by the current. However, most of the Roman survivors made it unharmed to Veii, from where not only was no reinforcement sent, but not even a message of their defeat was sent to Rome. Those on the right wing, who had been positioned farther from the river and closer to the foot of the mountain, all fled to Rome, not even stopping to close the City gates behind them. They took refuge in the Citadel.

5.39 The Gauls were astounded by the miracle of such a sudden victory. Initially, they were paralyzed with fear, unsure of what had occurred. Then they suspected ambushes, but eventually began to gather the spoils of the slain and stack up weapons in piles, as was their custom. When they saw no signs of hostility, they entered the road to begin their march, and not long before sunset they reached Rome. From the latest reconnaissance reports from their horsemen, the Gauls learned that the gates of the City were left open. No one was guarding the gates. No armed men were seen on the walls. They were again surprised, as if it were another miracle, yet skeptical and fearful of the night and the unknown layout of the City. So, they decided to set up camp between Rome and the Anio River. They sent out scouts around the walls and the other gates to see what plan the enemy might have in this desperate situation. Since most men had fled from the battlefield to Veii than to Rome, the Romans believed that no one had survived except those who had taken refuge in Rome. Everyone was in a state of mourning, filling the whole city with lamentations for the living and the dead. The news of the approaching enemy shifted their focus from personal grief to public terror. Soon they heard the howling and dissonant chants of the barbarians outside, wandering around the walls in groups which kept them in a state of constant fear. From then on, the Romans remained in suspense until dawn. It seemed repeatedly as if an assault on the City was imminent; first, because of the enemy's arrival when they approached the City, they would have stayed at the Allia River unless this was part of their plan. Then, as the sun set, since not much of the day remained, it seemed they would invade before nightfall. Then it appeared that they had postponed their attack into the night to cause more fear. Finally, the approaching dawn brought more terror followed by real danger when the enemy's standards were brought threateningly to the gates. However, neither that night nor the following day, the citizens who stayed behind didn't resemble those who had fled so fearfully at the Battle of Allia. Since there was no hope of defending the City with such a small remaining force, it was decided that any young men fit for military service and the more capable members of the Senate, along with their families, would retreat to the Citadel and Capitoline Hill. There, with weapons and food supplies collected, they would defend from their fortified position the gods, the people, and the great name of Rome. The flamen and the vestal priestesses were tasked with moving the sacred objects of the state religion far from the bloodshed and flames, ensuring that the worship would continue as long as there were people left to carry it out. The Romans believed that if the Citadel and Capitoline Hill, the home of the gods; if the Senate, the head of public wisdom; and if the young men capable of bearing arms survived the imminent fall of the City, then the loss of the crowd of elderly men left behind, who were bound to die anyway, would be bearable. To help the plebeian population accept this more calmly, the old men, who had Triumphed and those who had been consuls, declared publicly that they would stay behind and die with those others, their bodies incapable of bearing arms in defense of the City and not wanting to burden the limited resources of the armed men.

5.40 Such was the comfort the elders offered each other as they faced their impending death. The elder leaders then encouraged the group of young men, leading them to the Capitoline Hill and the Citadel and entrusting to their bravery and their youth the remaining fate of a City that had been victorious in all its wars for three hundred and sixty years, whatever fortune might now remain. The departure of the young men who carried with them all hope and help, from those who had decided not to survive the capture and destruction of their City, was truly heartbreaking. Yet the women's tears and their frantic running back and forth in confusion, asking their husbands and sons to what fate they were being abandoned, and to whom they should entrust themselves, only added to the final touch of human misery. However, a large part of of these women followed their loved ones into the Citadel. No one stopped them or called them back. It would have been beneficial for the defenders of Rome to reduce the number of civilians in the Citadel, but not very humane. The rest of the crowd, mainly plebeians who were unfit for war, who couldn't fit on the small hill or be sustained due to the lack of food, poured out of the City in a continuous stream and headed to the Janiculum Hill. From there, some scattered across the countryside, some headed for the nearby cities, each without any leader or permission, following their own hopes and plans, as the public's plans were considered lost. Meanwhile, the Flamen Quirinalis and the Vestal Virgins, disregarding their personal concerns, debated which sacred items should be taken with them and which should be left behind, as they couldn't carry everything and considered where to store them for safe keeping. They decided to place the best sacred objects in earthen jars and bury them in the shrine next to the house of the Flamen Quirinalis, in a place where it's now considered disrespectful to spit. They divided the remaining items among themselves and carried them away, taking the road that leads to the Janiculum Hill across the Sublician Bridge. As they were climbing the slope, Lucius Albinius, a Roman plebeian, who was transporting his wife and children in a wagon, saw them among the rest of the crowd who, unfit for war, were leaving the City. He felt it was a religious offense that the public priests and sacred items of the Roman people should walk while he and his family rode in a wagon. He ordered his wife and children to get out, put the Vestal Virgins and sacred items in the wagon, and took them to Caere, where the priestesses had planned to go.

5.41 Meanwhile, in Rome, after all things possible under the current circumstances had been done to prepare the Citadel for defense, the crowd of elderly men returned to their homes, waiting for the arrival of the enemy, firmly resolved to face death. The men who had held high curule offices, wishing to die wearing the insignia or medals of their former rank, honors, and virtue they had been given, were to sit in ivory chairs in the center of their houses, wearing the official robes they had worn when leading the sacred chariots or celebrating a Triumph. Some say that, after Marcus Folius, the Pontifex Maximus, spoke a prayer, the men recited the solemn pledge in which they devoted themselves to death for the sake of Rome and the Roman Quirites. Meanwhile, the Gauls' anger from the battle cooled during the night. Because they had never fought in a battle in the field, and had not yet taken the City by force or assault, they entered the next day without rage or intensity through the open Colline Gate. Arriving at the Forum, they calmly observed the temples of the gods and the Citadel, the only places that showed signs of war. Then, leaving a small garrison behind to prevent any surprise attacks from the Citadel or Capitoline Hill, they dispersed in search of loot. The deserted streets led some of the Gauls to the nearest houses, while others sought out distant houses, expecting untouched treasures. The strange, eerie silence soon made the Gauls feel uneasy, however. They became suspicious that they were falling into a trap. So, they regrouped back in the Forum and nearby areas, describing the sight of plebeian houses which had been locked shut, yet houses of the nobility, in contrast, had been flung wide open to their main halls. The Gauls were much more hesitant to enter these open houses than the closed houses. They gazed with awe and respect at the sight of these old men sitting inside the vestibules of their houses waiting for them, not just because of their dazzling attire nor their majestic demeanor, but also because they held solemn, serious expressions on their faces as if they were gods. As the Gauls stood before them, gazing at the elderly patricians as if they were statues,, it's said that a Gaul stroked the beard of one of them, Marcus Papirius, which he wore long, as they all did then. In return, Marcus hit him on the head with his ivory staff. This act sparked the beginning of the slaughter, with the elderly patricians being the first to be killed in their seats. After this, no human life was spared. Houses were looted and then, once emptied, they were set on fire.

5.42 But either not all the Gauls were eager to destroy the city completely, or the leaders of the Gauls had decided to set certain fires deliberately to terrorize the Romans, hoping that they would surrender out of love for their homes and city. Not all the buildings were burned. Some were left standing so that they might be used as a bargaining tool. As a result, the fires on the first day didn't spread randomly or widely as might typically occur in a captured city. The Romans, watching from the Citadel, saw the City teeming with enemies running aimlessly through every street, a fresh disaster happening down one street or another. They could barely mentally process it, as even their ears and eyes could not follow such incredible destruction happening all at once. The Romans in the Citadel turned their hearts and eyes and minds in terror to everything as they heard the shouts of the enemy, the wailing of women and children, the roar of flames, and the crash of collapsing roofs. They felt as if Fortune had placed them there as witnesses to the spectacle of Rome dying, leaving them with nothing else but their lives to fight for. In many ways, the Romans' situation was worse than anyone else who had ever been under siege, because they were entirely cut off from their City, while being besieged within it, and were forced to watch everything they owned fall into enemy hands. The night that followed such a horrendous day brought no relief, nor did the day that succeeded that restless night. Each day brought new disasters. Despite feeling overwhelmed by all they were seeing, they remained determined to defend their small, poorly supplied hill that preserved their liberty, even if everything else in Rome was leveled with flames and in ruins. As the same events continued to happen day after day, they became used to their misfortune and focused only on the swords in their hands and their determination to fight, which they saw as their last hope.

5.43 The Gauls, after several days of fruitless warfare among the City's buildings, realized that all that remained among the fires and ruins of the conquered City were the armed defenders. Despite the numerous calamities, the Romans weren't frightened, nor were they considering surrender unless forced. The Gauls decided to resort to drastic measures and attack the Citadel. At dawn, a signal was given, and the entire mob of Gauls assembled in the Forum. From there, they moved forward, shouting their war cry and raising their shields above their heads in testudo formation. The Romans didn't act rashly or in confusion; they fortified the guards at every entry point to the Citadel. They positioned their strongest forces where they saw the Gallic soldiers advancing and allowed the enemy to climb. The higher the Gauls climbed, the easier it would be to push them back down. As the Gauls were halfway up the ascent, the Romans launched a counterattack. From higher ground, they charged down the hill, using momentum to their advantage. The speed and force of the resulting collision caused a rout as the enemy soldiers were knocked off the cliff to their deaths. They defeated the Gauls with such shocking casualties and chaos that the Gauls retreated, never attempting this strategy again. Having abandoned their hopes of victory through a frontal attack, the Gauls prepared for a siege. Until that point, the Gauls hadn't considered the idea of a siege and, as such, they had destroyed all the food in the City as they burned it. They then discovered that all the produce had been transported from the Roman countryside to Veii by fleeing Romans. Consequently, the Gauls divided their army, deciding that one part should loot neighboring states while the other part continued the Citadel's siege. This way, the plunderers could provide the besiegers with grain. The Gauls who left the City were guided by Fortune herself to test the courage of the Romans at Ardea, where Marcus Furius Camillus was in exile. Camillus, more upset by the state of the Republic than his own situation, was growing old blaming both gods and men, indignantly wondering where the men were who had fought with him at Veii and Falerii. These men had won wars more through their own bravery than through luck. Suddenly, Camillus heard that the Gauls' army was approaching and that the frightened leaders of Ardea were now anxiously deliberating the matter. He had generally avoided council meetings, but now, as if driven by divine inspiration, Camillus stepped into the middle of the assembly and addressed them as follows:

5.44 "People of Ardea, old friends and now my new fellow citizens, thanks to your kindness and my good fortune, don't think that I've forgotten my own situation. The current crisis and our shared danger require everyone to contribute to the common good in whatever way they can. How else will I be able to repay you for your kindness to me, if not now? And where else will you benefit from me, if not in war?" "My skill in warfare secured my position back home, undefeated in war. In peace, I was exiled by ungrateful fellow citizens. But for you, men of Ardea, Fortune has given you a chance to repay all the past favors given to you by the Roman people, which you all remember well. You also have the opportunity to gain great military fame for your city by defeating our common enemy." "The Gauls are now on their way, but in a disorganized mob. Nature has given them bodies and spirits that are large but not strong. For that reason, they bring more terror than real strength into a conflict. Let the disaster of Rome serve as a lesson. They captured Rome when it was wide open, yet it only requires a small group of men from the Citadel to resist them." "Now, already exhausted by the slow siege, they are abandoning their original plans and scattering throughout the countryside. After gorging themselves on food and wine, quickly getting drunk, they will lie down like wild animals near streams at night, without any fortifications, guards, or outposts. Overconfident from their success, they're more careless than usual. If you're willing to defend your own walls and prevent this city from becoming a part of Gaul, take up arms in full force at the first watch and follow me to a slaughter, not to a battle. If I don't deliver them to you, bound by sleep and ready to be slaughtered like cattle, I won't refuse the same fate at Ardea as I had at Rome."

5.45 Friends and opponents alike agreed that there was no one alive with such a mastery of war as Camillus had. After the assembly was dismissed, they rested and prepared themselves, eagerly waiting for the signal to be given. When it arrived, they joined Camillus at the city gates during the quiet of early night. They didn't travel far from the city before they found the Gauls' camp, just as Camillus predicted: unguarded and carelessly open on all sides. The Romans attacked with a great clamor. There was no battle, just indiscriminate slaughter. The Gauls, naked and deep in sleep, were massacred. Those who were farthest away woke up confused, not knowing what was happening or where the noise was coming from. In panic, they tried to escape, some of them unknowingly running into the enemy. Many of them were chased into the territory of Antium, where the townspeople rallied together, surrounded them, and killed them all. Meanwhile, a similar slaughter was committed by the Etruscans in the territory of Veii. Etruscans in the area showed no sympathy for the City that had been their neighbor for nearly four-hundred years and was now overwhelmed by a strange and unheard-of enemy. Instead, they took advantage of the situation to raid the Roman territory. After loading themselves with plunder, they intended to attack Veii, where the Roman garrison, the last stronghold and only surviving hope of the Roman name was stationed. The Roman soldiers saw the Etruscans scattered across the countryside, driving the cattle they had stolen before them, and noticed their camp not far from Veii. This sight first filled the soldiers with self-pity, then outrage, and finally a desire for revenge. Were the Etruscans, whom they had spared from the war with the Gauls, now mocking their misfortunes? They could barely control their anger and desire to attack them immediately. But Quintus Caedicius, the Roman centurion they had chosen as their commander, held them back until nightfall. All they lacked was a leader as capable as Camillus; in all other aspects, the plan and the outcome, were the same as if Camillus had been in command. Guided by some captured Etruscan leaders who had survived the previous night's slaughter, they marched to the saltworks against another group of Etruscans and, on the following night, unexpectedly carried out a greater slaughter, returning to Veii with a double victory.

5.46 Back in Rome, the siege on the Citadel was generally sluggish and there was silence on both sides. The Gauls were focused on ensuring that none of their enemies escaped between their lines. Suddenly, a young Roman man gained the admiration of both his fellow Romans and the enemy. Traditionally, the Fabian tribe had a ritual that they performed at specific times on the Quirinal Hill. To carry out this ritual, Gaius Fabius Dorsuo descended from the Capitoline Hill. His toga was folded up in true Gabine fashion with a special belt, and he held the sacred vessels for sacrifice in his hands. The young man walked through the enemy's line without being affected by their calls or threats. He reached the Quirinal Hill and performed the ritual. After the ritual had been solemnly performed and completed to entirety, he returned to the Capitoline Hill with the same firm expression as he carefully walked back to his own people. He was confident that the gods were pleased because he hadn't neglected their worship when he was afraid of death. The Gauls were either shocked by his boldness or they were understanding about religious ritual, as they also were scrupulous in this way. Meanwhile, morale was improving for the Romans at Veii, as their courage and strength continued growing every day. Romans continued to come to Veii from the countryside, having fled after the unsuccessful battle and capture of Rome. Volunteers from Latium were also coming to share in the spoils. It seemed like the right time to reclaim their City from the enemy. However, they needed a leader. They were reminded of Camillus, and many of them were soldiers who had fought successfully under his leadership and auspices. Quintus Caedicius, the acting commander, acknowledged his own limitations, stating that he wouldn't let anyone, whether a god or a man, take his command away from him, but would himself, request a proper commander to be appointed. Everyone agreed that Camillus should be recalled from Ardea, but they decided to consult the Senate in Rome first, even though they might be ashamed to ask him. They were careful to follow proper procedures and maintain the distinctions of things even in their desperate situation. To deliver the message, they had to pass through the enemy's garrisons at great risk to get to the Citadel. A brave and energetic young man named Pontius Cominius volunteered to do this. With the Tiber River flowing in his favor, he floated on a piece of cork to the City. From there, where he was nearest to the bank, he climbed onto the Capitoline Hill over a part of the rock that was steep and rough and therefore not guarded by the enemy. He was taken to the magistrates and delivered the message from the army. The Senate then adopted a decree that Camillus, recalled from exile by a vote of the people in the Comitia Curiata assembly, should immediately be proclaimed Dictator, so that the soldiers should have the commander they wished. Cominus then left the Capitoline the same way he arrived and quickly took the orders to Veii. Ambassadors were then sent to Camillus in Ardea, and they escorted him to Veii. I prefer to believe that he didn't leave Ardea until he knew that the law had been passed, since he couldn't change his residence without permission from the people, nor could he lead an army and hold the office of dictator without the privilege of the auspices. The Lex Curiata was passed and Camillus was declared Dictator in his absence.

5.47 While events were unfolding at Veii, the Citadel and Capitoline Hill in Rome were in serious jeopardy. The Gauls had either noticed the footprints of the messenger from Veii, or they had independently observed the accessible climb up the rock near the Shrine of Carmenta on the side of the Capitoline Hill. On a moonlit night, they sent an unarmed individual ahead to test the path. They passed their weapons along in case there was trouble, leaning on each other and lifting each other up in turn, sometimes dragging up others, in complete silence. They were so quiet that they went unnoticed by the guards and the dogs, a restless animal, which are usually alert to nighttime sounds. However, they didn't escape the attention of the geese, which were considered sacred to Juno Regina and had been spared despite a severe food shortage. This turned out to be the Romans' saving grace. Marcus Manlius Capitolinus, who three years before had been consul and a renowned warrior, was awakened by the geese honking and flapping their wings. He quickly armed himself and rallied others to do the same. Rushing to the scene while others were still in disarray, he used the boss of his shield to knock a Gaul, who had reached the summit, off the edge. The falling Gaul then knocked others behind him down, and Manlius killed those who had dropped their weapons in fear and were clinging to the rocks. Soon, others joined Manlius, pelting the enemy with javelins and stones. The entire group of Gauls lost their footing and fell headlong down the cliff into a chaotic heap. After the immediate threat had passed, the Romans tried to rest for the remainder of the night, although their minds were still filled with anxiety from the recent danger. At dawn, the Roman soldiers were called to an assembly before the military tribunes by the sound of a trumpet. Rewards were to be given for merit and punishments for failure. Manlius was the first to be praised for his bravery and given gifts, not only by the military tribunes, but also by the soldiers. In a gesture of gratitude, they each brought to his house in the Citadel half a pound of grain and quarter-pint of wine. This may seem insignificant; however, given the food shortage, it was a significant gesture of respect. Each man was willing to give up some of his own food to honor Manlius. The guards who had failed to notice the enemy's approach were then called forward. Quintus Sulpicius, the consular tribune, announced that he would punish them all according to military law. However, the soldiers blamed one guard, and Sulpicius spared the rest. The guilty guard was thrown off the rock, with everyone's approval. From then on, both the Gauls and the Romans were more vigilant: the Gauls, knowing it was common for news to pass between the Veii and Rome, and the Romans, mindful of the danger they had narrowly escaped during the night.

5.48 The worst hardship of the siege and war was the famine that was affecting both armies. The Gauls were also suffering from disease. Their camp lay among burial mounds which was scorched from the fires and filled with heat and steam. The wind would often stir up the ashes from the burning fires, not just dust. The Gauls, who were used to cooler, damp climates, struggled with the heat and smoke. Many fell ill and were dying of common diseases, much like a disease spreading through livestock. And now, through weariness, they stopped burying the dead individually and started burning the bodies in large pyres indiscriminately. This led to the area being known as Bustorum Gallicorum or the Funeral Pyres of the Gauls. Afterward, the Gauls called a truce with the Romans and meetings were held with the commanders' permission for their soldiers to talk to each another. During these meetings, the Gauls frequently taunted the Romans about their famished state and told them give up and surrender. To counter that impression, the Romans were said to have showered bread down from the Capitoline Hill upon the outposts of the Gauls to give the illusion of plenty. While this strategy worked temporarily, there came a time when the famine couldn't be hidden nor endured any longer. While Dictator Camillus was busy recruiting soldiers, he ordered his Master of the Horse, Lucius Valerius Potitus, to bring his army from Veii, and he prepared and equipped it such that he could attack the Gauls on equal terms. The army on the Capitoline Hill was growing tired. They were exhausted from standing guard day and night, having overcome all manner of human suffering except one that nature does not allow to be conquered: hunger. Day after day, they watched for some sign of help from the Dictator. Eventually, not only food but also morale began to run out as they staggered to duty, emaciated, with their weapons feeling heavy in their weakened hands. They wanted to either surrender or negotiate with the Gauls, who hinted that they might be persuaded to abandon the siege for a reasonable price. The Senate then convened and the consular tribunes were given the task of making a bargain. The matter was settled during a conference between Quintus Sulpicius, the consular tribune, and Brennus, the leader of the Gauls. They agreed on a ransom of a thousand pounds of gold. This was the price for a people who were destined to rule the world. An additional insult was added to the already disgraceful act; the Gauls brought false weights. When Sulpicius objected, Brennus insolently threw his sword onto the scales, saying something that was intolerably offensive to Roman ears: "Woe to the vanquished!"

5.49 But no force, divine or mortal, would allow the Romans to live under the disgrace of ransom. By some chance, before the detestable price was fully paid, with all the gold not yet weighed, Dictator Camillus arrived. He commanded the gold to be taken away and the Gauls to leave. When they resisted, insisting they had made a deal, he denied that the agreement was valid. It had been made with a lower-ranking official without his approval. After this, he sent the Gauls off with a warning: prepare for battle. Camillus instructed his men to throw their baggage in a pile, ready their weapons, and reclaim Rome with steel, not gold. Having before them as a reminder were the temples of the gods, their wives and children, and their war-ravaged land, because these were the things they were sworn to defend, recover, and avenge. He then positioned his army, as the terrain allowed, on the uneven ground of the partially destroyed City and ensured that everything was chosen, prepared and provided for the benefit of his troops in the art of war. The Gauls, though still shocked by the sudden turn of events, armed themselves. Overflowing with more rage than judgment, they charged the Romans. However, Fortune had now shifted; divine aid and human wisdom were on the Roman side. Thus, during the initial charge, the Gauls were cut down as easily as they had defeated the Romans at the Allia River. They then fought a second, more conventional engagement, about eight miles out on the Gabinian Way where the Gauls had retreated after fleeing. Once again, they were defeated under the leadership and auspices of Camillus. This time, the victorious Romans showed no mercy; the Gauls' camp was captured, all survivors were killed, and not even a single messenger was left to report the defeat. Dictator Camillus, having freed his nation from the enemy, returned back to Rome in Triumph. Among the coarse military jokes, he was called a second Romulus, a Father to the Romans, and a second Founder of the City. Camillus had saved his City in war. His next move, inevitably, was to save it a second time, now that peace had returned, by stopping widespread migration to Veii. The plebeian tribunes were now pushing for this move more forcefully than ever after the City lay in ruins, and the plebeians were more open to it. This was why he didn't give up his dictatorship after the Triumph; the Senate pleaded with him not to leave the state in such an unstable condition.

5.50 His first act, as someone who was very careful about performing religious duties, was to present to the Senate all matters relating to the immortal gods: He passed a decree that all the temples, which had been taken over by the enemy, should be restored. Their boundaries should be marked, rededicated, and purified. The form of purification should be sought in the sacred books by the duumviri. A hospitality agreement was proposed to be created with the people of Caere, as they had provided a safe place for the sacred items of the Roman people and their priests. Due to the kindness of these people, the worship of the immortal gods hadn't been interrupted. The Capitoline Games were to be held, as Jupiter Optimus Maximus had protected his own temple and the Citadel of the Roman people when they were in danger. Camillus should establish a college for this purpose, comprised of those who resided on the Capitoline Hill and in the Citadel. He also mentioned the need to make amends to the voice heard at night, which had announced the disaster before the war with the Gauls had occurred and had been ignored. A temple was ordered to be built on the Via Nova for Aius Locutius. It couldn't be determined what gold had been recovered from the Gauls and what gold had been taken from the other temples and hastily stored in the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus during the panic. It was all commingled together such that it was unclear how much gold should be returned and to which temples it would be returned. The Senate thus decreed that the gold was all now considered sacred and ordered it to be placed under Jupiter's throne. The state had also accepted gold from the matrons of Rome to pay off the Gauls' ransom, since there was not enough public gold and so that sacred gold wouldn't need to be used. These matrons were now formally thanked, and they were awarded the honor of having solemn eulogies given at their funerals after their deaths, just as the men did.  After finishing matters related to the gods and the measures that could be handled through the Senate, the Dictator finally addressed the plebeian tribunes who had been constantly urging the plebeians to leave the ruins of Rome and move to Veii, a city ready for them. Accompanied by the entire Senate, he ascended the platform and began to speak:

5.51 "Romans, I found disputes with the plebeian tribunes so bitter that, during my sad exile in Ardea, my only comfort was being away from these conflicts. Because of them, even if the Senate's decree and the plebeians' order recalled me a thousand times, I would never have returned." "My decision to return now isn't because of a change in my feelings; it's because of a change in your circumstances. The issue was whether my City should stay in its established place, not whether I should live inside it. I'd gladly rest now and not speak, but the current struggle is also about the survival of Rome. To abandon her, while life remains, would be shameful for others, and, in the eyes of Camillus, it would also be sacrilegious." "Why did we reclaim our City? Why did we save it from the enemy's siege if we're just going to abandon it now that it has been recovered? When the Gauls were victorious and the whole City was captured, both the gods and the Romans still held and lived in the Capitoline Hill and Citadel. Now that the Romans are victorious and the City has been reclaimed, should we abandon the Capitoline Hill and the Citadel? Should our success cause more damage to this City than our defeat did? Even if we didn't have religious traditions established for us and handed down at the same time as the founding of the city, nevertheless, the divine power has clearly shown its support for the Roman state in this crisis. I believe that people understand this now and the neglect of divine worship is no longer an option for men." "Consider the events of the past few years, both good and bad. You'll see that everything went well for us when we followed the gods, and badly when we ignored them. The Veiian war, which lasted many years and required a lot of effort, didn't end until we drained the water from the Alban Lake as the gods advised. What about the recent disaster in our City? Didn't it happen after we ignored the heavenly warning about the Gauls' approach? After our ambassadors broke the Law of Nations and we didn't punish them for it, was this not neglecting our religious duties? As a result, we were defeated, captured, and ransomed. We suffered such punishments from gods and men that we're now a lesson to the whole world." "Then our misfortunes reminded us of our religious duties. We fled to the Capitoline Hill and turned to the gods and to the seat of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. Despite losing everything, we hid our sacred objects in the ground or took them to nearby cities to keep them away from the eyes of the enemy. Although we were abandoned by gods and men, we didn't stop worshipping the gods. In return, they have given us back our City, our victory, and the ancient glory of war we had lost. And against the enemy, those blinded by greed who broke the treaty and good faith in the weighing of gold, the gods have inflicted terror, flight, and death."

5.52 "When you see such clear examples of the consequences of honoring or ignoring the gods, do you realize, Quirites, the act of disrespect we're about to commit? We're barely recovering from the wreckage of our past guilt and disasters. We live in a City founded with divine guidance and blessings; every corner of it is filled with religious rituals and gods. The dates for annual sacrifices are as clearly marked just as the locations where they are to be performed. Yet, you Quirites plan to abandon all these gods, both public and private. How does your behavior compare to the admirable actions of Gaius Fabius Dorsuo during the recent siege? He bravely descended from the Citadel amid the weapons of the Gauls to perform the solemn rites of the Fabian family on the Quirinal Hill, an act that astonished both Romans and Gauls alike. Should family religious rites continue during war, but our public rites be abandoned in times of peace? Should the pontiffs and flamens be more neglectful of public religious ceremonies than a private individual in the annual rite of his family?" "Perhaps someone might suggest that we could perform these duties at Veii or send our priests from there to perform them here. But neither of these options is possible without violating the sacred rites. Without reviewing in detail all the rites and all the gods in general, let's look at the feast of Jupiter; can his sacred couch be properly set up anywhere else but the Capitoline Hill? What about the eternal fires of Vesta, and the statue that symbolizes the power of the Roman empire, kept safely guarded in her temple? What about your Ancilia, the sacred shield of Mars Gradivus? And you, too, Father Quirinus? Is it your will that all these sacred objects, some older than the City itself, be left to be desecrated?" "And see what difference there is between us and our ancestors. They passed down to us certain sacred rites to be performed on the Alba and Lavinium mountains. Was it religiously acceptable for these rites to be transferred to us from the cities of our enemies? Why would we move them to Veii, a city of our enemies? Remember how often we have had to start over and perform sacred rites again because some ceremony was accidentally omitted or skipped. Recently, after the prodigy of the Alban Lake, the state was saved in the war with Veii by repeating the sacred rites and renewing the auspices." "We have also brought foreign deities to Rome and established new ones. Not long ago, we transferred Juno Regina from Veii to the Aventine Hill and dedicated her with great enthusiasm and attendance of the matrons on a remarkable day of celebration! We have built a temple for Aius Locutius on the Nova Via because of the heavenly voice heard. We have added the Capitoline Games to our other celebrations and, by order of the Senate, founded a new college for that purpose. Why would we have done any of these things if we were planning to abandon Rome along with the Gauls? We stayed willingly through months of siege, were we simply kept there by fear of the enemy?" "We've been talking about sacred rites and temples. What about the priests themselves? Have you considered the level of disrespect that would be shown toward them? The Vestal Virgins have only one home from which they have never been disturbed, except when the City was captured. It's considered sacrilegious for the Flamen Dialis to spend a single night outside the City. Do you intend to make them priests of Veii instead of Rome? Will the Vestal Virgins abandon you, Vesta? Will the flamen, by living outside the city, incur guilt for himself and the Republic each night?" "What about all the other things we do. Almost all are done under the auspices within the pomerium. Are we going to forget or neglect them? The assemblies of the Curiate Comitia which deal with military matters, and the assemblies of the Centuriate Comitia, where you elect consuls and consular tribunes, can only be held under auspices in their usual places. Are we going to move them to Veii? Or will the people, for the sake of elections, have to travel, at an inconvenience, to a City deserted by gods and men?"

5.53 "You say the City is so polluted that it can't be fixed by purification. You say the current situation demands that we abandon our City, which has now been turned into a wilderness by fire and falling buildings, and relocate to Veii, where everything remains intact, so as not to burden the struggling plebeians with the task of rebuilding. However, I believe, Quirites, that you all can see that this is merely an excuse for moving than a real reason. Even before the Gauls arrived, when our public and private buildings were still intact and the City was safe, there was still talk of moving to Veii." "Consider, tribunes, the difference between my perspective and yours. You believe that even if it wasn't the right decision then, it should definitely be done now. I, on the other hand, and don't be astonished at this until you have heard my reason, believe that if it was a good idea to move when the City was whole, I wouldn't support abandoning these ruins now." "Back then, our move would have been a victorious one, glorious for us and our descendants. Now, however, such a move would be pitiful and shameful for us, and a victory for the Gauls. For it would seem as though we didn't leave our homeland as victors but lost it due to defeat. The defeat at the Allia River, the capture of the City, the siege of the Capitoline Hill, all these events would seem to have forced us to abandon our homes as exiles, fleeing from a place we failed to defend." "Did the Gauls manage to destroy Rome, a City that Romans appear incapable of restoring? What if they return with a larger force, which is quite possible, and decide to settle in this City they conquered, and you abandoned? Would you allow it? What if it were not the Gauls, but our old enemies, the Aequi and Volsci, who decide to move to Rome, would you let them become Romans while you become the Veii? Would you not prefer this ruined place of your own than having your City fall into the enemy's hands?" "I find nothing more disgraceful. Are you so against rebuilding that you're ready to suffer this dishonor? Even if we can't build anything grander than the humble dwelling of our Founder, isn't it better to live in simple huts, among your sacred places and household gods, than to willingly go into public exile?" "Our ancestors, who were refugees and shepherds, built a new City in a short time amidst forests and swamps. Why are we reluctant to rebuild what has been destroyed by fire, while the Capitoline Hill and the Citadel are safe, and the temples of the gods are still standing? If our private homes had been burned down, wouldn't we individually rebuild them? Why then, would we collectively refuse to do so for the public good when our whole city is in ashes?

5.54 "Imagine, if due to some unfortunate accident, a fire starts in Veii and the wind spreads the flames, causing a significant part of the city to burn. Would we then look to move to Fidenae, Gabii, or some other city? Doesn't the soil of our City mean more to us, this land we call our mother? Does our love for our City rest only in buildings and rafters? And yet, though I am reluctant to point out your past wrongs to me, I must admit that during my absence, I often thought of my City. I remembered the hills, the plains, the Tiber River, the familiar landscapes, and the sky under which I was born and raised. I hope, Quirites, these memories encourage you to stay in your current homes, rather than leave and regret it later." "There is a reason why this place was chosen by gods and men to establish the City: the healthiest hills, the convenient river that allows for transportation of crops from inland, and by which supplies from the sea are received, its close enough to the sea for convenience without the dangers of foreign fleets, and its central location in Italy, perfectly suited for the City to grow. The size of our relatively new City is evidence of this. Quirites, this is the three hundred and sixty-fifth year of our City. For this long you have been at war with nations that have existed for much longer. Yet, you have not only held your own against individual cities, but also against the combined forces of the Volscians and the Aequians, with so many strong towns, and all of the Etruscans, powerful by land and sea in a region that spans the width of Italy." "Given these facts, what, in heaven's name, is the wisdom in abandoning what has been tested to try something new? Even if you take your courage elsewhere, the fortune of this place can't be moved. Here is the Capitoline Hill, where a human head was unearthed, and it was prophesied that this place would be the head of the world and the main seat of power. Here, when the Capitoline Hill was being consecrated through augury, the gods of youth and boundaries, Juventas and Terminus, to the great joy of our ancestors, refused to be moved. Here are the sacred fires of Vesta, here are the Ancilia shields of Mars sent down from heaven, here are all the gods who will rain blessings upon you if you stay."

5.55 It's said that Camillus swayed them greatly, especially the parts concerning religious matters, though his entire speech played a role. However, a lucky remark tipped the scales and decided the question permanently. During a Senate meeting held afterward in the Curia Hostilia to discuss these issues, some cohorts returning from guard duty marched through the Forum in a column. When they reached the Comitium, the centurion in charge shouted, "Standard-bearer, plant your standard! Here is the best place for us to remain." Hearing this phrase, the Senate took it as an omen. They exited the Curia, shouting out their acceptance of the omen to the plebeians gathered around, who also expressed their approval. The proposed law concerning the move to Veii was then rejected, and the City's construction began in several areas indiscriminately. Roof tiles were provided at the public's expense. Each person was granted the right to cut stone and chop wood wherever they wished, provided they guaranteed to complete the buildings within the year. Their rush to rebuild eliminated any focus on planning an orderly street layout. The people ignored boundaries of their own and others' land, building on any available space. This is why the ancient sewers, initially running under public streets, now pass under many private homes all over the place. It's also why the City's layout appears more like it was haphazardly occupied rather than being systematically planned.

6.1 I've described the history of the Romans in my previous five books, from the founding of Rome to its capture. This history includes the reign of kings, consuls, dictators, decemvirs, and consular tribunes, their foreign wars, and internal conflicts. Those events are obscure due to their great antiquity, just like things are barely seen clearly from a great distance, and written records were few and rare during those times. Whatever faithful records did exist, such as the commentaries of the pontiffs and other public and private documents, were largely destroyed by the burning of Rome. From this point going forward, more clear and faithful accounts are available to use as Rome was reborn, a second beginning similar to that of its roots. Rome became happier and more productive both at home and in the army. Rome still relied heavily on Marcus Furius Camillus, who wasn't allowed to step down from the dictatorship until the end of the year. The citizens didn't want consular tribunes, under whose leadership the City had been captured, to oversee the elections of consular tribunes for the following year. This led to an interregnum. During this time, the City was busy with the work and labor of rebuilding itself. Meanwhile, Gnaeus Marcius, a plebeian tribune, set a trial date for Quintus Fabius Ambustus, who had violated the Law of Nations while serving as an ambassador by fighting against the Gauls at Clusium. Fabius died before the trial, leading many to believe he had taken his own life. The interregnum began with Publius Cornelius Scipio as interrex, followed by Marcus Furius Camillus. Camillus appointed the consular tribunes which included Lucius Valerius Publicola for the second time, Lucius Verginius, Publius Cornelius, Aulus Manlius, Lucius Aemilius, and Lucius Postumius. Upon taking office, they first consulted the Senate on religious matters. They ordered the collection of existing treaties and laws, which included the Twelve Tables and certain laws of the kings, to be found and brought to light.  Some of these were made public, while others relating to religion were kept secret by the pontiffs who used superstition to control the minds of the common people. They then turned their attention to the issue of new "prohibition days": July eighteenth was noted as the day of a double disaster. In the first incident, all but one of the Fabii family were slaughtered at Cremera. In the second, the Romans were routed by the Gauls at the Allia River which led to the destruction of the City of Rome. They designated the date as the Day of Allia and it was decreed that no public or private business would be conducted on this date. Another date of significance was July sixteenth. Some believe that this was because Sulpicius, a consular tribune, had improperly offered a sacrifice on this day, and since peace with the gods had not been obtained, the Roman army was exposed to the enemy on the third day afterward. As a result, it was decreed to abstain from all religious activities on the day after this date. From this, they believe, also came that the same religious restriction for the days following the first of the month and the fifth [or seventh] of the month.

6.2 The citizens did not have much time to plan the rebuilding of the City after such a devastating defeat. Rome's old adversaries, the Volscians, had taken up arms, intending to wipe out the Roman name. Then, traders reported a hostile league forming among leaders from the Etruscan states after a meeting at the Temple of Voltumna. Lastly, the defection of the Latins and the Hernician allies added a new layer of fear. After the battle at Lake Regillus, these allies had, for almost a hundred years, never wavered in their faith in the friendship of the Roman people. With these threats looming from all sides, it became clear to everyone that the Roman name wasn't only hated by their enemies, it was also held in contempt by its own allies. It was decided that the republic should be defended under the same leadership that had recovered it, and Marcus Furius Camillus was nominated as dictator. As Dictator, he appointed Gaius Servilius Ahala as Master of the Horse. Camillus then suspended all public business and held a draft of the younger men in such a way that even the older men, who still had some strength remaining, were organized into centuries and sworn to his allegiance. He divided the newly drafted and armed army into three parts. One part led by Lucius Aemilius was stationed in Veiian territory, facing the Etruscans.  The second part led by Aulus Manlius was ordered to protect the City; he set up camp just outside the City. Dictator Camillus himself led the third part against the Volscians. Near Lanuvium, at a place called Maecium, he attacked their camp. The Volscians had gone to war out of contempt, believing that nearly all the Roman youth had been wiped out by the Gauls. They were terrified when they learned that Camillus had been appointed to command. They were so unnerved that they surrounded their camp with a rampart, barricading it with trees so that the Romans couldn't penetrate their defenses. When Camillus saw this, he ordered fire to be thrown onto the barricade of trees. A strong wind blew the fire towards the enemy, not only opening a passage but also causing chaos in the enemy camp with the heat and the smoke and the crackling of the burning green timber. The Romans had less difficulty entering the Volscian camp by way of the rampart which was defended by the Volscians and more difficulty climbing over the burned barrier. After routing and slaughtering the enemy, Camillus allowed the soldiers to keep the spoils, which was a pleasant surprise as he wasn't known for his generosity. He then pursued the fleeing Volscians, laying waste to all the Volscian territory. It was then, at last, that the Volscians were forced to surrender in the seventieth year of being at war with the Romans.  After his victory over the Volscians, Camillus moved on to the Aequians, who were also preparing for war. He caught the Aequian army off guard at Bolae and took not only their camp but also the city in the first attack.

6.3 While good fortune was on the side of Camillus, as the head of the Roman state, a significant crisis had occurred elsewhere. Almost all the Etruscans, having taken up arms, were laying siege to Sutrium, allies of the Roman people. Ambassadors from Sutrium appeared before the Senate, begging for help in their distressed circumstances. The Senate passed a decree that the dictator should bring aid to the Sutrians as soon as possible. However, the Sutrians couldn't wait any longer for this promised help. Because the small population of the town was exhausted from labor, vigilance, and injuries, as the same men were continually burdened, the city was surrendered to the enemy through a treaty. The townspeople were sent out from their homes in a pitiful procession, unarmed, with only a single garment each. At this moment, Camillus arrived with the Roman army. Seeing the sorrowful crowd prostrate at his feet, and hearing the pleas of the leaders, forced out by extreme necessity, followed by the crying of women and children who were being pulled along as companions in exile, he told the Sutrians to stop their lamentations. He would be bringing grief and tears to the Etruscans. Camillus then ordered the baggage to be left by his troops. The Sutrians would remain there with a small guard and the soldiers would follow him, armed. Arriving in Sutrium with an unburdened army, Camillus found everything in disarray, as is common in victory; no guard at the walls, gates open, and the victors scattered, taking the spoils from the enemy's homes. Sutrium was thus retaken on the same day; the Etruscans, recently victorious, were cut down in every corner by their new enemy, without time to gather and form a group, or even to arm themselves. When the Etruscans ran to the gates of Sutrium, hoping to escape into the fields, they found the gates closed; that was the first thing the dictator had ordered. Some took up arms, others who were already armed before the chaos ensued gathered their friends to fight. A battle would have been ignited by the enemy out of sheer desperation. Instead, heralds were sent throughout the city, ordering that their weapons be dropped, that the unarmed be spared, and that no one should be harmed except those who were armed. At that point, even those who had been determined to fight until the end, when offered a chance at life, dropped their weapons and surrendered, unarmed, to the Romans. It was the safer option, all things considered. Their number being large, they were divided among several guards; the town was returned to the Sutrians before nightfall, undamaged and free from all the horrors of war, because it hadn't been taken by force originally, but surrendered on terms.

6.4 Camillus returned to the City in Triumph, having won three wars simultaneously. The greatest number of captives were from the Etruscans, and they were led before his chariot. These prisoners were sold at auction, raising a significant amount of money. After repaying the matrons for their gold used to pay the ransom demanded by the Gauls [Book 5], the remaining funds were used to create three golden bowls which some believe were placed at the feet of Juno in the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill. The new bowls, now inscribed with the name of Camillus, would replace the old bowls which had been destroyed by the fire. In that same year, the Romans welcomed the Veientes, Capenatians, and Faliscans who had sided with them during these wars, as Roman citizens. These new citizens were given new allotments of land. A decree from the Senate also called back everyone who had fled Rome for Veii. These people were currently occupying abandoned houses inside Veii to avoid the labor of rebuilding in Rome. Initially, there was resistance to this order and it was ignored. However, a date was set for them to return and the penalty for ignoring this date was death. This led to obedience. As a result, Rome's population grew, and the City expanded with new buildings. The state funded these buildings, and the aediles treated the rebuilding of private buildings as if they were public projects. Rebuilding was also sped up by private individuals who wanted to enjoy the new buildings. Within a year, a new City had been built. At the end of the year, an election was held for consular tribunes. The elected officials were Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus, Quintus Servilius Fidenas (for the fifth time), Lucius Julius Iullus, Lucius Aquillius Corvus, Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus, and Servius Sulpicius Rufus. They led an army against the Aequians, not for war, for the Aequians themselves considered themselves defeated, but in hatred to destroy their territories and prevent them from regaining strength and hatching new plots. Another army was sent to the territory of Tarquinii. Here, the towns of Cortuosa and Contenebra, which belonged to the Etruscans, were taken by force. Cortuosa was taken by surprise with the first shout and rush. There with no resistance. The town was then looted and burned. Contenebra, however, resisted for a few days. The Romans split their army into six divisions, each taking turns to fight for six hours at a time. The small number of townsmen, despite their exhaustion, had to face a constant battle without relief. Eventually, they surrendered, and the Romans entered Contenebra. The consular tribunes wanted the spoils to be public property, but their decision came too late. While they were deliberating, the soldiers had already claimed the spoils. It was impossible to take them back without causing bitterness and resentment. In the same year, to ensure the City didn't grow through private buildings alone, the lower parts of the Capitoline Hill were constructed with cut stone blocks. This work is still admired today, even amidst the City's current grandeur.

6.5 During the time when the state was actively engaged in construction, the plebeian tribunes tried to attract large audiences to their speeches by rehashing Agrarian Laws, proposals that would allow new land to go to plebeians instead of wealthy patricians. The Pomptine territory was looked at with hope since Camillus had weakened the power of the Volscians, and the area was under Roman control. The plebeian tribunes accused the patricians of causing more trouble in that district than the Volscians had, stating that the Volscians only attacked if they had the strength and weapons to do so. They claimed that the patricians were taking over public land, and there would be no space left for the plebeians unless a division was made before the patricians claimed everything. However, the plebeian tribunes' arguments didn't greatly influence the plebeians, who were so focused on construction that they weren't attending the Forum in large numbers. The plebeians were also burdened by their expenses and didn't have the resources to improve the land. In a city full of religions, even the leading men had become superstitious due to their recent misfortunes. In order to renew the auspices, the government once again resorted to an interregnum. The successive interreges were Marcus Manlius Capitolinus, Servius Sulpicius Camerinus, and Lucius Valerius Potitus. Finally, Potitus held an election of consular tribunes. He nominated Lucius Papirius, Gaius Cornelius, Gaius Sergius, Lucius Aemilius for a second time, Lucius Menenius, and Lucius Valerius Publicola for a third time. These individuals assumed their roles after the interregnum. That year, the Temple of Mars, which had been promised during the Gallic war, was dedicated by Titus Quinctius, the duumvir responsible for performing religious rites. Four tribes were added as new citizens: the Stellatina, the Tromentina, the Sabatina, and the Arniensis. This brought the total number of tribes to twenty-five.

6.6 The issue of the Pomptine territory was pushed forward by a plebeian tribune named Lucius Sicinius and the people attended the Assembly in greater numbers and showed a more eager desire for land than they had done before. The Senate discussed the possibility of war with the Latins and Hernicians, but this was put on hold due to a more pressing war, as the Etruscans were preparing for battle. Marcus Furius Camillus was again given power as a consular tribune. Five colleagues were added: Servius Cornelius Maluginensis, Quintus Servilius Fidenas for the sixth time, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, Lucius Horatius Pulvillus, and Publius Valerius Potitus Publicola. At the start of the year, the people's attention was diverted from the Etruscan war when a group of refugees from the Pomptine district entered the City and reported that the Antiates were preparing for war. They also reported that the Latin states, former allies, were now secretly allowing their young men to join the war while denying any official involvement. They claimed that they were simply not stopping volunteers from serving wherever they chose. The Romans no longer underestimated any wars. The Senate thanked the gods for having Camillus in office because, if he had been a private citizen, they knew they would have had to appoint him as dictator. Even his colleagues admitted that, in times of war, the ultimate authority should ideally rest with that one man. They declared that the person with authority should be Camillus and they willingly yielded their authority to him. They didn't think it diminished their own dignity by yielding to the greatness of Camillus' authority. The Senate highly praised the consular tribunes. Camillus, humbled, expressed his gratitude. He told them that the Roman people had placed a heavy burden on him by nominating him as a leader for the fourth time. The Senate had also placed a great burden on him by expressing such high opinions of him. However, the greatest burden came from the respect of his distinguished colleagues. Therefore, he promised that if any additional labor or sleepless vigilance was needed from him, he would struggle with himself to work even harder to make sure that the high opinion of him by such unanimous agreement of the state, which was the highest honor, would not only be maintained but would last. Regarding the war and the people of Antium, he said that there was more talk of threats than actual danger. However, he advised that they should neither fear nor underestimate anything. He pointed out that since Rome was surrounded by envious and hostile neighbors, they needed multiple generals and armies to protect the City. He then addressed his colleagues: "Publius Valerius, it's my wish that you share my authority and my strategic planning so that you can join me in leading the legions against the enemy at Antium. I want you, Quintus Servilius to organize and arm another army maintaining your camp near Rome.  I want you to be on the alert, ready to act, should any movement come from the Etruscans, as happened recently, or for any new concerns, should the Latins and the Hernicians move against us. I'm sure that you'll handle this matter in a way that honors your father, your grandfather, yourself, and your six tribuneships. A third army should be drafted by Lucius Quinctius, composed of those excused from service and elders, to guard the City and its walls. Lucius Horatius, you should provide arms, weapons, grain, and other things that are required during times of war. I want you, Servius Cornelius, to be the president of this public council, the guardian of religions, elections, laws, and all urban affairs." All of them generously promised to execute their assigned roles. Valerius, chosen as his co-commander, added that he would consider Marcus Furius Camillus as the dictator and act as his second in command. He told them that they could have high hopes for the war, based on their opinion of their sole commander. The Senate, filled with joy, loudly expressed their optimism for both war and peace, and for the republic in general. The republic, they believed, would never need a dictator if it had such harmonious and prepared leaders, who were willing to both command and obey, and who shared praise rather than taking it for themselves alone.

6.7 When civil activities were suspended and a draft had been held, Camillus and Valerius journeyed to Satricum. There, the Antians had gathered not only the young Volscians of Antium from the new generation (after a resounding defeat three years before), but also large numbers of Latins and Hernicians from states that were in excellent health due to a long period of peace. The addition of this new enemy to the old ones unsettled the Roman soldiers. The centurions reported to Camillus, as he was arranging his battle line, saying that the soldier morale was unstable. They were reluctant to take up arms and, once they did, they left the camp with resistance and hesitation. Some even voiced concerns that they would each have to fight a hundred enemies and that such numbers, even if unarmed, would be hard to resist. Jumping on his horse, Camillus rode up and down along the ranks in front of the standards, addressing his soldiers: "Why are you so deflated, men? Why the reluctance? Are you unfamiliar with the enemy, or with me, or with yourselves? The enemy is nothing more than the usual target of your bravery and glory. Under my command, without even mentioning the capture of Falerii and Veii and the legions of Gauls who were slaughtered in their captured homeland, you just recently celebrated a triple Triumph for the three victories over these very same Volscians, Aequians, and Etruscans. Perhaps you don't you recognize me as your general because I gave you the signal not as a dictator, but as a consular tribune? I don't wish to have the highest authority over you, and you should see nothing in me but who I am. The dictatorship didn't increase my courage, nor did being in exile diminish it." "We're all the same individuals, and since we bring the same resources to this war as we brought to previous wars, we should expect the same outcome. Once you charge together, each of you will do what you have learned and are accustomed to doing. You'll conquer; they'll flee."

6.8 After giving the signal, Camillus jumped off his horse and grabbed the standard-bearer next to him by the hand, dragging him as he ran toward the enemy, shouting, "Advance the standard, soldier!" When the soldiers saw Camillus, now feeble in his old age, advancing against the enemy, they all charged forward together raising a shout, each eagerly crying out, "Follow the general!" It's said that Camillus then ordered the standard to be thrown into the enemy's line, urging the Romans to go retrieve it. This is what triggered the Antiates to retreat, as the ensuing terror spread not only to their front lines but also spread to their reservists. Roman fervor, inspired by Camillus' presence, made a significant impact. However, nothing terrified the Volscians more than the sight of Camillus. Wherever he went, he brought certain victory. This was especially clear when he quickly mounted his horse and rode with an infantry shield in hand to the left wing, which was nearly collapsing. By merely showing himself, he revived the battle by pointing out that the rest of the line was victorious. The outcome was now certain, but the enemy's retreat was hindered by their large numbers. The tired Roman soldiers would have had a difficult time killing so many. Then a sudden violent rainstorm, pouring down in massive gusts of wind, ended not so much the battle, but the certain victory. The signal to pull back was given and nightfall ended the war, sparing the Romans any further effort. The Latins and Hernicians, having abandoned the Volscians, returned to their homes having achieved results that matched their bad decision. The Volscians, now deserted by the same people they had relied on to renew hostilities, abandoned their camp and fled to the safety of the walls of Satricum. Camillus first began the attack by surrounding Satricum with palisades and a rampart. However, he noticed that there was no resistance from the town. The enemy's spirit was low, and a drawn-out victory wasn't worth the effort. So, he advised his soldiers not to exhaust themselves with the same tasks as they had when they besieged Veii. He also assured them that victory was within their grasp. With the soldiers' high spirits, they attacked the walls from all sides by scaling them with ladders, finally capturing the town. The Volscians dropped their arms and surrendered.

6.9 Camillus now focused on a higher goal, Antium, which was the Volscian capital and the primary cause of the last war. However, because Antium was a fortified city, it couldn't be captured without significant preparations, such as large siege equipment and catapults. Leaving his colleague with the army, Camillus went to Rome to urge the Senate to destroy Antium. While speaking – I believe it may have been divine will for Antium to stay for a little longer – ambassadors from Nepete and Sutrium arrived, asking for help against the Etruscans as the window for providing aid to them was closing. Thus, Fortune diverted Camillus' energies from Antium. Nepete and Sutrium were on the borders of Etruscan territory, and they served as barriers or gateways for that region. The Etruscans wanted to take them for strategic reasons and, similarly, the towns aimed to recover or protect them for the Romans. Regardless, both the Etruscans and the Romans wanted to control these areas. The Senate decided to negotiate with Camillus to abandon Antium and focus on the Etruscan war. The City troops, which Quinctius had commanded, were then assigned to Camillus. Although he would have preferred the experienced army in Volscian territory accustomed to his command, he didn't object. He only requested that Valerius was his co-commander. Quinctius and Horatius were sent to fight the Volscians, replacing Valerius. Camillus and Valerius, now arriving at Sutrium, found part of the town already captured by the Etruscans. In the other part, the townspeople had blocked the roads and were barely holding off the enemy's attack. The arrival of help from Rome, as well as the respected name of the Camillus, whose name was famous among both enemies and allies, gave them hope and bought them time. Camillus divided the army, ordering Valerius to lead his forces around to parts of the city which the enemy held and attack the walls. This wasn't so much in the hope of capturing the city by the ladders, but to distract the enemy and give the townspeople, already exhausted from fighting, time to rest. It also allowed him to enter the city without a fight. Once the Etruscans realized that not only were the walls on both sides of the city being attacked, but that the Romans were now inside the city, they fled. In a panic, they tried to crowd through an unguarded gate in a single column and were cut down. While some soldiers were killed in the fields, the majority were killed within the city walls by Camillus' troops. Valerius' troops focused on pursuing fleeing soldiers, and they didn't stop killing until nightfall. After recapturing Sutrium and returning it to the allies, the army moved to Nepete, which had already surrendered, and was now entirely in the possession of the Etruscans.

6.10 It seemed likely that reclaiming Nepete would require more effort to recover. This wasn't only because the enemy had taken control of the entire city, but because the surrender had occurred due to a group of Nepesinis betraying the city. Despite this, it was decided that envoys from Rome should be sent to the leaders of Nepete, urging them to separate from the Etruscans and demonstrate the same loyalty they had asked from the Romans. When the response came back from the Nepesinis that they were powerless and that the Etruscans controlled the city walls and gate, the Romans laid waste to their lands to frighten the townspeople. However, when the terms of the surrender to the Etruscans were more faithfully upheld than the alliance with the Romans, Camillus led the army to the walls with bundles of bushes gathered from the fields. After filling the ditches, they raised scaling ladders and, with a shout, captured the town on the first charge. The Nepesinis were instructed to surrender their weapons, and it was ordered that those who were unarmed should be spared. However, the Etruscans, regardless of whether they were armed or unarmed, were indiscriminately slaughtered. The Nepesinis originally responsible for the surrender were beheaded. The remaining population, who hadn't been involved in the betrayal, had their property returned to them, and a garrison was left in the town to protect it. Having successfully reclaimed two allied cities from the enemy, the tribunes led their victorious army back to Rome with great glory. During the same year, the Latin and Hernician allies were asked to explain why they hadn't provided soldiers as agreed upon in previous years. In a joint assembly of both nations, the allies responded that there had been no public decision or policy for some of their youth to serve with the Volscians. However, these individuals had been punished for their wicked actions, and none of them were allowed to return. They further explained that their inability to provide soldiers was due to their ongoing fear of the Volscians attacking, a threat that, like a plague clinging to their side, hadn't been eliminated entirely, despite numerous wars. When this response was reported to the Senate, they concluded that these responses were meant more to buy time than to offer a real justification for not aiding Rome, and therefore, not a sufficient cause for war.

6.11 The following year saw Aulus Manlius Capitolinus chosen as consular tribune for the second time, along with Publius Cornelius, Titus and Lucius Quinctius Capitolinus, Lucius Papirius Cursor for the second time, and Gnaeus Sergius Fidenas for the second time. This year, a severe war erupted abroad, and an even more serious uprising occurred at home. While war was initiated by the Volscians, it was further complicated by the defection of the Latins and Hernicians. This domestic unrest was caused by an unexpected source, a man of patrician birth and notable reputation, named Marcus Manlius Capitolinus. Manlius' ambition led him to look down upon other leaders. However, there was one man he envied for both his achievements on the battlefield and while in office: Marcus Furius Camillus. Camillus had such a unique position among the magistrates and carried the affections of the armies. It made Manlius overflow with anger. Having reached such a high position in Roman society, Camillus treated his colleagues, who were created under the same auspices, as mere servants. If anyone looked at Camillus fairly, Manlius thought, they would see that he was given far too much credit. Rome couldn't have been saved from the enemy's siege by Camillus had Manlius, himself, not saved the Capitoline Hill and the Citadel first. Camillus attacked the Gauls while they were distracted, unarmed, their minds pre-occupied with obtaining the gold bribes for peace from the Romans.  Manlius, on the other hand, drove the Gauls off when they were armed for battle and attempting to seize the Citadel. The glory of Camillus' victory belonged to all the soldiers who fought with him. However, his own victory was so exceptional that no one else could be considered a partner in it. Driven by these inflated ideas, and being fiery and uncontrollable in nature, Manlius noticed that, among the patricians, he was not treated fairly. For example, he was not as wealthy as they were for the contributions that he had made. Thus, Manlius became a plebeian supporter, the first among the patricians to do so. He aligned himself with the plebeian magistrates and gained popularity by criticizing the patricians and attracting the plebeians to his side. He was now guided by public approval rather than wisdom, and he preferred to be notorious rather than virtuous. Not satisfied with using the Agrarian Laws, which had always allowed the plebeian tribunes to stir up and enrage the plebeians, Manlius began to try to gain the plebeians' trust with an attack on borrowing money. Debt not only threatened normal people with poverty and disgrace, but it terrified the borrower with the thought of being hauled off to prison in chains. At this point, debt caused by the rebuilding of Rome had become enormous. It created a hardship on everyone, including the wealthy. Thus, the Volscian war, already severe and made worse by the defection of the Latins and Hernicians, was alleged to be a convenient excuse to give the government more authority. However, in reality, Manlius' revolutionary plans were the most likely reason that the Senate chose to appoint a dictator. They chose Aulus Cornelius Cossus as Dictator, and he chose Titus Quinctius Capitolinus as his Master of the Horse.

6.12 Dictator Cossus understood that he would face a bigger challenge at home rather than abroad. Whether the war demanded speed or that he believed that a victory and a Triumph would increase the power of his dictatorship, he held a draft and then went to the Pomptine territory where he had heard that the Volscians had brought their army. I'm sure that, in addition to feeling overwhelmed, those reading about so many wars with the Volscians will wonder, as I often have done when reading the works of writers who lived closer to these events, where the Volscians and Aequians, who were defeated so often, got their soldiers from. This question has been ignored and not mentioned by ancient writers. What can I say about this, except to give my own opinion, which anyone can form for themselves. It seems most likely that they used, as is now done in Roman drafts, successive generations of their young men, one after the other, during the breaks between wars. Or perhaps the armies weren't always made up of soldiers from the same states, even though the same nation was at war. Or perhaps there were near infinite amounts of free men in those places back then, whereas today they are depopulated and only a shadow of a garrison is left; the places that do exist are kept from total desertion only by Roman slaves. It's certain, as all authors agree, that even though the Volscian power was greatly reduced under the leadership and auspices of Camillus, the Volscian army was immense. In addition, the Latins and Hernicians had joined them, as well as some people from Circeii, and some Roman colonists from Velitrae. Dictator Cossus set up his camp that day. The next day, after taking the auspices and offering sacrifices to ask for the gods' favor, he appeared before the soldiers in good spirits. They had already armed themselves at dawn, having been told to prepare as soon as the signal for battle was displayed. "Soldiers," he said, "victory is ours, if the gods and their soothsayers can see at all what is coming in the future. So, as men full of confidence who are ready to fight against those who are weaker: let's put our spears at our feet; let's arm our right hands only with our swords. I don't want anyone to move from the line. Stand firm. Receive the enemy's charge with a steadiness. When they have thrown their weapons and discovered they are ineffective, they will break their ranks and rush at you as you stand firm. At that point, then let your swords flash. Remember that it is the gods who help the Romans, the same gods who have sent you into battle with favorable omens." "Titus Quinctius, you hold back the cavalry, carefully watching the very beginning of the battle. As soon as you see the armies locked in foot-to-foot combat, then, while they're distracted by fear, strike another fear into them with your cavalry, and by charging at them, scatter the ranks of those engaged in the fight." Thus, the cavalry and the infantry fought just as he had ordered them. Dictator Cossus didn't fail the legions, nor did Fortune fail Dictator Cossus.

6.13 The multitude of the enemy, depending solely on their large numbers and judging both armies by guesswork alone, recklessly began the battle but ended it just as recklessly. They seemed fierce with their battle cries, their projectile weapons and the initial charge. However, at the start of the fight, they couldn't withstand the swords, the close combat, and the fiery looks of the enemy, fueled by their passion for the fight. The enemy's front line was then pushed back, causing confusion among their reserve troops. Then the Roman cavalry joined in and added to their terror. Their lines were broken in many places, everything was in motion, and their line seemed like a wave. When the front-line soldiers fell, each soldier realized that death was imminent, and they turned to flee. The Romans ran after them closely on foot. As long as the enemy retreated in armed groups, the infantry had to chase them. When they noticed that Volscian weapons were being discarded everywhere and that the enemy was scattering across the countryside, cavalry squadrons were sent out after them to round them up. The infantry was instructed not to waste time killing individuals, which would allow the majority to escape. It was enough to slow the main body of soldiers down by launching projectiles at their columns and crossing their path to terrorize them. The cavalry would ride alongside them to keep them grouped, until the infantry could catch up and finish them off. The flight and slaughter didn't end until nightfall. On the same day, the Volscians' camp was also captured and looted, and all the spoils, except for free individuals, were given to the soldiers. Most of the prisoners were Latins and Hernicians; they weren't commoners, suggesting that they were mercenaries hired to fight. Some upper-class youths were found among them, clearly indicating that the Volscian enemies had received official support from the former allies. Some of the people from Circeii were also recognized, as well as colonists from Velitrae. They were all sent to Rome, and, when questioned by the leading senators, they revealed the same information as they had told the Dictator: they and their people had defected.

6.14 Dictator Cossus kept his army in camp, confident that the Senate would declare war on these former allies. However, a significant problem broke out at home, requiring his presence back in Rome. Internal rebellion against Rome was strong, though it was becoming increasingly stronger due to the instigator behind it all. It was not just the speeches of Marcus Manlius, but also his actions. His conduct seemed to be in favor of the people, on the surface. However, taking into account his intentions, they were revolutionary and dangerous. When Manlius saw a centurion, known for his military achievements, being taken to prison for debt, he rushed into the middle of the Forum with his companions and put his hand on him. He shouted loudly about the arrogance of the patricians, the cruelty of the moneylenders, the hardships faced by the plebeians, and then pointed out the man's virtues and misfortunes. "Indeed," he said, "Was it all in vain that I defended the Capitoline Hill and the Citadel with my right hand, if I must watch my fellow citizen and fellow soldier be treated like a prisoner of war, forced into slavery and chains as if captured by victorious Gauls?" He then paid the man's debt to the creditor in front of the crowd, using scales to weigh the bronze, freeing him from his financial burden. The centurion thanked both gods and men, asking them to reward Marcus Manlius, his liberator and the father of the Roman plebeians. The man was at once received by the tumultuous crowd, with him adding to the chaos by showing the scars he had earned in the wars with the Veientes, the Gauls, and other subsequent wars. While he had himself been fighting, he said, and rebuilding his ruined home, he had been overwhelmed by borrowing at high rates of interest. Although he had paid already many times the amount of the capital debt, he had been crushed by the compound interest as the interest always swallowed up the principal. That he could see the light of day, the Forum, and the faces of his fellow citizens, he owed to the generosity of Marcus Manlius, who treated him with the love and kindness of a parent. He pledged his loyalty to Manlius, saying that he would devote to him what remains of his body and life and blood; whatever right or obligation he once had to his country and to its public and private household gods were now shared with this one man. As the plebeians were swayed by these words, they came to be entirely in the power of one man. Manlius took another step to conveniently stir up more chaos. He sold his farm in Veiian territory, the main part of his estate, through auction. "I'll not allow any of you, Quirites, to be led away in judgment or bondage while I've anything left in my estate." This act further ignited the plebeians' passion, making them willing to follow their champion of liberty no matter what, right or wrong. Manlius made speeches at his home, like a man addressing an assembly, accusing the patricians of various wrongdoings. Without caring whether it was true or not, he claimed that the patricians were hiding gold treasures of the Gauls. They weren't satisfied with owning public lands, he said, but also wanted to take public money. If this money were made public, he claimed, the plebeians could be freed from their debt. When this hope was presented to them, the plebeians were outraged. It was scandalous, they thought, that when gold was needed to pay the ransom demanded by the Gauls, it was collected through public tribute. But when the same gold was taken from the Gauls, it was claimed by just a few. They demanded to know where this hidden treasure was kept. When Manlius said he would reveal it at the right time, all attention was focused on this issue. It was clear that their gratitude, if the information was true, or their anger, if it was false, would be limitless.

6.15 The Dictator was called back from the army and returned to the City. The next day, a meeting of the Senate was held. After understanding the people's sentiment, Dictator Cossus ordered the Senate to stay with him as he set up his curule chair in the comitium and sent a messenger to Marcus Manlius. Manlius, once summoned by the Dictator's order, informed his supporters that a confrontation was imminent, and arrived at the court with a large procession. The Senate stood on one side, and the plebeians stood on the other, each group closely watching their own leader as if in a battle. Dictator Cossus, calling for silence, then spoke, "I hope that the Roman patricians and I can agree with the plebeians on all other matters, as I'm sure we will agree on the matter concerning you which I'm about to investigate. I understand that you've given the citizens hope that their debts can be paid off from the Gauls' treasures, which the leading patricians are allegedly hiding. I'm not against this. In fact, Marcus Manlius, I encourage you to relieve the Roman plebeians from their debt burden and expose those who are hoarding the public treasures. If you refuse to do this, either because you want a share of the treasure or because the information is false, I'll have you taken to prison. I'll not allow you to continue to unsettle the masses with false hopes." Manlius responded that he wasn't mistaken. The Dictator, he said, wasn't appointed to fight against the Volscians, who were enemies whenever it suited the patricians. Nor was the Dictator appointed to fight against the Latins and Hernicians, who were being provoked into hostility by false accusations. Instead, he was appointed to fight against Manlius, himself, and the Roman plebeians. Only now had they dropped their fake wars to come to attack him. Only now was the Dictator's strategy to come out as a great protector of moneylenders from the plebeians. He accused the Dictator of trying to figure out some way to charge him merely for being popular with the people. "Does my crowd bother you, Aulus Cornelius Cossus, and you, senators? Why don't you win them over with your kindness, then? Help your fellow citizens out of debt. Prevent those who have lost lawsuits and been handed over to their creditors from being taken to prison.  Support the needs of others with your excess wealth. Why am I encouraging you to spend your own money? Pay the remaining debt; subtract the interest paid from the principal; soon my crowd won't be any more noticeable than anyone else's." "But why am I the only one concerned about my fellow citizens? I've no other answer than if you were to ask me why I alone saved the Capitoline Hill and the Citadel. I helped the people of Rome as a whole then, and I'll help each person individually now." "Regarding the Gauls' treasures, the way you are questioning me makes a simple matter difficult. Why are you asking about something you already know? Why are you demanding that what is in your own pockets be shaken out rather than given up, unless there is some deceit involved? The more you insist on investigating your own wrongdoings, the more I fear you'll deceive those who are closely watching you. Therefore, it isn't I who should be forced to reveal your spoils of the Gauls, but you who should be compelled to present it to the public."

6.16 Dictator Cossus demanded that he stop quibbling, avoiding the issue. Either prove the validity of your information, he said, or admit that you falsely accused the Senate not just about stealing treasure but also that the Senate was also lying about it, a particularly unsavory charge. When Manlius refused to speak because the Dictator requested it, he was ordered to be taken to prison. Upon his arrest, he appealed to the gods, saying, "O Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Juno Regina, and Minerva, and all other gods and goddesses who inhabit the Capitoline Hill and Citadel, do you allow your soldier and defender to be treated this way by his enemies? Will this right hand, which defended your temples from the Gauls, now be bound in chains?" The sight and sound of this was hard for anyone to bear, but the state, tolerant of legitimate authority, had given certain offices absolute power. Neither the plebeian tribunes nor the plebeians themselves dared to oppose the dictatorial power. When Manlius was thrown into prison, many of the plebeians mourned, let their hair and beards grow, and gathered dejectedly at the prison entrance. Dictator Cossus triumphed over the Volscians, but it brought him more hatred than glory. People grumbled that victory was achieved domestically, not abroad, and was celebrated over a citizen, not an enemy. They said the only thing missing from Cossus' arrogance was Manlius being paraded in chains before his chariot. The situation was close to becoming a rebellion. To calm things down, the Senate, without anyone asking, generously decided to establish a colony of two thousand Roman citizens in Satricum, giving each two and a half jugera of land. But this was seen as insufficient, benefiting only a few, and as a bribe for betraying Marcus Manlius, which only inflamed the rebellion. Manlius' supporters became more noticeable, both in their dirty, unkempt clothing and appearing like they, themselves, faced prosecution. Once the Dictator stepped down after his triumph, people felt free to express their thoughts and opinions.

6.17 Publicly, voices could be heard criticizing the crowd, saying that they always put their defenders in incredibly dangerous, high positions just to abandon them at the most critical moments. This was how Spurius Cassius, who had offered the plebeians a share in the lands, and Spurius Maelius, who had prevented famine at his own expense, had been ruined. Similarly, Marcus Manlius, who was trying to rescue a portion of the population drowning in debt and bring them into freedom and light, was betrayed to his enemies; the plebeians were fattening their favorites only to slaughter them later. Was this the punishment for any ex-consul if he didn't obey a dictator's orders? If he lied before and thus had no reply, well, what slave was ever imprisoned for lying? Didn't they remember the night which was almost the last for the Roman name? The image of the Gauls climbing the Tarpeian Rock, and Marcus Manlius himself, as they had seen him in arms, covered in sweat and blood, after he had practically snatched Jupiter himself from the hands of his enemies? Was their gratitude for saving the state a mere half pound of flour? Should they allow a person they had almost deified, giving him the surname of Capitolinus to match Jupiter's own name, to suffer at the mercy of an executioner, chained in prison and in darkness? If one person was enough to help everyone, was there no help from everyone for one person? The crowd didn't leave that area during the night, and they threatened to break open the prison. When they were about to use force, Manlius was released from prison by a decree of the Senate. This didn't end the rebellion; instead, it was given a leader. Around the same time, the Latins and Hernicians, as well as the colonists of Circeii and Velitrae, tried to clear themselves of the charges in the Volscian war. They also asked for the return of the prisoners so they could punish them according to their own laws. Rome delivered a harsh response; the colonists were treated more severely because, as Roman citizens, they had planned to attack their own country. They not only denied their request to retrieve prisoners, but also the Senate, doing something unprecedented with allies, ordered them to leave the City immediately, out of the sight of the Roman people, warning them that ambassadorial protection, meant for foreigners and not citizens, wouldn't protect them.

6.18 The rebellion led by Manlius grew violent again. At the end of the year, an election was held. Consular tribunes were chosen from the patricians. They were Servius Cornelius Maluginensis for the second time, Publius Valerius Potitus for the second time, Marcus Furius Camillus for the fifth time, Servius Sulpicius Rufus for the second time, Gaius Papirius Crassus, and Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus for the second time. At the start of the year, peace with Rome's neighbors benefited both patricians and plebeians. The plebeians, not being called away by any draft, hoped to end predatory lending while they had such a powerful leader. The patricians, not distracted by any external threat, focused on solving domestic problems and healing the state. Both sides became more determined, prepared for the upcoming struggle. Manlius called the plebeians to his house and held meetings with their leaders, day and night, to plan a revolution. He was bolder and more resentful than before. The recent disgrace he'd been put through had ignited his anger; his pride was not used to tolerating such disrespect. His courage grew by the fact that the Dictator hadn't dared to act against him as Quinctius Cincinnatus had done to Spurius Maelius [Book 4]. The Dictator had tried to escape the unpopularity of Manlius' imprisonment by resigning, but even the Senate couldn't endure it. Buoyed by these thoughts and also angered, Manlius began to stir up the already agitated plebeians. "How long will you ignore your own strength – strength which nature has allowed even the dumbest of animals to be aware of?" he asked them. "At least count how many you are and how many enemies you have. As many of you as have been clients of each patron, in that same number will you be against a single enemy. Even if each of you were to fight one enemy, I believe you would fight harder for freedom than they would for tyranny. Show them you're ready for war; you'll have peace. Let them see you ready for violence; they'll back down. You must act together for all or suffer everything individually." "How long will you look to me for help? I won't fail any of you, but make sure my fortune doesn't fail. I, your defender, was suddenly no one when my enemies thought it was right; and you all saw the man who had saved each of you from chains thrown into chains himself. What can I hope for if my enemies act against me even more? Am I to expect the fate of Cassius and Maelius? I'm glad that you were shocked by it. The gods can prevent these kinds of things, but they won't come down from heaven just for me. They must inspire you to prevent it, just as they inspired me – in both war and peace – to protect you from barbaric enemies and disdainful fellow citizens." "Is your spirit so weak that help against your enemies always satisfies you, but yet, any struggle against the patricians overwhelms you? This isn't natural to you, but you're used to it. Why do you show such force against foreigners and think it right that you should rule over them, but hesitate to defend your freedom against the Senate? Because you're accustomed to fighting with your enemies for power.  But against the patricians, though you try to gain your liberty, you aren't used to defending it. However, whatever kind of leaders you have, whatever your own behavior has been, up to now you have achieved everything you have demanded, either by force or by your own good luck. It's now time to aim for even higher goals. Just try your own good luck, and try me, who has been, as I hope, already tested to your benefit. You'll more easily set up someone to rule the patricians than you have set up plebeian tribunes to resist their rule." "Dictatorships and consulships must be brought down to the same level so that the Roman plebeians can lift their heads. Therefore, come forward. Stop legal proceedings about your debt. I declare myself the patron of the plebeians, a title that my care and loyalty give me. If you'll honor me with a more distinguished imperium title or honor, you'll make me even more powerful to achieve what you want." From that point began the discussion of establishing a monarchy. That said, no clear account is passed down, either with whom or how far his plans went.

6.19 However, the Senate started to discuss the secret meeting of the plebeians in a private residence, by chance located inside the Citadel. They also discussed the significant threat to freedom. A large faction exclaimed that they needed a Servilius Ahala, who, not by ordering him to jail and infuriating the public enemy, would instead end a civil war with the loss of one citizen. The Senate decided on a milder sentence, but one that held the same power so that the magistrates would ensure that the Republic was not harmed by the destructive plans of Marcus Manlius. The consular tribunes and the plebeian tribunes also submitted to the Senate's authority. They knew that the end of their power meant freedom for all. They all then consulted on what needed to be done. When the only solution that came to mind was violence and bloodshed, which would obviously come with great risk, Marcus Menenius and Quintus Publilius, plebeian tribunes, asked, "Why are we turning this into a battle between the patricians and the plebeians, when it should be between the state and one destructive citizen? Why are we attacking a man and the plebeians, when it would be safer to attack him with the aid of the plebeians themselves, so that he may be defeated by his own strength?" "We're considering setting a trial date for him. Nothing is less popular than monarchy. Once the crowd sees that it isn't a contest between the patricians and the plebeians, they'll cease to be his supporters and become his judges. There will be plebeians who will accuse him themselves, and when they look upon a patrician on trial for the crime of aspiring to kingship, they'll favor their own liberty above all else."

6.20 Everyone agreed. Manlius was indicted and a trial date was set. On the day of the trial, the plebeians were initially stirred up, especially when they saw Manlius dressed in mourning. He was alone, with no patricians, family members, or even his brothers Aulus and Titus Manlius by his side. This was unusual, as it was customary for a man's closest friends and family to also dress in mourning during such a critical time. They remembered when Appius Claudius was imprisoned, even Gaius Claudius, who was his enemy and the enemy of the entire Claudian family, wore mourning clothes. It seemed that Manlius, a favorite of the people, was being targeted because he was the first to switch sides from the patricians to the plebeians. No author recorded the specific charges brought against Manlius, other than accusations of trying to become a king. These accusations included gathering crowds, making seditious speeches, giving out gifts, and a false accusation. I believe these charges were significant, as the people's hesitation to condemn him wasn't due to the merits of the case, but rather the location of the trial [from the Campus Martius, in full view of the Capitoline]. One thing worthy of note: men should know that great achievements, filled with glory, can be rendered not just worthless but also hated, solely because of a desire for kingship. He's said to have presented nearly four hundred people to whom he had lent money without interest, whose possessions he had saved from being sold, and whom he had saved from being sent to prison for debt. In addition, he not only listed his military awards but also displayed them. These included the spoils of thirty slain enemies, forty gifts from generals, two mural crowns, and eight civic crowns. He also presented citizens he had saved from the enemy, including Gaius Servilius, the Master of the Horse, who was then absent. After recounting his military achievements in grandiose language, he showed his battle scars by baring his breast, repeatedly looking towards the Capitoline Hill, calling on Jupiter and the other gods to help him. He prayed that the same feelings they had inspired in him when he defended the Capitoline Hill for the Roman people would now inspire the Roman people in his time of need. He asked them to judge him while looking at the Capitoline Hill and the Citadel and facing the immortal gods. When the people were summoned by the centuries in the Campus Martius, and Manlius, with his hands extended toward the Capitoline Hill, directed his prayers from men to the gods, the tribunes realized that unless they diverted people's memory from his great achievements, there would never be room in minds already preoccupied with gratitude for his services. So, the trial was postponed, and a people's assembly was called in the Peteline Grove outside the Flumentana Gate, where the Capitoline Hill wasn't visible. There, men maintained their composure as the charges were substantiated, eventually leading to a horrifying and fatal sentence upon Manlius. The punishment chosen was so dreadful that even the judges who delivered it found it abhorrent. Some authorities say that he was condemned by duumvirs appointed to investigate cases of treason. The plebeian tribunes threw him down from the Tarpeian Rock, making the same place a monument of both his greatest achievement and his final punishment. After his death, he was further disgraced by two things. One disgrace was public; since his house had been where the Temple and Mint of Juno Moneta now stand, a law was passed that no patrician should live in the Citadel or on the Capitoline Hill. The other disgrace was familial; by a decree of the Manlian family, it was decided that no one henceforth would be named Marcus Manlius. This was the fate of a man who, if he hadn't been born in a free state, would have been remembered favorably by future generations. Soon after this danger had passed, the people, remembering only his virtues, began to feel remorse for him. A subsequent plague, with no apparent cause, was thought by many to be a result of the punishment inflicted on Manlius: that the Capitoline Hill had been defiled with the blood of its savior, and that the gods weren't pleased that the punishment of the man who had saved their temples from the enemy had been carried out in their sight.

6.21 Following the outbreak of disease, there was a shortage of crops. When the rumors of these disasters spread to hostile neighbors, numerous wars followed in the subsequent year. Serving as consular tribunes were Lucius Valerius for the fourth time, Aulus Manlius for the third time, Servius Sulpicius for the third time, Lucius Lucretius for the second time, Lucius Aemilius for the third time, and Marcus Trebonius. Unexpectedly, the people of Lanuvium, previously a loyal city, became new adversaries. This was in addition to the Volscians, who seemed destined to fight the Romans forever, the colonies of Circeii and Velitrae, who had long been contemplating defection, and the Latins, who were also under suspicion. The senators believed Lanuvium acted out of contempt because the citizens of Velitrae, who were Roman citizens, had been allowed to revolt so long without punishment. Therefore, the Senate decreed that a proposal should be presented to the Roman people at the earliest opportunity to declare war against them. To make the plebeians more inclined to support this, they appointed five commissioners to distribute the Pomptine land and three commissioners to lead a colony to Nepete. The proposal for war was then put to the people. Despite the plebeian tribunes' attempts to dissuade them, all tribes voted for war. That year, preparations for war were made, but the army ended up not being deployed due to the worsening disease outbreak. The delay allowed the Velitrae colonists time to plead with the Senate. A large part of the population was in favor of sending a delegation to Rome as humble supplicants. However, as usual, those of the Velitrae who had instigated the rebellion, fearing they alone would be held accountable and punished by the Romans, discouraged peace talks out of self-preservation, thus implicating the entire colony. They not only hindered the delegation to the Senate but also incited a large portion of the people to raid Roman territory, eliminating any hope of peace. That year, rumors began to circulate about a rebellion in Praeneste. When the people of Tusculum, Gabii, and Labici, accused Praeneste of raiding their territories, the Senate's response was so calm that it was clear they didn't fully believe the accusations, hoping they were untrue.

6.22 The following year saw Spurius Papirius Crassus and Lucius Papirius, new consular tribunes, leading the legions to Velitrae. Staying behind to safeguard the City were their four colleagues, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis for the third time, Quintus Servilius Fidenas, Gaius Sulpicius Camerinus, and Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus for the fourth time. They also prepared for any potential unrest from the Etruscans, as there were fears of trouble from that region. Near Velitrae, the Roman legions successfully battled reinforcements from Praeneste, who outnumbered the colonists there. Velitrae's close proximity gave the enemy an advantage for an early retreat and served as their only sanctuary after the retreat. The consular tribunes chose not to lay siege to Velitrae, as it was uncertain they would succeed and they believed the war shouldn't lead to the colony's total destruction. Letters detailing the victory were sent to the Senate in Rome, expressing more hostility toward the Praeneste army than against the Velitrae enemy. Hence, following a decree from the Senate and the command of the people, war was declared on Praeneste. The following year, Praeneste, along with the Volscians, captured the Roman colony Satricum after a fierce resistance by the colonists. They treated the prisoners they captured cruelly. Angered by this, the Romans elected Marcus Furius Camillus as consular tribune for the sixth time. His colleagues were Aulus and Lucius Postumius Regillensis, both for the second time, Lucius Furius Medullinus, Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus for the fourth time, and Marcus Fabius Ambustus. The Volscian war was assigned to Marcus Furius Camillus by an extraordinary decree, and Lucius Furius Medullinus was chosen by lot from the tribunes to assist him, not so much to help the state but to give Camillus an opportunity for complete glory, both publicly, by restoring the property that had been lost through Lucius' recklessness, and privately, because Camillus took the blame for Lucius' mistake to win his gratitude rather than to claim glory for himself. Camillus was now in the twilight of his life. At the election, he was prepared to excuse himself from taking the customary oath on account of his health.  But the people enthusiastically urged him to take it. Although frail, a young spirit flourished in his lively breast. He was still vigorous in mind, and although he no longer took part in civic affairs, war still energized him. He enlisted four legions of four thousand men each and ordered them to gather at the Esquiline Gate the next day to set out for Satricum. There the invaders of Satricum awaited him, confident in the size of their army which outnumbered his. They immediately took to the field upon seeing the Romans approach, determined to risk everything in a single battle. They believed that their numbers against such a small Roman force would outweigh any advantage from the leadership of the distinguished Roman commander, and it would be of no use to them.

6.23 The same passion of the enemy was also present in the Roman army, but the battle was delayed on account of the wisdom and authority of one man. Camillus sought to extend the war by using the delay as a strategy to supplement their resources and build strength. The enemy became aware of what the Romans were doing, so they pushed even harder. They not only arranged their troops for battle in front of their camp, but also moved into the center of the field, bringing their standards almost up to the Roman rampart and displaying the proud confidence their numbers gave them. This mortified the Roman soldiers, but enraged the other consular tribune, Lucius Furius, whose youth and natural temperament made him hot-tempered. He became even more headstrong from the baseless enthusiasm of the rank-and-file soldiers. Furius further roused the already agitated Roman soldiers by undermining his colleague's authority due to his age. Wars were for the young, he said, and, with age, both the body and mind decline. His colleague was a procrastinator. On arrival, Camillus was ready to capture the camps and cities in a single rush. Now, he was wasting time in the rampart hoping that the enemy would become weaker or that the Romans would become stronger? What opportunity, what moment, or what ground for an ambush was he waiting for? The old man's plans were cold and weak. Camillus already had enough of life and glory. Why should they let the strength of a state, which should be immortal, grow old along with the mortal body of one man? With these remarks, the whole camp turned against Camillus and began demanding a battle. Lucius Furius said to his colleague, "Marcus Furius Camillus, we can't resist the soldiers' fervor. The enemy, made more courageous by our delay, insults us with unbearable arrogance. Yield to the will of all and allow yourself to be overruled in counsel, so that you may win the war sooner." Camillus replied that in all the wars he had led, neither he nor the Roman people had been dissatisfied with his judgment or luck. He acknowledged that he now had a colleague who was his equal in command and authority, and vigorous in age. He was used to leading the army, not being led, though he wouldn't interfere with the command of his colleague. However, with the gods' favor, let him proceed what he believed was in the state's best interest. Camillus asked for leniency due to his age, that he not be placed in the front line, but that he would not fail in those duties that belong to an old man in war. He prayed to the gods that no misfortune would make his cautious advice appear to be the right choice after all. But his wise advice was not heeded by the soldiers, nor were his devout prayers heard by the gods. Lucius Furius, the advocate of the battle, arranged the front line. Camillus formed the reserve and placed a strong guard before the camp. He positioned himself on a high place to anxiously watch the outcome of the Furius' plan.

6.24 As the battle began and the sound of clashing weapons filled the air, the enemy retreated, not out of fear, but as a stratagem. Behind the enemy forces was a gentle slope leading back to their camp. As they had plenty of soldiers, they left several strong cohorts there, armed and in formation. Once the Romans got close to the rampart of the camp, these soldiers would burst forth and attack. The Romans, lured onto unfavorable ground by a reckless pursuit of retreating enemies, were vulnerable and walked right into the ambush. The Roman line began wavered as they began to panic, seeing the new enemy and the sloping valley. The fresh Volscians, who had launched the attack from the camp, rushed forward. Those who had pretended to retreat also rejoined the battle. The Roman lines broke apart, forgetting their previous confidence and past victories. Then, instead of retreating orderly, they began to scatter in all directions, rushing towards back to camp in disarray. At this point, Camillus, helped onto his horse by those around him, quickly deployed the reserve troops, and said, "Is this the battle you asked for, soldiers? Who can you blame for this? Men? Gods? Your recklessness led to this, and now your cowardice. Having followed another leader, now follow Camillus! And conquer, just as you are accustomed to doing, under my leadership! Why are you looking back at the rampart and camp? None of you will return to that camp unless you're victorious!" Initially, shame halted their chaotic retreat. Then, seeing the standards being turned around and the line turned to face the enemy, and seeing their general, distinguished by many triumphs and respected for his age, at the front of the battalions where the fighting was fiercest, each soldier began to reproach himself and others. Encouragement and loud cheers spread along the line. The other consular tribune, Lucius Furius, also did his part. Sent to the cavalry by Camillus, who was reorganizing the infantry line, he pleaded with them, not scolded them, as his own part in their failure had undermined his authority. He begged them, individually and collectively, to absolve him of blame for the day's events. "Despite my colleague's objections, I chose to share in everyone's recklessness rather than one man's caution. Camillus sees his own glory in your fate, whatever it may be. For me, unless the battle turns around, I'll share in your defeat, but I'll bear the shame alone, which is the hardest part." It was decided that the cavalry should dismount and join the still shaky line and fight on foot. Distinguished for their arms and bravery, they moved wherever the infantry line was under the most pressure. Neither officers nor soldiers held back from giving their best. As a result, their bravery made a difference. The Volscians, who had recently feigned retreat, were now truly fleeing. Many were killed in the battle and the subsequent flight, while others were captured in the camp, which was taken in the same attack. More were taken prisoner than killed.

6.25 When the prisoners were accounted for, several from Tusculum were identified. They were separated from the others and brought in secret to the consular tribunes. They admitted to those questioning them that they had taken up arms under the authority of their state. This revelation of a potential war so close to home alarmed Camillus. He immediately decided to transport the prisoners to Rome so the Senate could be informed that the Tusculans had abandoned their alliance with Rome. In the meantime, he suggested his colleague should take command of the camp and army. It had only taken a day for Lucius Furius to learn that he should not follow his own judgment and to pay heed to better advice. However, neither Camillus himself nor anyone in the army seemed likely to forgive Lucius Furius for the mistake that had put the Republic in such a dangerous position. Regarding the Volscians, it was a constant rumor both in the army and in Rome, that the battle had mixed results; and the consensus was that Lucius Furius was to blame for the unsuccessful battle and retreat, while all the credit for the successful one should go to Marcus Furius Camillus. As the prisoners from Tusculum were presented to the Senate, the Senate decided that Tusculum should be punished with war. They entrusted Camillus with the task of managing this war. Camillus requested an assistant for this task and was allowed to choose any of his colleagues. To everyone's surprise, he chose Lucius Furius. This generosity of spirit both relieved his colleague's public disgrace and brought great personal glory to Camillus. However, there was no war with the Tusculans. They managed to avoid Roman aggression by maintaining peace, something they couldn't have achieved with arms. When the Romans entered their territories, there were no evacuations from the areas near the road, and farming continued as usual. The city gates were left open, and the citizens, dressed in their togas, came out in large numbers to greet the generals. They willingly provided provisions for the army in a courteous manner from the city and the countryside to the camp. Camillus set up his camp outside the city gates. He wanted to see if the peaceful atmosphere he observed in the countryside was also present within the city walls of Tusculum. He entered the city and saw open doors, open shops, and everything was set out in the middle. Workers were busy with their tasks, schools filled with the sound of students learning their letters, and the streets were bustling with people going about their daily lives. There was no sign of fear or even surprise. He looked around, wondering where the war had been. There was no evidence of anything having been moved or prepared for war. Everything was calm and peaceful, as if the news of war hadn't even reached them.

6.26 The enemy's submissive behavior led Camillus to order their senate to be summoned. "Tusculans," he said, "you're the only ones who have discovered the true weapons and strength to protect yourselves from the Romans' anger. Go to Rome and appear before the Senate. The senators will decide whether your past actions deserve more punishment, or a pardon for your present actions. I'll not expect any public gratitude.  From me, you'll have permission to plead your case. The Senate will grant your pleas as they see fit." When the Tusculans arrived in Rome, they, who were once the most loyal allies until recently, were seen with sad faces in the vestibule of the Senate House. The senators, deeply moved, invited them in with a friendly rather than hostile manner. The Tusculan dictator then spoke: "Conscript Fathers, we, against whom you declared and waged war, are standing humbly in the vestibule of your Senate House, just as we once, armed and ready, came out to meet your generals and legions. This was our attire, and it'll always be unless we receive arms to defend you. We thank your generals and troops for trusting their eyes more than their ears and for not committing any acts of hostility where none were done to them. The peace which we have shown toward you, we ask of you in return. Please divert war to where it exists, if it exists anywhere. If we're to experience the effects of your arms after our surrender, we will experience it unarmed. This is our decision. May the immortal gods make it as fortunate as it is righteous. Regarding the accusations that led you to declare war against us, since facts speak louder than words and there is no point in contradicting them, we think it's safe to admit they were true, after showing clear signs of our remorse. Accept that we have wronged you, as you deserve the satisfaction of our honesty." These were the Tusculans' words. They achieved peace at that time, and not long after, they also gained citizenship. The legions were withdrawn from Tusculum.

6.27 Camillus, known for his wisdom and courage in the Volscian war and his success in the Tusculan campaign, distinguished in both cases by his patience and moderation toward his colleague, stepped down from his position after holding elections. The consular tribunes for the next year were Lucius and Publius Valerius, Lucius for the fifth time, Publius for the third, and Gaius Sergius for the third time, Lucius Menenius for the second time, Spurius Papirius, and Servius Cornelius Maluginensis. The year also required censors, mainly because no one knew how bad the debt crisis was. The plebeian tribunes intensified the public resentment about it. It was felt that the patricians were downplaying the problem as it was advantageous to say that the debt was due to people not paying what was owed rather than saying that people were struggling because they were genuinely poor. The censors appointed were Gaius Sulpicius Camerinus and Spurius Postumius Regillensis. However, the work, which had already begun, was interrupted by the death of Postumius. After Sulpicius resigned because of the religious law against appointing a replacement censor of a colleague, other censors were appointed, but they didn't fulfill their duties also due to a religious conflict. To appoint a third set of censors was also considered a religious conflict as it was thought the gods were against the office for that year. The plebeian tribunes refused to tolerate this mockery of the people. arguing that the Senate was avoiding public records of property because they didn't want the debt's size to be known. It would show that part of the population had been ruined, while the indebted plebeians were being exposed to one war after another. The Senate was intentionally starting wars to distract the plebeians and prevent them from focusing on their rights. War, they claimed, was sought from everywhere.  Legions were marched from Antium to Satricum, from Satricum to Velitrae, and then legions were led to Tusculum.  Now the Latins, the Hernicians, and Praeneste were to be the focus of war and all because of a hatred of the plebeians, not the enemy. They wanted to wear the plebeians out by fighting. They did not want to allow them time in the City to rest, enjoy their freedoms, or take their place at the assembly where they could hear the voices of the plebeian tribunes about reducing debt and removing other grievances. This was the real goal. The tribunes then urged the plebeians to remember their ancestors' fight for freedom and resist attempts of any Roman citizen to be handed over as a slave for debt, nor permit a draft to be held until the amount of debt was inspected and a plan for reducing it was made. Then each person could know what belongs to them and what belongs to another, and whether their own body remained free or whether that too was owed to the treasury. The reward for a rebellion, once offered, quickly led to a rebellion as many were seized for their debts and, at the same time, the Senate decreed that new legions should be drafted due to rumors of hostilities at Praeneste. Both actions were met with resistance from the plebeian tribunes and the plebeians. The plebeian tribunes prevented those assigned to their creditors from being imprisoned, and the young men refused to enlist. The Senate was more concerned about the draft than enforcing the debts since it was reported that the enemy had left Praeneste and settled in the territory of Gabii. The plebeian tribunes weren't deterred by these reports. The only thing that would calm the City's unrest was the threat of war reaching the walls of Rome.

6.28 Praeneste saw an opportunity, having seen that Rome hadn't raised an army, that it hadn't appointed anyone to be in command, and that the Senate and the plebeians had turned against each other. They quickly marched toward Rome, ravaging the countryside as they went, and advanced their forces to the Colline Gate. This caused significant panic in the City. The call to arms was sounded; people rushed to the walls and gates. Immediately, they shifted their focus from internal strife to external conflict, and appointed Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus as Dictator. He named Aulus Sempronius Atratinus as his Master of the Horse. Upon hearing this, the enemy retreated from the walls due to the fear associated with that office, and the young Romans assembled without resistance to answer the call. While Rome was raising an army, the Praeneste army set up camp near the Allia River. From there, they destroyed the surrounding land and boasted that they had chosen a location that was fatal to Rome. They predicted a similar panic and retreat as had happened during the war with the Gauls. The Praenestines thought that if the Romans feared a day considered unlucky named after this place, how much more will they fear the Allia River itself, the memorial of such a great disaster.  Surely, the memory of the fierce appearance of the Gauls and the sound of their voices would haunt their sight and hearing. They based their hopes of victory on these unfounded beliefs about the location. In reality, the Romans knew that wherever a Latin enemy stood, they were the same enemy they had utterly defeated at Lake Regillus and kept in peaceful subjection for a hundred years. The memory of their defeat at that location motivated them to erase the memory of their disgrace, rather than instill fear that any particular location could be unfavorable to their victory. They were confident that even if the Gauls themselves appeared at that location, they would fight as they had fought in Rome to reclaim their nation, and as they had the day after, at Gabii. No enemy who breached the walls of Rome would return home to report either victory or defeat.

6.29 Both sides arrived at the Allia River with different thoughts. Dictator Cincinnatus, upon seeing the enemy ready for battle, said, "Aulus Sempronius, notice how these men have positioned themselves at the Allia River, trusting in the luck of the location? The immortal gods haven't given them any stronger assurance or more effective support. Rely on weapons and bravery to launch a swift attack on the center of their line with the cavalry. I'll strike them with the legions when they're in disarray and scared. Be with us, gods, witnesses of the treaty. Exact the penalties due to you, who have been violated, and to us, who were deceived by people appealing to your divinity." The Praenestines couldn't withstand the assault of the cavalry or infantry; their ranks were shattered at the first charge and shout. Then, when their line held no ground at any point, they turned their backs to flee. Being thrown into fear and running past their own camp in a panic, they didn't stop running until they saw Praeneste. There, having been scattered due to their flight, they chose a location to fortify hastily. They knew that if they retreated within the walls of Praeneste, the countryside would be set on fire immediately, and when all their land was destroyed, a siege would be laid to the city. But when the victorious Romans approached, having looted the enemy's camp at the Allia River, the Praenestines abandoned their hastily built fortification and, scarcely believing their city walls were safe, they shut themselves within the town of Praeneste. There were eight other towns under the control of the Praenestines. The war was also brought to these towns; and these being captured one after the other without much difficulty, the Roman army was then led to Velitrae. This was also taken by storm. The Romans then arrived at Praeneste, the main cause of the war. That town was obtained, not by force, but by surrender. After his many victories in battle, now having also taken two enemy camps, and nine towns by storm, and Praeneste being obtained by surrender, Titus Quinctius returned to Rome. In his triumphal procession, he carried to the Capitoline Hill the statue of Jupiter Imperator, which he had transported from Praeneste. It was dedicated between the shrines of Jupiter and Minerva, and a plaque was fixed beneath it as a record of his achievements. It was inscribed with nearly these words: "Jupiter and all the gods granted that Titus Quinctius, Dictator, should capture nine towns." On the twentieth day after his appointment, he resigned the dictatorship.

6.30 An election was then held for consular tribunes. The number of patricians and plebeians was equal. From the patricians were chosen Publius Manlius Capitolinus and Gaius Manlius Vulso, along with Lucius Julius Iullus for the second time. The plebeians elected Gaius Sextilius, Marcus Albinius, and Lucius Antistius. The Manlii, Publius and Gaius, though plebeians by family origin, had more influence than Julius, and for that reason were assigned the province of the Volscians. This was done without the usual drawing of lots, or mutual agreement, and outside the usual order. Both the Manlii and the patricians who gave them this assignment later regretted it. Without any prior scouting, they sent out some troops to gather supplies. When a false report came in that these men were trapped, they rushed to provide assistance. In their haste, they didn't verify the report, nor retain the person who had lied to them – an enemy dressed as a Roman soldier. The soldiers fell straight into an ambush. While the Romans were fighting, courageously holding their ground in a disadvantageous position, suffering heavy casualties but inflicting them as well, the enemy attacked the undefended Roman camp lying on a plain. On both sides, the recklessness and incompetence of the generals put both locations in danger. Whatever fortune remained to the Roman people was protected only by the soldiers' steadfast bravery, even without a leader. When news of these events reached Rome, the people initially wanted to appoint a dictator. But when they heard that things were calm in the Volscian territory, and it was clear that the enemy didn't know how to take advantage of their victory, the army and generals were called back. As far as the Volscians were concerned, there was peace. The only trouble at the end of the year was that the Praenestines, stirred up by some Latin states, started fighting again. That same year, new colonists were assigned to Setia because the colony complained about a lack of men. Amid the turmoil of military affairs, domestic peace, from the influence and authority of the consular tribunes among the plebeians and the respect they had among their own people, was a source of consolation.

6.31 The start of the next year was immediately inflamed with civil unrest. The consular tribunes were Spurius Furius, Quintus Servilius Fidenas for the second time, Licinius Menenius Lanatus for the third time, Publius Cloelius Siculus, Marcus Horatius, and Lucius Geganius Macerinus. The root and cause of the upheaval was debt. To investigate this, Spurius Servilius Priscus and Quintus Cloelius Siculus were appointed as censors. However, they were unable to proceed due to war. At first, alarming reports were brought by messengers, followed by people fleeing from their lands, indicating that the Volscian legions had entered the Roman borders and were causing widespread destruction. This foreign threat didn't quell the internal disputes. Instead, the plebeian tribunes became even more obstructive in the recruitment process. This continued until the patricians agreed that no one would pay the war-tax during the war, and no legal action would be taken regarding money owed. Once these concessions were made to the plebeians, the recruitment process proceeded without delay. New legions were formed, and it was decided that two armies would invade Volscian territory. Spurius Furius and Marcus Horatius marched on the right towards the seacoast and Antium, while Quintus Servilius and Lucius Geganius marched on the left towards the mountains and Ecetra. The enemy was not encountered on either side. And so, the Romans ravaged the countryside. The damage wasn't like the hasty raids made by the Volscians, who, fearing a Roman attack at any moment, quickly looted in a panic. Instead, the Romans stayed there, causing deliberate and systematic widespread destruction. And, while the Volscians stayed mostly in border areas out of fear that Rome would send an army, the Romans purposely lingered in the interior of enemy territory; they hoped to provoke a battle. There, they burned down all the houses, fields, and some villages, leaving no fruit trees or seeds or grain for future harvests that year. Taking all the loot, humans, and cattle that could be found outside the walled towns, the two armies then returned back to Rome.

6.32 After only a short respite given to debtors to recover, once matters with the enemy had calmed down, legal proceedings resumed in full force. Instead of easing old debts, new debt was created through a tax for the construction of a wall built with squared stone, a project overseen by the censors. The plebeians had no choice but to accept this burden, as the plebeian tribunes had no draft they could obstruct. The patricians even had enough influence among the plebeians to ensure that all the consular tribunes were elected from among them, including Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus, Publius Valerius Potitus Publicola for the fourth time, Gaius Veturius Crassus Cicurinus, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus for the third time and Gaius Quinctius Cincinnatus. With the same influence, they managed to raise three armies against the Latins and Volscians, who had united their legions and were camped at Satricum. All eligible young men were bound by the military oath and nobody objected. One army was for the protection of the City; another was to be sent for sudden war emergencies if any disturbance should arise elsewhere. The third and most powerful army was led by Publius Valerius and Lucius Aemilius to Satricum. Upon finding the enemy already in battle formation at Satricum, they immediately engaged. Although victory was not yet decisive, the battle, which held out a fair hope of success, was interrupted by rain and a violent windstorm. The battle was resumed the next day. For a considerable time, the Latin legions, who had been trained in Roman warfare during their long alliance, held their ground with equal bravery and success. However, when the Roman cavalry charged, it disrupted their ranks. While they were in disarray, the Roman infantry advanced more forcefully, driving the enemy back. Once the tide of battle turned toward the Romans, their forces quickly overwhelmed the enemy. The defeated enemy was routed. Instead of retreating to their camp which was two miles away from Satricum, they fled. Most were cut down by the cavalry. Their camp was taken and plundered. The night following the battle, enemy survivors marched in a disorganized column resembling a retreat to Antium. Although the Roman army followed closely behind, the enemy's fear proved faster than the Romans' anger. As a result, the enemy entered the walls before the Romans could catch the rear of their column. After that, the Romans spent several days ravaging the country, as the Romans lacked the military engines to attack walls, and the enemy wasn't willing to risk a battle.

6.33 A quarrel broke out between Antium and the Latins. Antium, having suffered greatly and exhausted by a war that had spanned their entire lives, began to contemplate surrender. In contrast, the Latins, still in high spirits from the recent rebellion after a long period of peace, were more determined to continue the hostilities. The conflict ended when both parties realized that neither side could help or hinder the other from pursuing their own course. The Latins withdrew from the alliance, saving themselves from participating in what they considered a dishonorable peace. Once those who had been obstructing their beneficial plans had left, the citizens of Antium surrendered their city and lands to the Romans. The Latins became exasperated and angry as they found themselves being unable to harm the Romans in war nor keep the Volscians armed. They vented their anger by setting fire to the city of Satricum, their refuge after their defeat. Not a single roof remained of the city as they indiscriminately set fire to all buildings, both sacred and secular, except for the Temple of Mater Matuta. It's said that neither their religion nor their shame restrained them until a terrifying voice from the temple threatened terrible revenge unless they kept their wicked firebrands far away from the temples. Still inflamed with rage, the Latins attacked Tusculum, angry because the city had abandoned the common council of Latins and allied itself with the Romans, even becoming citizens. They burst through the open gates unexpectedly and at the first shout captured the city, except for the citadel. The citizens, along with their families, sought refuge in the citadel and sent messengers to Rome to inform the Senate of their predicament. An army was dispatched to Tusculum with the speed befitting the honor of the Roman people. It was led by Lucius Quinctius and Servius Sulpicius, the consular tribunes. They found the gates of Tusculum closed and the Latins acting as both attackers and defenders, protecting the city walls while also assaulting the citadel, terrorizing the people. The arrival of the Romans shifted the mood of both parties: the gloom felt by the Tusculans changed to enthusiasm, and the confidence felt by the Latins, who thought that the citadel would soon be taken since they had possession of the town, was reduced to a faint hope for their own safety. The Tusculans in the citadel shouted to the Romans, and it was met with a louder shout by the Roman army. The Latins were now caught on both sides. They could not hold the Tusculans charging from the high ground of their citadel nor could they repel the Romans coming over the walls and forcing open the gates. The walls were the first to be captured with scaling ladders, then the bars of the gates were broken. The Latins, trapped between two enemies and with no space to escape nor strength to fight, were all killed, down to the last man. After reclaiming Tusculum from the enemy, the army returned to Rome.

6.34 The more prosperous the wars were that year and the more peaceful that things were abroad, the more the power of the patricians and the misery of the plebeians grew in the City day by day. The plebeians' ability to pay their debts was hindered by the very fact that payment was compulsory. When they could no longer pay from their property, they were forced to satisfy creditors by surrendering their good name and their person, and they were handed over to the creditors as slaves.  The punishment replaced payment. So low had spirits sunk, not only the lower class, but even the leading men among the plebeians, that no plebeian had the courage to run for consular tribune among the patricians, a privilege they had fought hard for, or even to run for plebeian magistrate positions. The patricians seemed to have permanently regained an honor that had been temporarily taken by the plebeians. However, a minor incident, which often leads to significant outcomes, prevented the patricians from celebrating too much. Marcus Fabius Ambustus was a man of great influence among both his peers and among the plebeians as well, since he did not look down upon them. He had two married daughters. The elder daughter was married to Servius Sulpicius, a consular tribune, and the younger to Gaius Licinius Calvus Stolo – a distinguished man, but still a plebeian. This alliance, not frowned upon by Fabius, had increased Fabius' influence among the plebeians. One day, in the house of Servius Sulpicius, the consular tribune, when the two sisters were passing the time in conversation with each other, as women do, a lictor of Sulpicius, when he was returning home from the Forum, knocked on the door with his rod, as was customary. When the younger Fabia, unfamiliar with this custom, was frightened by it, her sister laughed at her lack of knowledge at such a common practice. The sting of being laughed at upset the younger sister, as sometimes only a small amount of disrespect can affect women greatly. I believe she felt envious of her sister's fortunate match as she saw a crowd of servants attending to her and asking whether she wanted anything. I believe she thought she had made a bad decision and began to resent her own situation, feeling that she was surpassed by her sister. When her father noticed her disappointment, he kindly inquired, "Are you all right?" She turned away, trying to hide the cause of her grief. It wasn't entirely dutiful toward her sister nor very respectful toward her husband. Still, he gently continued asking until he drew out the truth. She confessed that she was upset because she felt she had married into an inferior family, where neither honor nor influence could enter. Ambustus comforted his daughter and assured her that she would soon see the same honors at her own house as she saw at her sister's. He then began to devise a plan with his son-in-law, Gaius Licinius, and enlisted the help of Lucius Sextius, an ambitious young man who lacked only a patrician lineage.

6.35 The moment seemed ripe for political change due to the plebeians' massive debt burden. They couldn't hope for relief unless other plebeians held the highest offices, so they believed the time was right to strive for this goal. By their efforts and persistence, the plebeians had already made some progress such that, if they continued their struggle, they could reach the top and be equal to the patricians in both honor and merit. Gaius Licinius Stolo and Lucius Sextius were elected as plebeian tribunes, a position that could pave the way for other honors.  Once elected, they proposed laws that were against the wealth of the patricians and in favor of the interests of the plebeians. One law was about the debt, suggesting that whatever had been paid in interest should be deducted from the principal, and the remainder should be paid off in three years in equal installments. Another law proposed a limit on land ownership, stating that no one could own more than five hundred jugera of land. A third law prohibited the election of consular tribunes, and that at least one of the two consuls should be elected from the plebeians. These were all significant issues that couldn't be achieved without a great struggle. With such high competition for the three things which are always excessively desired by people: land, money, and honors, the patricians became frightened and dismayed by this. In their public and private discussions, they could find no other solution except a tactic they had used in many previous conflicts: the veto. They persuaded the colleagues of Licinius and Sextius to block the plebeian tribunes' bills. When they saw the tribes summoned to vote by Licinius and Sextius, the plebeian tribunes' colleagues, surrounded by the patricians' guards, didn't allow the bills to be read or any other usual procedure for taking the votes of the plebeians to be carried out. After several unsuccessful assemblies, the proposals continued to be rejected. Finally, Sextius said, "Very well, since it's decided that a veto has so much power, we will use the same weapon to protect the plebeians. Come, patricians, call an assembly for the election of consular tribunes. I'll make sure that the phrase, 'Veto!' ["I forbid!"], which you enjoy hearing our colleagues chant, won't help you." His threats weren't empty: no elections were held, except for aediles and plebeian tribunes. Gaius Licinius Stolo and Lucius Sextius, re-elected as plebeian tribunes, didn't allow any curule magistrates to be appointed. This complete absence of magistrates continued in the City for five years, with the people re-electing the same two plebeian tribunes who, in turn, prevented the election of consular tribunes.

6.36 There was a timely pause in other conflicts. The colonists of Velitrae, growing bold since there was no Roman army present, invaded Roman territory several times. They even attempted a siege on Tusculum. The Tusculans, long-time allies and recent fellow citizens, pleaded for help from Rome. This plea moved not only the patricians, but also the plebeians, primarily out of a sense of honor. The plebeian tribunes eased their resistance, and elections were held for consular tribunes by the interrex. Elected were Lucius Furius Medullinus for the second time, Aulus Manlius Capitolinus for the fifth time, Servius Sulpicius Praetextatus for the third time, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis for the sixth time, Publius Valerius Potitus Publicola for the fifth time and Gaius Valerius Potitus. The new consular tribunes found the plebeians less cooperative in the draft than in the elections. Despite significant contention, an army was raised. They not only drove the enemy from Tusculum but also forced them back to within their own walls. Velitrae was then besieged by a force far greater than that which had besieged Tusculum. However, Velitrae couldn't be captured before new consular tribunes were elected the next year. The new consular tribunes elected were Quintius Servilius Fidenas for the third time, Gaius Veturius Crassus Cicurinus for the second time, Aulus Cornelius Cossus and Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis, Quintus Quinctius Cincinnatus, and Marcus Fabius Ambustus for the second time. These tribunes didn't achieve anything noteworthy at Velitrae either. Back home, the situation was more critical. In addition to Lucius Sextius and Gaius Licinius, the proposers of the laws who were re-elected plebeian tribunes for the eighth time, Marcus Fabius Ambustus, a consular tribune and father-in-law of Gaius Licinius Stolo, became a strong supporter as well. Initially, eight of the original plebeian tribunes vetoed the proposed laws, but now only five of those remained to veto. And as is usually the case with those who desert their own party, these five were already embarrassed and dismayed, defending their position by the arguments privately suggested to them by the patricians. Pretending to intercede, they repeated the same excuse that they were told to use; that many of the plebeians were absent, fighting with the army at Velitrae, and that the elections should be postponed until the soldiers returned so that all the plebeians could vote on matters affecting their own interests. Sextius, Licinius, some of their colleagues, and Fabius Ambustus, one of the consular tribunes, had become skilled at influencing the plebeians over many years and were tiring the leading patricians by questioning them about every detail on each of the topics that were about to be presented to the people: Would patricians, they asked, dare to demand that, when two jugera of land per person were distributed among the plebeians, they themselves should be allowed to have more than five hundred jugera of land? Would be they dare to demand that each of them should be allowed to possess enough land to support nearly three hundred citizens, while the plebeian's portion of land barely provided him a roof for shelter and a burial place? Would it be acceptable that the plebeians, trapped by interest, should surrender their bodies for chains and punishments rather than pay the principal? And every day, did they want men led away in chains from the Forum in droves, adjudged as debtors and assigned to their creditors as bondslaves? Should the houses of the patricians be filled with prisoners in chains so that, wherever a patrician lived, so too should there be his own private dungeon?

6.37 Sextius, Licinius, and Fabius made these statements, both infuriating and pitiful to hear, and ended up stirring up more indignation in the listeners than the speakers themselves felt. They continued, saying that there would never be an end to the patricians' land occupation or their exploitation of the plebeians through usury unless the plebeians were allowed to elect one consul from among the plebeians to protect their freedom. The plebeian tribunes were now despised, they said, because their power was undermined by the other plebeian tribunes using the veto against them. There could be no justice when one group, the patricians, held all the power of imperium, and the other group, the plebeians, only had the right to veto. Unless power was shared, the plebeians would never have an equal part in the republic. No one should anyone think it would be sufficient that plebeian candidates are being considered in the consular elections; unless it was made mandatory for at least one consul to be a plebeian, no plebeian would be elected. Had it already been forgotten that when it was decided to create consular tribunes rather than consuls, it was so that the highest honor could also be available to plebeians. However, no plebeian was elected consular tribune for forty-four years. How could anyone think, they asked, that the patricians would willingly share the honor with the plebeians when there were only two positions available, especially considering the patricians had monopolized the eight positions in the election of consular tribunes? The plebeians needed a law to achieve what they couldn't achieve through influence at elections. One consul position should be set aside, out of the reach of patrician competition, for the plebeians to access. If it were left open to dispute, it would always be won by the more powerful group. It couldn't also be said, as they were accustomed to boast before, that there were no qualified men among the plebeians for curule magistracies. Had the government been run with less energy and less strength since Publius Licinius Calvus was consular tribune? He was the first plebeian elected to that office, and before that it had been only patricians as consular tribunes. Indeed, several patricians had been condemned after their tribuneship, but no plebeians. A few years earlier, quaestors, like the consular tribunes, also started to be elected from the plebeians, and the Roman people hadn't regretted any of them. The consul position was still out of reach for the plebeians; it was the citadel of liberty, the pinnacle of power. If they could achieve that, then the Roman plebeians would feel that kings had truly been expelled from the City and their freedom was secure. From that day, everything that the patricians had which made them patricians would flow also to the plebeians, including imperium, honor, military glory, lineage, and nobility. These would be great things to be enjoyed by them and would be even greater for their children. When the patricians saw that these speeches were being well received, they proposed a new idea: instead of having two duumvirs for performing religious rites, ten should be appointed, with half being elected from the plebeians and half from the patricians. They then postponed the election of all these bills until the arrival of the army that was besieging Velitrae.

6.38 The year ended before the legions returned from Velitrae. As a result, the discussion about the proposed laws was put on hold and postponed for the newly elected consular tribunes. The plebeians re-elected the same plebeian tribunes, including the two who had originally proposed the laws. The newly elected consular tribunes were Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis for the seventh time, Servius Sulpicius Praetextatus for the fourth time, Spurius Servilius Structus, Lucius Papirius Crassus, and Lucius Veturius Crassus Cicurinus. At the start of the new year, the final debate about the laws escalated. When the tribes were called to vote, and the plebeian tribunes' colleagues were no longer a hindrance with their veto, the patricians, feeling threatened, turned to their two final resources: the highest authority of the state and the authority of the individual citizen. It was decided that a dictator should be appointed. Marcus Furius Camillus was chosen, and he selected Lucius Aemilius as his Master of the Horse. In response to this powerful move by their opponents, the proposers of the laws, armed with the cause of the plebeians and with great determination against such a large array of adversaries, called an assembly of the people and asked the tribes to vote. When Dictator Camillus took his seat, surrounded by a group of patricians full of anger and threats, the usual skirmish started between the plebeian tribunes who were bringing the law to the people and the plebeian tribunes who were vetoing it. Although the veto was legally stronger, it was overpowered by the popularity of the laws and their proposers. The first tribes had already voted "aye" when Camillus interjected: "Quirites, since you're swayed by the lawlessness, not authority, of the plebeian tribunes, you're now overturning the power of the veto, once won by the secession of the plebeians, by the same violent conduct by which you acquired it. I, as Dictator, will support the veto, not for the sake of the republic as a whole, but for your sake; and by my authority I'll defend your rights of protection, which you are destroying." He added, "If Gaius Licinius and Lucius Sextius submit to the veto of their colleagues, I shall not introduce a patrician magistrate into the assembly of the plebeians. However, if they strive to impose their laws on the state as if the state had been conquered, I'll not allow the tribune power to be destroyed by its own hand." Despite Camillus' threats, the plebeian tribunes continued to push for the laws with unyielding energy. Camillus, growing increasingly frustrated, sent his lictors to disperse the plebeians out of the assembly and threatened, if they persisted, he would immediately compel all young men by oath into military service and lead the army out of the City at once. His threats terrified the plebeians but only served to fuel the determination of their leaders rather than subdue it. Unable to resolve the situation, Camillus resigned from his dictatorship. Some say he was appointed improperly, while others believe he stepped down because the plebeian tribunes had proposed a bill to the plebeians, and the plebeians passed it, that if Marcus Furius Camillus did anything as Dictator, he should be fined five hundred thousand aes rude, which would be a lot for him. However, considering the man's character, it seems more likely to me that he was deterred by a flaw in the auspices rather than this unprecedented fine. Also, Publius Manlius Capitolinus was immediately appointed as Dictator in his place.  Why would they appoint Manlius to manage a contest in which Camillus had already been defeated? Furthermore, the following year saw Marcus Furius Camillus was again appointed dictator, which he certainly wouldn't have accepted without shame if he had been defeated the previous year. At the time when the motion about fining him is said to have been passed, he could have opposed it at the time it was proposed or he could have prevented the reasons for which it was enacted. Finally, through the struggles that have occurred between the tribunes and the consuls, even up to the times which we ourselves can remember, the office of dictator has always stood above them all.

6.39 Between the Camillus' dictatorship ending and before Manlius began as Dictator, a meeting of the plebeians was held, almost like an interregnum, in which it became clear which of the proposed laws were beneficial to the plebeians and which were merely beneficial to those who proposed them. The plebeians approved the bills about debt interest and land but rejected the one about the plebeian consul. Both decisions would have been implemented if the plebeian tribunes hadn't said that they were consulting the plebeians on all three bills as a set. Dictator Manlius then tipped the balance in favor of the plebeians by naming Gaius Licinius Stolo, a plebeian and who had been military tribune, his Master of the Horse. The patricians, I understand, were very unhappy with this appointment, but the Dictator justified his decision to the Senate by citing his close relationship with Licinius. He also denied that the position of Master of the Horse was more powerful than that of consular tribune. When the elections for plebeian tribunes were announced, Licinius and Sextius acted as if they didn't want the honor. However, they presented such a firm case for themselves that the plebeians gave them what they pretended not to want. They said they had now been standing for nine years, as if on a battlefield against the patricians, at great personal risk without any public benefit. The proposed laws and the full power of the plebeian tribune authority had aged with them and grown old. Their proposals were first attacked by the veto of their colleagues, then by the draft of their young people to the war at Velitrae, and finally by the Dictator's thunderbolt aimed against them. Now, neither their colleagues, nor the war, nor the dictator could stand in their way. The Dictator, they said, by appointing a plebeian as Master of the Horse, had given a favorable omen for a plebeian consul. It would be the plebeians themselves barring their own way forward. The plebeians could, if they wanted, free the City and Forum from creditors and immediately free the lands from unjust possessors. When would the plebeians ever properly appreciate these gifts with a grateful heart if, while receiving laws for their own benefits, they deprived the proposers of these laws of any hope of honor? It wasn't worthy of the Roman people to demand relief from debt and to possess land unjustly occupied by the powerful, while leaving the old plebeian tribunes who helped them achieve these benefits without honor or even hope of honor. The plebeians, they suggested, should first decide what choice they would make, then announce that choice at the next plebeian tribune elections. If the plebeians wanted the entire set of proposed laws to be passed, they should re-elect the same men as plebeian tribunes who would fully implement what was proposed. But if every plebeian just wanted only what was good for his own individual needs, there would be no need for the plebeian tribunes to continue their unpopular term of office. Neither their tribuneship, nor the proposed laws would be kept.

6.40 In response to the obstinate speech of the plebeian tribunes, when the other senators were shocked in astonishment and left speechless by the indignity of the situation, Appius Claudius Crassus, the grandson of the decemvir, is said to have stepped forward to challenge their claims. His motivation was less about trying to persuade them and driven more by hatred and anger to oppose them.  He spoke along these lines: "Quirites, it isn't new or surprising to me that I hear the same accusation that has always been leveled against our family by the seditious tribunes. They claim that we, the Claudian family, from the very beginning, have always prioritized the dignity of the patricians over the interests of the plebeians. I don't deny this first point. Since we first were admitted into the City and the patricians, we have done our best to ensure that the dignity of those families, among whom you chose to include us, has increased rather than decreased." "As for the second point, I dare to contend, for myself and my ancestors, Quirites, that unless someone believes that actions taken on behalf of the entire Republic are somehow hostile to the plebeians, as if they were citizens of a different city, no one can truthfully claim that we have done anything knowingly to act against the interests of the plebeians either as private persons or as magistrates. Nor can any deed or word of ours be truly reported against your interest even if some of them were against your wishes. Even if I weren't from the Claudian family or of patrician descent, but simply a mere Quirite, as long as I knew that I was born of free parents and lived in a free state I'd still speak out against the arrogance of Lucius Sextius and Gaius Licinius. These men have been perpetual plebeian tribunes for nine years and have become so arrogant that they refuse to allow you to vote freely in elections or in passing laws." "They say, 'On one condition will we allow you to re-elect us as tribunes for the tenth time.' This is like them saying, 'We're so disgusted with the job that we won't accept the position without you paying some great reward.' And what is this reward after all? To have them always as plebeian tribunes? No, it's 'that you accept the laws we propose all together, whether you like them or not, whether they're beneficial or harmful.' " "I beseech you, you 'Tarquinian' plebeian tribunes, imagine me as a citizen from the middle of the assembly yelling out, 'With your permission, let's read which laws are to our benefit and allow us to reject the others.' 'No,' they reply, 'you can't vote for the laws concerning debt interest and land distribution, which affect you all, without accepting this monstrous proposition of seeing Lucius Sextius and Gaius Licinius as consuls, a sight you abhor and detest; either take all, or we grant you nothing!' It's like someone mixing poison into food and offering it to a starving man telling him either to abstain from what is vital or to consume what will kill him." "Therefore, if this state were free, wouldn't you all have shouted, 'Leave with your tribuneships and your petitions!' If they'll not propose what is in the interest of the people, will there be no one else who will? If any patrician, or more unpopularly, any Claudius were to say, 'Accept all, or I'll propose nothing,' which of you Quirites would accept it?  Will you never judge laws by their merit rather than who are the authors? Will you always listen readily to what the plebeian tribune says and refuse to listen to any of us, no matter what?" "By Hercules, that speech isn't at all civil. But what of the proposal which they're angry about because you rejected it. The proposal is just like the speech, Quirites. He says, 'I propose that you shall not be allowed to elect the consuls you want.' Or does he ask that at least one consul be elected from the plebeians but doesn't allow you to elect two patricians. If there were wars today like the Etruscan war, when Porsena occupied Janiculum, or like the war with the Gauls recently, when everything except the Capitoline Hill and the Citadel was in enemy hands, and Lucius Sextius were a candidate for consul with Marcus Furius Camillus or any other patrician, could you accept that Sextius should be consul without any risk, while Camillus should risk being rejected? Is it fair that two plebeians can be elected consuls, but not two patricians? That one must be elected from the plebeians, but both the patricians are allowed to be passed by? What kind of society and what kind of partnership is that?" "Is it not enough for you to share in what you had no part in before, unless you seize the whole while asking for a part? 'I fear,' he says, 'that if it's permitted to choose two patricians, no plebeian will be elected.' This is the same as saying, 'Because you won't willingly elect unworthy plebeians, I'll force you to elect plebeians you don't want.' What follows is that if one plebeian is a candidate with two patricians, he owes no gratitude to the people for his election. He can say that he was appointed by law, not by votes."

6.41 "The plebeians are more interested in how they can manipulate the system to gain power, rather than earning it through merit. They aim for the highest positions to avoid the responsibilities that come with lower ones. The plebeians would rather take advantage of opportunity than prove their worth. There are many who feel insulted by being evaluated and judged and who believe that they alone, among many competitors, should be guaranteed honors. They want to escape your judgment and want your votes to be forced, not from choice as free men, but as slaves." "I won't even mention Licinius and Sextius, whose long reign can be compared to that of the kings on the Capitoline Hill. Is there anyone so humble in the state today, for whom the path to the consulate isn't made easier by this law for us and our children? There may be times when you can't elect us, as patricians, even if you want to. Likewise, there are those plebeians you must elect, even if you don't want to." "I've said enough about indignity. Dignity is a human quality. What about religion and the auspices? Non-observance and disrespect hurt the immortal gods. Everyone knows that this City was built and is governed by auspices in times of war and peace, at home and abroad. According to our ancestors' traditions, who holds the auspices? The patricians, of course; no plebeian magistrate is ever elected by auspices. The auspices are so peculiar to us that not only do the people elect patrician magistrates by auspices, but we ourselves, without the people's votes, appoint the interrex by auspices. In our private lives we hold those auspices, which the plebeians don't hold even in office." "What do plebeians do, then, other than eliminate auspices from the state, who, by creating plebeian consuls, takes them away from the patricians who alone can hold them? They can now scoff at religion and ask, 'How important is it, if the sacred chickens don't eat? If they come out of the cage too slowly? If a bird sings inauspiciously or dies?' These may seem trivial, but by paying attention to these trivial matters, our ancestors have elevated this state to the highest level. " "And now we, as if we don't need the favor of the gods, violate all religious ceremonies. Let's randomly appoint pontiffs, augurs, and sacrificial priests. Let's place the white conical hat of Flamen Dialis on anyone's head, as long as he's a man. Let's entrust our sacred shields [ancilia], the innermost shrines, the gods, and the worship of the gods to those to whom it is sacrilege to entrust them. Let's not enact laws or elect magistrates under auspices. Let the Senate not approve either the assemblies of the centuries or the Curiae." "Let Sextius and Licinius rule in the City of Rome, like Romulus and Tatius, because they give away other people's money and land as gifts. The allure of taking other people's possessions is so strong. Does it not occur to you that one law creates vast wastelands in the fields by driving out the owners from their territories; the other destroys trust, without which all human society ceases to exist. For all these reasons, I believe that you should reject these proposals. " "Whatever you decide to do, I pray that the gods make it successful."

6.42 Appius Claudius' speech only resulted in delaying the approval of the proposed laws. The same plebeian tribunes, Sextius and Licinius, were re-elected for the tenth time and managed to pass a law stating that there should now be ten rather than two duumvirs for religious matters and half of the ten duumvirs should be elected from the plebeians. Five patricians and five plebeians were elected, and the plebeians felt that they had set a precedent to pave the way for the consulship. The plebeians, satisfied with this victory, agreed to the patricians' proposal to elect consular tribunes instead of consuls for the time being. The elected consular tribunes were Aulus Cornelius Cossus for the second time, Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis for the second time, Marcus Geganius Macerinus, Publius Manlius Capitolinus for the second time, Lucius Veturius Crassus Cicurinus for the second time, and Publius Valerius Potitus Publicola for the sixth time. It was a time of relative peace, with the only exception being that of an ongoing siege of Velitrae. Though slow in ending, the result was certain. The Romans were suddenly faced with the threat of another war with the Gauls. As a result, Marcus Furius Camillus was appointed Dictator for the fifth time. He chose Titus Quinctius Poenus, the Carthaginian, as his Master of the Horse. Claudius claims that a battle took place that year with the Gauls on the banks of the Anio River. He also mentions the famous battle on the bridge where Titus Manlius killed a Gaul who had challenged him, in full view of both armies, and took his torc as spoils. However, several other writers suggest that these events occurred at least ten years later. They claim that, in this year, a decisive battle was fought with the Gauls in the Alban territory, led by Dictator Marcus Furius Camillus. The Romans won easily, despite their fear in remembering their previous defeat by the Gauls. Many thousands of Gauls were killed in the battle and many were captured in the storming of their camp. The survivors fled, mainly toward Apulia, escaping the Romans by scattering widely, driven by panic and confusion, and continued their flight over a great distance. The Senate and the plebeians unanimously agreed to award a Triumph to Dictator Camillus. He had barely completed the military campaign when he returned to an even more severe political struggle back in the City. Despite great resistance, the Dictator and the Senate were forced to accept the tribunes' laws. The elections for the consuls were held against the patricians' wishes, resulting in Lucius Sextius Sextinus Lateranus, a plebeian, being elected as consul – the first of his class to reach that office. Yet even this did not resolve their disputes. The patricians refused to approve the election and it led to the threat of the plebeians seceding, among other serious civil conflicts. However, the Dictator intervened and managed to negotiate a compromise. The patricians agreed to the plebeian consul, and the plebeians agreed to elect one praetor from the patricians to administer justice in the City. After a long period of hostility, harmony was finally restored between the different orders. The Senate decided that this was a fitting occasion to honor the immortal gods, who deserved it, now more than ever, and to celebrate this by holding the Great Games for the immortal gods, voting to add an extra day to the three already planned. When the plebeian aediles refused the extra burden, young patricians shouted out that they would do it gladly as an honor to the immortal gods. The entire people united in thanks to them. The Senate then passed a decree that the Dictator should ask the people to hold a popular election for two aediles from the patricians and that the Senate should ratify all the elections held that year.

7.1 This year is notable for the election of a "new man" [novus homo] as consul from the plebeians. It's also significant for the introduction of two new magistrate positions, praetor and curule aedile. The patricians claimed these honors for themselves, in exchange for allowing one consul position to be held by a plebeian. The plebeians elected Lucius Sextius Sextinus Lateranus as consul, who had made it possible through legislation he introduced. The patricians used their influence at the elections to secure the praetor position for Spurius Furius Camillus, the son of Marcus, and the curule aedile positions for Gnaeus Quinctius Capitolinus and Publius Cornelius Scipio, who were patricians. Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus, a patrician, was elected consul as Lucius Sextius' colleague. At the start of the year, there were rumors about the Gauls, who were reportedly gathering again in Apulia, and a potential revolt of the Hernicians. All business was intentionally postponed by the patricians to prevent the plebeian consul from taking action. As a result, there was silence on all political matters, creating a stillness similar to suspension of public business. However, the plebeian tribunes weren't silent and protested that the patricians had claimed three patrician magistrate positions in exchange for one plebeian consul. The new magistrates sat in curule chairs and dressed like consuls in praetexta togas. One of them, the praetor, held court as if he were a consul, was elected with the same auspices as the consuls, and served as their colleague. It made the Senate feel ashamed to order the curule aediles to be elected from among the patricians. Initially, it was agreed that they would be elected from the plebeians every other year, but later the office was left open to both orders. In the following year during the consulship of Lucius Genucius and Quintus Servilius, when things were peaceful both domestically and abroad, a severe plague broke out making people feel they would never be free of fear or danger. It's said that a censor, a curule aedile, and three plebeian tribunes died from it, and that there were many other deaths in proportion to the number of illnesses. The plague was particularly remembered for the untimely and bitter death of Marcus Furius Camillus, who was deeply mourned despite his old age. He was an exceptional man in all circumstances, the most prominent man in the state in times of peace and war. Exile only increased Camillus' fame, whether due to the state's regret and calls for his help when it had been captured, or his successful restoration of himself and the City upon his return. He lived for twenty-five years afterward and maintained the reputation of such glory, considered worthy enough to be named next to Romulus, as the second founder of Rome.

7.2 Plague persisted for this year and the next, with Gaius Sulpicius Peticus and Gaius Licinius Stolo as consuls. That year, the only notable event was a lectisternium held to seek the gods' favor. This was the third time such an event had taken place since the City was built. Despite human efforts and divine intervention, the plague's severity didn't lessen. In their desperation and superstition, the people turned to new methods to appease the gods, including the introduction of theatrical performances. This was a novel concept for a warrior society, as they had only ever had circus spectacles before. It started in a modest way, like the beginning of most things, and was imported from abroad.  Without any song and without acting with spoken words, the Etruscan dancers who were brought in to perform, danced to the music of the pipes and performed movements that were quite elegant in the Tuscan style. The City's young men began to mimic these performances, adding their own humorous comments in crude verse. Their gestures matched their words, and the performances were well-received and frequently performed. The local performers were called histriones, a word which originally came from "ister", the Etruscan word for an actor. These actors didn't just recite random, unrefined, rude verses like the Fescennine Verses, but performed full melodies of metered, satirical verses, written for the flute. To these, they also added choreographed movement. Years later, an actor named Livius Andronicus, who had previously performed these complex pieces of satire, became the first to present a story with a structured plot. Since he was the actor of his own songs, his voice was strained from frequently being called back for encores. He asked permission to let a boy stand in front of the musician to sing the melody so that he could perform the gestures. This allowed him to move more freely, as he wasn't hindered by singing. From that point on, this started the practice of performing to the singing of others, leaving only the dialogues to be spoken by the actors. As the focus of these performances shifted from comedy and unrestrained jokes to a more refined art form, young men left the acting to the professional actors, the histriones. Instead, they returned to their old tradition of tossing nonsense into funny, interwoven verses, which were then called exodia. These were mainly connected with the fables from the Atellan Farces. This form of entertainment, which they had adopted from the Oscans, was kept exclusive to the young men. They didn't allow it to be performed by professional actors. As a result, the actors of the Atellan Farces weren't considered paid actors, weren't removed from their tribes, and were allowed to serve in the army as if they had no association with the stage. Amongst other things that start small, I felt it was important to first note the humble origins of theatrical plays, to show how they evolved from healthy beginnings into the extravagant madness of today, hardly tolerable even for wealthy kingdoms.

7.3 The initial introduction of plays, designed as a religious atonement, didn't alleviate their religious fear or their physical ailments. Furthermore, when the circus was flooded by the Tiber overflowing its banks and interrupting their performance, it terrified them. It was as if the gods had turned their backs on them and rejected their attempts to appease their anger. Therefore, in the consulship of Gnaeus Genucius Aventinensis and Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus for the second time, the search for atonements was affecting people's minds more than what their diseases did to their bodies. Some elders recalled that a previous plague had been alleviated by a dictator driving a nail into a temple wall. Motivated by this religious precedent, the Senate ordered a dictator to be appointed for the purpose of driving the nail. Lucius Manlius Capitolinus Imperiosus was appointed as Dictator and he chose Lucius Pinarius Natta as Master of the Horse. There is an ancient law, written in ancient letters and words, that the highest officer should drive a nail on September thirteenth. This nail was driven into the right side of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, where the Temple of Minerva is located. It's said that the nail represented the number of years that had passed, as written records were rare, and that the law was associated with the Temple of Minerva, as she is the goddess of numbers and counting. Cincius, a meticulous writer on such monuments, claims that nails were also seen in Volsinii in the Temple of Nortia, an Etruscan goddess, as indicators for when a year had passed. Marcus Horatius, the consul who dedicated the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, acted in accordance with this law the year after the kings were expelled. The solemn act of driving the nail was later transferred from the consuls to the dictators, as their office was superior. When this custom was allowed to be abandoned, it seemed significant enough to warrant the appointment of a dictator. For this reason, Lucius Manlius Capitolinus was appointed, but he acted as if he had been chosen to conduct a war, and not just to fulfill a religious obligation. Eager to start a war with the Hernicians, he burdened the youth with a harsh draft. Finally, when all the plebeian tribunes rose against him, he resigned the dictatorship, whether out of force or shame isn't known.

7.4 Despite this, at the start of the following year – Quintus Servilius Ahala and Lucius Genucius Aventinensis were elected as consuls, both for the second time – Lucius Manlius Capitolinus Imperiosus was indicted by Marcus Pomponius, a plebeian tribune. Manlius was despised for his harshness in the drafts, which extended beyond fining citizens to physically harming them. Those who didn't respond to their names were either beaten with rods or thrown into prison. His cruel disposition was even more detestable, as was his self-given nickname of Imperiosus, which was offensive to a free state. He flaunted his cruelty, which he used on relatives and his own family just as he did on strangers. Among other accusations, the plebeian tribune charged Manlius with banishing his own son from the City. His son, a young man who had committed no disgrace, was banned from his home, his household gods, the Forum, his friends, and the light of day. He sent him to what was essentially servile work in a prison or labor camp. There, the young man, son of a dictator and born into a high-ranking family, would learn through daily misery that he was the son of a truly imperious father. And for what crime? Because he wasn't eloquent or quick-witted. This natural shortcoming should have been treated with kindness by his father, if he had even a little humanity, instead of punishing him and, by persecuting him, making it all public. Even animals, if any of their offspring are malformed, don't neglect to care for and nurture them. By Hercules, Lucius Manlius compounded his son's misfortune with severity, further hindering his slow intellect. If there was even the smallest spark of natural talent in him, he snuffed it out by keeping him in a rustic life and in a coarse way of living among the cattle.

7.5 These accusations against Lucius Manlius enraged everyone, except for the young man himself. In fact, he was upset that he was the cause of public hatred and charges against his father. He wanted everyone, gods and men, to know that he would rather help his father than his enemies. So, he made a plan that showed his rough and rural mindset. It wasn't a civilized example, but it was admirable for its devotion to his father. He secretly armed himself with a knife and went early in the morning to the City, directly to the house of Marcus Pomponius, the plebeian tribune. He told the doorman that he needed to see his master right away and asked him to announce that he was Titus Manlius, son of Lucius. He was let in immediately, as they thought the young man would be angry at his father and had brought some new accusation or plan to deal with the matter. After greeting each other, he said that he had some private matters to discuss. After everyone else was asked to leave, he pulled out his dagger. Standing over the bed with his dagger pointed at the plebeian tribune, he threatened to kill him right then and there unless he swore, in the words he would dictate, that he never would hold a meeting of the plebeians for the purpose of prosecuting his father. The tribune was scared, seeing the shining steel before his eyes, knowing that he was alone and unarmed. The other man was young, strong, and terrifyingly fierce in his physical strength. Accordingly, he swore, just as he was ordered, and later admitted that this act made him abandon his plan. Even though the plebeians were upset that they wouldn't have the chance to vote against such a cruel and tyrannical offender, they were all the more impressed that the son had dared to act so bravely for his father. It was even more admirable that the father's harshness hadn't lessened the boy's love for him. Therefore, not only was the father's trial waived, but the incident also brought honor to the young man. That year, it was decided for the first time that military tribunes for the legions would be elected by a vote of the people. Before that, the commanders used to appoint them, as they now do today, and they're called Rufuli. The young Titus Manlius got the second place among six, without any civil or military achievements to win public favor, as he had spent his youth in the countryside, away from the world.

7.6 In the same year, either by an earthquake or some other powerful force, it's said that the center of the Forum collapsed into a deep hole of an immense height. Despite everyone's best efforts, the pit couldn't be filled by each man simply throwing dirt into it. The gods were consulted, [as they believed it to be an admonition], and a question was asked about what it was that constituted the chief strength of the Roman people.  A soothsayer sang that the answer to this question must be sacrificed on that spot if they wished the Roman Republic to last forever. Then it's said that Marcus Curtius, a young man known for his bravery in battle, chastised the people for their hesitation, arguing that there was nothing more Roman than weapons and courage. After he made his point, he called for silence and looked toward the temples of the immortal gods overlooking the Forum and to the Capitoline Hill. He stretched out his hands toward the heavens, then down to the gaping earth as if to the gods and spirits, then dedicated himself to death. Fully armored and riding a beautifully adorned horse, Marcus Curtius then plunged into the hole. Gifts and offerings of fruits were thrown into the hole after him by a multitude of men and women. The lake that formed was named Curtian Lake. Some say the lake wasn't actually named after the ancient soldier, Curtius Mettius, a soldier of Titus Tatius in earlier times, but after this particular event. If there were a way to find the truth, people wouldn't hesitate to use it. However, as time passes, it becomes harder to find concrete evidence, so we must rely on tradition. This newer tale has made the lake even more famous. After this extraordinary development, the Senate turned its attention to the Hernicians. They sent fetial priests to demand restitution, but their efforts were in vain. The Senate decided, at the earliest possible day, to propose to the people a declaration of war against the Hernicians. The people, in full assembly, agreed. The Hernicians were assigned to Consul Lucius Genucius by lot. The City was anxious because Genucius was the first plebeian consul to lead a war under his own auspices. The success or failure of this endeavor would determine whether it was a good idea to share the consulship between the patricians and the plebeians. Genucius set off with a great force but, unfortunately, they were ambushed by the enemy. The legions panicked and fled, leaving Genucius to be surrounded and slain by an enemy that was unaware of whom they'd killed. When this news reached Rome, the patricians weren't as upset about the public disaster as they were angry about the failure of the plebeian consul's leadership. They filled the City with their taunts. Let them elect consuls from the plebeians! Let them move the auspices to where it's sacrilegious to do so! The patricians had their honors taken away by appointing a consul from the plebeian class by a plebiscite, a plebeian law. Did this inauspicious law also work against the immortal gods? The patricians' divine authority and auspices has been tainted by the actions of someone who had neither the right nor the authority. The destruction of the army and its leader was a mere warning that elections should be conducted without violating the Law of Nations. The Senate and the Forum echoed with these words. Appius Claudius, who had opposed the law before, now, with greater authority, criticized it more vehemently. He was thus appointed Dictator by Consul Servilius with the consent of the patricians. A draft and a cessation of business were proclaimed.

7.7 Before the Dictator and his new legions could reach the Hernicians, Gaius Sulpicius, Consul Genucius' lieutenant-general, seized a favorable opportunity when the Hernicians, confident after the death of Consul Genucius, approached the Roman camp expecting to capture it. Rallied by Lieutenant-General Sulpicius, the Roman soldiers, filled with anger and indignation, launched a counterattack. The Hernicians, losing any hope of reaching the Roman rampart, were taken aback and retreated in confusion. Upon Dictator Servilius' arrival, the new army merged with the old, doubling their forces. In an assembly, the Dictator publicly praised the lieutenant-general, legates, and the soldiers who had bravely defended the camp. This not only boosted the morale of those who were praised but also motivated others to display similar bravery. The Hernicians also prepared with equal determination. Remembering their past victories and aware of the increased strength of the Romans, they also increased their forces. All Hernicians of military age were summoned. Eight cohorts, each consisting of 400 men, were formed from their strongest men. They inspired them with hope and courage, promising them double pay and exempting them from military tasks so they could focus solely on fighting and putting in more effort than ordinary men. Finally, they were positioned prominently on the battlefield outside the line to make their bravery more conspicuous. A two-mile wide plain separated the Roman camp from the Hernicians. The battle took place in the middle of this plain, with equal distances on both sides. Initially, the outcome of the fight was uncertain. The Roman cavalry tried multiple times to break the enemy's line but failed. After consulting the Dictator and getting his approval, the cavalry left their horses behind and, with a great shout in front of the standards, charged forward on foot to start the battle anew. They would have been unstoppable if not for the extraordinary cohorts of the Hernicians, who were equally strong in body and spirit, and stood in their way.

7.8 The struggle was thus fought between the best of both nations. Whatever casualties Mars took from either side, the loss was far greater than what was expected: the soldiers, armed for battle, seemed to have entrusted the fight to their leaders, basing their own success on the courage of others. Many were killed on both sides; even more were injured. Eventually, the cavalry started criticizing each other, questioning what there was left to do. If they hadn't made a dent in the enemy while on horseback, nor as foot soldiers, had they accomplished anything significant? What third method of combat were they waiting for? Why had they so aggressively charged ahead of the line, and fought in a position not meant for them? Stirred by these mutual rebukes, they renewed their battle cry and pushed forward; first, they caused the enemy to take a step back, then pushed them back, and at last the enemy finally turned and ran. It's difficult to pinpoint what factor tipped the scales in such an evenly matched strength; perhaps the consistent luck of both peoples might have either boosted or dampened their morale. The Romans chased the fleeing Hernicians to their camp; they refrained from attacking the camp due to the late hour. Dictator Servilius was delayed in giving the signal to attack because the sacrifices hadn't been completed successfully, which extended the battle into the night. The next day, the Hernicians' camp was found abandoned, with some injured men left behind in their deserted flight. A line of the fleeing Hernicians was attacked by the people of Signia, as their standards were spotted passing by their walls. The Signians chased them, and they were scattered across the countryside in hasty retreat. The victory wasn't without cost to the Romans. A quarter of the soldiers were killed and, in a similar vein of loss, several Roman cavalrymen fell.

7.9 The next year, Gaius Sulpicius Peticus and Gaius Licinius Calvus were named consuls and led an army against the Hernicians. They found no enemy in the country and took their city of Ferentinum by force. On their return, the city of Tibur closed their gates to them. There had been many complaints on both sides before this, but this was the final straw that led to war being declared against the Tiburtines after several incidents required restitution demanded through fetials. It's well known that Titus Quinctius Poenus was the Dictator that year, and Servius Cornelius Maluginensis was his Master of the Horse. Licinius Macer writes that Consul Gaius Licinius named him as Dictator in order to hold the elections. This was done to block Consul Licinius' own colleague, Consul Sulpicius, from prioritizing his own election over the war. Consul Sulpicius was eager to get re-elected and continue his consulship. This ambition needed to be checked. However, the praises he showers upon his own family makes Licinius' authority less credible. As I find no mention of this in the older annals, I'm inclined to believe that the Dictator was appointed because of a war with the Gauls. It's certain in that year, the Gauls set up their camp at the third milestone on the Salarian road, on the far side of the bridge over the Anio River. Dictator Poenus, after declaring a halt to civil business due to the Gauls' unrest, made all the younger men of draft age swear a military oath. He then left the City with a large army and set up his camp on the near bank of the Anio River. The bridge was between the two armies, and neither side tried to destroy it, as it would show fear. There were frequent fights for control of the bridge, but it was unclear who was in control, as the advantage was so uncertain. Then a Gaul of extraordinary size stepped onto the empty bridge and shouted as loudly as he could, "Let the bravest man that Rome has come forward to fight, so that a battle between us can show which nation is better at war."

7.10 For a long time, the leading Roman youths remained silent. They felt conflicted, not wanting to shy away from the challenge, but also not wanting to put themselves in such a dangerous position. Then, Titus Manlius, son of Lucius, stepped forward. He was the same man who had saved his father from the relentless harassment of the tribune. He approached the dictator and said, "General, without your orders, I would never fight out of turn, not even if I saw victory ahead. If you allow me, I want to prove to that beast, who is arrogantly dancing in front of the enemy's standards, that I come from the family that hurled a column of Gauls from the Tarpeian Rock." Dictator Poenus responded, "Titus Manlius, may you be successful in your bravery and your loyalty to your father and your country. Go ahead, and with the help of the gods, uphold the invincibility of the Roman name." His friends then armed the young man. He took an infantryman's shield and strapped on a short Spanish sword, suitable for close fighting. Once he was armed and ready, they led him out to face the armed and adorned Gaul, who was displaying a foolish sense of triumph and, as the ancients thought noteworthy to mention, sticking out his tongue in mockery. The others then returned to their positions, leaving the two armed men in the middle, more like gladiators than soldiers. They weren't evenly matched, at least not to those who were judging by appearances. The Gaul was enormous, his body resplendent in multicolored clothing with painted armor and shining gold-inlaid weapons. The Roman, on the other hand, was of average military height, like most soldiers, and his demeanor was unassuming. His weapons were practical, not flashy. There was no singing, strutting, or waving around his weapons from the Roman, only a heart of silent rage and resolve; he had saved his ferocity for the fight. When they stood between the two armies, with so many thousands of onlookers watching them with mix of anxious hope and fear, the Gaul, looming like a mountain, swung his shield forward with his left hand and vainly slashed his sword against the Roman's armor with a tremendous crash, but it had no effect. The Roman, lifting his sword, hit the lower edge of the Gaul's shield with his own shield, pushing it out of the way. He moved in close, so that none of his body was exposed, and wedged himself between the Gaul's arms and his body. With one thrust after another, he stabbed the Gaul's stomach and groin. The Gaul fell headfirst to the ground, stretching out over a great space. He left the body of the fallen Gaul untouched other than to take the torc [neck collar]. Though it was covered in blood, Titus Manlius put the torc around his own neck. The Gauls were frozen, both in fear and in admiration. The Romans, eager to meet their soldier from their post, ran forward to greet their champion, praising him and congratulating him as they led him back to the Dictator. Amid rough soldierly chants, he was given the name Torquatus. This name was passed down and celebrated as an honor to his family. The Dictator gave him a golden chaplet as a gift and, in front of a public assembly, loudly praised his actions.

7.11 And, by Hercules, that fight was of such great importance to the whole war that the army of the Gauls abandoned their camp in a state of panic during the night, retreating into the territory of Tibur. There, they formed an alliance of war with the Tiburtines, who supplied them with generous provisions before they crossed into Campania. This was the reason why, during the following year, Consul Gaius Poetelius Balbus led an army against the Tiburtines, by order of the people, when the province of the Hernicians had fallen to his colleague, Consul Marcus Fabius Ambustus, To aid their Tiburtine allies, the Gauls then returned from Campania, causing cruel destruction in the Labican, Tusculan, and Alban territories. Despite the state being content with a consul leading the fight against Tibur, the threat posed by the Gauls necessitated the appointment of a dictator. Quintus Servilius Ahala was appointed and named Titus Quinctius as Master of the Horse. With the Senate's approval, he vowed to hold Great Games if the war ended favorably. The Dictator ordered Consul Poetelius' army to remain in the Tibur area and continue his war. He then compelled all the younger men to take the oath of military service, none of whom refused. A battle with the Gauls took place near the Colline Gate with the full strength of the city in full view of the soldiers' parents, spouses and children. The soldiers' loved ones were a great source of encouragement to the spirit when far away, but now, in front of their eyes, they set the soldiers on fire with a sense of honor and compassion for their vulnerability. The slaughter was great on both sides, but the Gallic line finally broke. They attempted to retreat to the city of Tibur, the source of their main support, but were intercepted by Consul Poetelius not far from the city. When the Tiburtines ran out to try to assist the Gauls, both armies were driven back inside their gates. Both Dictator Servilius Ahala and Consul Poetelius handled the situation with the Gauls and Tibur exceptionally well. The other consul, Fabius Ambustus, initially engaged in minor skirmishes, but eventually defeated the Hernicians in a single battle when the Romans attacked with their full force. The Dictator praised the consuls in the Senate and before the people, attributing his own achievements to them, and then resigned his dictatorship. Consul Poetelius celebrated a double Triumph over the Gauls and Tibur, while Consul Fabius was content with a simple ovation upon entering the City. The Tiburtines mocked Poetelius' triumph, questioning where he had faced them in battle. They claimed that only a few of their people had ventured outside Tibur's gates to watch the Gauls' disarray and retreat. When they saw themselves being attacked and the indiscriminate slaughter going on, they retreated back into the city. If the Romans considered this worthy of a Triumph, they warned, they would soon see greater chaos at their own walls.

7.12 The following year, Marcus Popilius Laenas and Gnaeus Manlius Capitolinus Imperiosus were consuls. An army from the city of Tibur quietly traveled to Rome during the night. The suddenness of their arrival and the confusion of the night caused fear among the Romans, who were abruptly awakened from sleep. Many didn't know who the enemy was or where they had come from. However, a cry was quickly given to arms, and the Romans quickly armed themselves, posted guards at the gates, and secured the walls with troops. When daylight revealed a moderate force outside the walls and it was clear that the enemy was Tiburtine, the consuls exited out two gates, attacking the lines that were already approaching the walls. It was clear that the Tiburtines had relied more on the element of surprise than their bravery, as they barely withstood the first Roman charge. In fact, their arrival seemed to benefit the Romans because the shared fear of war quelled an emerging flareup between the patricians and plebeians. Another enemy invasion caused more fear in the countryside than in the City. Soldiers from Tarquinii ravaged the Roman territory, particularly where they bordered the Etruscan territory. When they refused to make restitution, the new consuls, Gnaeus Fabius Ambustus and Gaius Plautius Proculus, declared war on them by order of the people. Consul Fabius was assigned to this province, and Consul Plautius was assigned the Hernicians. There were also rumors of a Gallic war. However, the Romans found some comfort in a peace treaty with the Latins. The Latins also provided a significant number of soldiers in accordance with an old treaty which had not been observed for many years. With this support, the Romans were less concerned about the news confirming that the Gauls had reached Praeneste and were camped near Pedum. It was decided that Gaius Sulpicius should be appointed Dictator. Consul Gaius Plautius nominated him, and Marcus Valerius was assigned as his Master of the Horse. They selected the best soldiers from the two consular armies to fight the Gauls. This war was longer and less satisfying than either side would have liked. Initially, only the Gauls wanted to fight, but the Roman soldiers soon surpassed them in their eagerness to fight. The Dictator, however, was in no rush to risk battling an enemy who would naturally weaken over time due to their location, the weather, the lack of good defenses, and lack of food. He also knew that the Gauls' strength lay in quick action, which would diminish with time. Knowing the situation at hand, he thus decided to drag out the war and he threatened severe punishment to anyone who fought without orders. The soldiers were reluctant to accept this. At first, they began to talk about the Dictator in their talks at the posts and watches, sometimes voicing their anger at the Senate for not allowing the war to be led by the consuls. They complained that an excellent commander had been chosen, but that he believed victory would fall from the sky into his lap without him doing anything. The men continued openly expressing their dissatisfaction during the day. As the debate became more heated, they threatened to fight without orders or to march back to Rome all together. The centurions also began to mingle with the soldiers, and their complaints were heard not only in their own quarters but also in the main camps and at the general's tent. The crowd grew to the size of an assembly, shouting that they should go immediately to the Dictator and that Sextus Tullius should speak on behalf of the army, being a man of virtue and courage.

7.13 Sextus Tullius, now serving for the seventh time as senior centurion of a legion [primus pilus] was the most highly distinguished among the infantry for his service. He led a group of soldiers to the tribunal and addressed Dictator Sulpicius, who was surprised not only at the crowd but at Tullius, who was the most obedient to the Dictator's commands. Tullius spoke: "If it be permitted, Dictator, the entire army feels that you have accused them of cowardice and stripped them of their arms as a form of humiliation without being allowed to fight. They have asked me to represent them before you." "If we had abandoned our post, retreated from the enemy, or lost our standards in a shameful manner, I would still argue that we deserve the chance to make amends through bravery and to erase the memory of our disgrace with newfound glory. Even the legions defeated at Allia managed to reclaim the same land they lost in a panic by demonstrating their courage when they left Veii. By the kindness of the gods, your good fortune, and that of the Roman people, our cause and our glory remain intact." "However, I hesitate to mention glory, as the enemy mocks us as if we're women hiding behind a rampart. But what hurts us more is that, you, our general, seem to view your army as spiritless, unarmed, and incompetent. Without testing us, you have given up on us, treating us as if we're crippled and incapacitated. We can only assume that this is why you, a seasoned and brave general, appear to be idle. Regardless, it's better for you to question our courage than for us to question yours. If this strategy isn't your own but if it's a policy of the state or a plot by the patricians which is keeping us exiled from the City and our homes, I ask you to consider my words as coming not from soldiers to their general, but by the plebeians to the patricians. Just as patricians will tell you that they have their own plans, so too do we have ours. Who can blame us? We consider ourselves soldiers, not slaves, and we see ourselves as men sent to war, not into exile. We're ready to fight like true Romans if given the signal and led into battle."  "If there is no need for arms, we would rather spend our idle time in Rome than in a camp. Let these things be told to the senators. As your soldiers, we beg you, general, to give us a chance to fight. We want to win, and we want to win with you as our leader. We want to win the distinguished laurel for you, to enter the City in Triumph with you, following your chariot, and to approach the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus while celebrating your victory." The crowd echoed Tullius's plea, urging Dictator Sulpicius to give the signal and order them to take up arms.

7.14 Although the Dictator believed that Tullius meant well and had a good cause, he feared that it set a dangerous precedent. Nevertheless, he decided to act according to the soldiers' desires. He privately asked Tullius what the matter was and how did it come about. Tullius earnestly asked the Dictator not to think that he had forgotten military discipline, his own identity, or the respect he owed to his commander. He chose to lead the agitated crowd, who often mirror their instigators, to prevent someone else from stepping forward which such crowds are prone to elect. He wouldn't act without his commander's orders, but he also understood that a dictator must ensure that the army remains obedient. Such agitated minds can't be placated: they'll choose their own time and place to fight if they aren't led by the commander. As they were discussing this, two Roman soldiers took some grazing cattle near a rampart while some Gauls were driving them away. This led to the Gauls throwing stones at them. Shouting broke out from the nearest Roman post, and several people rushed forward from both sides. The situation was close to escalating into a full-blown battle, but the centurions quickly intervened and stopped the conflict. This incident confirmed Tullius's words to Dictator Sulpicius, and with no time to waste, a proclamation was issued that they would fight the next day. The Dictator, relying more on his soldiers' bravery than their numbers, started to think of a way to intimidate the enemy. He came up with a clever plan, which many generals from our own (as well as other nations) have since adopted, some even in our own time. He ordered the packs on the mules to be removed, leaving only two blankets, and then mounted the mule drivers, arming them with weapons either from the sick or from the captive prisoners. With about a thousand of these men on mules he then mixed in a hundred cavalry. He ordered them to ascend the mountain above the camp during the night, hide in the woods, and stay there until he gave them a signal. As soon as day broke, he began to extend his line of regular troops along the base of the mountain, specifically so that the enemy would be facing the mountains. His plan was to instill fear in the Gauls, and this would prove almost more useful than actual strength. At first, the Gallic leaders believed that the Romans wouldn't come down to the plains for battle. However, when the Gauls saw that they had suddenly begun to descend from the mountain, they were so eager to fight that they rushed forward and began the battle before their leaders could give the signal.

7.15 The right wing of the Gauls launched an attack so fierce that, if Dictator Sextus hadn't been present, the Romans might not have been able to withstand the assault. The Dictator called out to Sextus Tullius by name, chiding him if this was how he had promised the soldiers would fight? Where were the loud demands for weapons now? Where were the threats of starting the battle without the general's orders? Here was the general himself calling them to battle, advancing, armed, before the first standards! Would any of those who were supposed to lead now follow him? They were bold in the camp, but cowards on the battlefield. The soldiers knew these words were true. Out of shame, they charged at the enemy, forgetting their fear. This sudden, almost mad, attack threw the enemy into chaos. The cavalry then charged at the disoriented enemy, causing them to retreat. Seeing the Gallic line falter on the right, the Dictator moved some troops to the left wing where he saw a large group of the enemy advancing. He then gave the agreed-upon signal to those on the mountain. A new battle cry erupted from that direction, and the Romans on the mountain then appeared to be descending, moving toward the Gallic camp. The Gauls, fearing they would be cut off, retreated toward their camp in total panic. Marcus Valerius, the Master of the Horse, had been riding behind enemy fortifications after he had scattered their right wing, and met them. The Gauls then turned and scattered in chaos to the mountains and woods. Many of them were caught by the mule riders masquerading as cavalry. Those who had fled in panic into the woods were slaughtered after the battle had ended. Not since Camillus had anyone achieved such a complete victory over the Gauls as had Dictator Gaius Sulpicius, who entered Rome in a Triumph. He also dedicated a considerable amount of gold taken from Gallic spoils, which he had enclosed in a square carved stone, on the Capitoline Hill. That same year, the consuls also fought with varying degrees of success. Consul Gnaeus Plautius defeated and subdued the Hernicians. His colleague Consul Fabius, however, fought imprudently and ill-advisedly against the Tarquinians. The Roman losses on the battlefield weren't as significant as the capture and sacrificial execution of three hundred and seven Roman soldiers, prisoners of the Tarquinians. It was an act so vile that it brought even more shame to the Roman people because of its horrific cruelty. Additionally, the Roman territory was ravaged by the Privernates and later by soldiers from Velitrae. That same year, two tribes, the Pomptina and the Publilia, were added. The Great Games that Marcus Furius had promised during his dictatorship were held. For the first time, a proposal was made to the people about election bribery by Gaius Poetelius, a plebeian tribune, with the Senate's approval. This bill was seen as a way to curb the ambition of "new men" who were known to frequent markets and meeting places to win favor.

7.16 In the following year, a law was passed that wasn't well-received by the patricians during the consulship of Gaius Marcius Rutilus, a plebeian, and Gnaeus Manlius Capitolinus. Enacted by Marcus Duilius and Lucius Maenius, plebeian tribunes, the law concerned a reduction of loan interest rates to twelve percent, and the people passed it with great enthusiasm. In addition to the wars decided upon the previous year, the Faliscans rose up and emerged as new enemies. They were charged with two offenses. First, that their young people had joined forces with the Tarquinians, and second, because they had refused to return those Romans who had fled to Falerii after the Tarquinians were defeated, despite the demands of the Roman fetials. Consul Gnaeus Manlius was assigned to deal with the Faliscans, while Consul Marcius led the army into the territory of Privernum. This area had been left alone due to a long period of peace, and the soldiers were able to gather a lot of loot. Marcius added to his popularity by not setting anything aside for the treasury, instead allowing the soldiers to use it to build their own private fortunes. When the Privernates positioned themselves in a well-defended camp in front of their own walls, Consul Marcius called the soldiers to an assembly. "I now give to you the camp and city of the enemy for plunder, if you promise me that you'll fight bravely and that you aren't more prepared for plunder than for fighting." The soldiers responded with loud cries for the signal and, filled with confidence, they went into battle ferociously. Sextus Tullius, the first centurion who has been mentioned before, led the charge in front of the standards, crying out to Consul Marcius, "Look, general, and see how your army keeps the promises it gave you!" He discarded his spear and, taking his sword in hand, charged at the enemy. All of the front-line soldiers followed Tullius and at the first attack quickly put the enemy to flight. They pursued the fleeing enemy to the town where the Romans had already raised the ladders and were about to scale the walls. The city immediately surrendered. A Triumph was held over the Privernates. Consul Manlius didn't achieve much of note, except to set a precedent by passing a new law at the camp at Sutrium regarding charging a tax of one-twentieth of the value of those set free from slavery by their former owners. This law added a significant amount of revenue to the treasury, which was running low, and was approved by the Senate. However, the plebeian tribunes, more concerned about the precedent than the law itself, passed a law making it a capital offense for anyone to summon an assembly of the people away from the City. If this was allowed, they feared, soldiers away at war who had sworn allegiance to their consul could enact any law, no matter how harmful to the people, if it were permitted. That same year, Gaius Licinius Stolo was prosecuted under his own law and was fined ten thousand aes rude by Marcus Popilius Laenas. This was because Licinius owned one thousand jugera of land with his son and had tried to evade the law by emancipating his son.

7.17 The next year, Marcus Fabius Ambustus was elected consul for the second time, and Marcus Popilius Laenas, also for the second time. They faced two wars. The first was a conflict with the Tiburtines and it was straightforward, which Consul Laenas easily handled. He drove the enemy back into their city and destroyed their lands. However, the other war was more serious, in which the Faliscans and Tarquinians defeated Consul Fabius at the start of the battle. Here, the Roman troops panicked after seeing an unusual spectacle: enemy priests rushing toward them carrying flaming torches and holding out snakes before them. Their unusual appearance unsettled the soldiers who, stunned and astonished, retreated back to their fortifications in a panicked procession. When the consul, legates, and tribunes began to mock and scold them for being scared like children by empty superstitions, shame suddenly changed their minds. They charged blindly at the very things they had run from. Having thus scattered the enemy's trick of torches and snakes, they attacked those who were armed, breaking the enemy line. They also took control of the enemy's camp that day, and having obtained a lot of spoils, they returned victorious, making jokes about the enemy's trick and their own panic. After this, the entire Etruscan nation was stirred up and, with the Tarquinians and Faliscans as leaders, they came to Salinae. In response, Gaius Marcius Rutilus was appointed Dictator, the first plebeian to hold this position. He named Gaius Plautius Proculus, also a plebeian, as Master of the Horse. The patricians saw this as an insult, that the dictatorship was now open to the plebeians, and they did everything they could to prevent the Dictator from getting the resources or orders needed to carry out the war. The people, however, in their enthusiasm, voted promptly to what was proposed by Dictator Rutilus. He left the City, moving along both sides of the Tiber River and transported his army on rafts wherever he had information about the enemy. He caught many of the raiders off-guard, as they wandered around in scattered groups destroying the lands. He also captured their camp in a surprise attack. With eight thousand of the enemy taken prisoner, and the rest either killed or driven out of Roman territory, he celebrated a Triumph by order of the people, without the approval of the Senate. The Senate didn't want the consular elections to be held by a plebeian dictator or a plebeian consul, and since Consul Fabius was held up by his war, the situation led to an interregnum. There were then successive interreges: Quintus Servilius Ahala, Marcus Fabius, Gnaeus Manlius, Gaius Fabius, Gaius Sulpicius, Lucius Aemilius, Quintus Servilius, and Marcus Fabius Ambustus. In the second interregnum, a dispute arose because two patrician consuls were selected. The plebeian tribunes tried to veto it but Fabius, the interrex, said that according to the Twelve Tables, whatever the people had last ordered would be considered a valid and binding law; thus, the people's votes were to be observed. Since the plebeian tribunes could do no more than delay the elections, two patricians chosen as consuls: Gaius Sulpicius Peticus, for the third time, and Marcus Valerius Publicola. They took office that same day.

7.18 In the four hundredth year since Rome was founded, and thirty-five years after it was reclaimed from the Gauls, the consulship was taken back from the plebeians in the eleventh year after they had first taken it. Two patrician consuls, Gaius Sulpicius Peticus for the third time and Marcus Valerius Publicola, took office after the interregnum. That year, the city of Empulum was taken from the Tiburtines in an unmemorable battle. Some say the war was under the auspices of the two consuls, while others believe the Tarquinians' lands were destroyed by Consul Sulpicius at the same time Consul Valerius led troops against the Tiburtines. At home, the consuls were in greater conflict with the plebeians and plebeian tribunes. The patricians felt it was not only honor but courage that the consulship was now held by two patricians and should only be passed on to two patricians. They believed that either they must give up the consulship entirely, now that it had been won by the plebeians, or that the patricians must retain it fully and undivided, which they had received unimpaired from their ancestors. The plebeians, on the other hand, protested angrily. Why should they live? Why were they considered citizens if they couldn't attain what was achieved by the virtue of two men, Lucius Sextius and Gaius Licinius? They would rather suffer under kings, decemvirs, or any other harsher form of government than to see both consuls as patricians. The balance of power, they said, was lost with one part of the citizenry set in eternal domination, while the plebeians were seen as born only to serve them. The plebeian tribunes didn't hold back in stirring up trouble, though in the chaos few stood out as leaders. After several unsuccessful attempts to gather at the Campus Martius to hold elections and many days interrupted with unrest, the consuls' perseverance in defeating the people so greatly increased their grief that the plebeian tribunes cried out that their liberty was lost, and they must abandon not only the Campus Martius but the City, which they felt was held captive by the patricians' tyranny. The plebeians then mournfully followed the plebeian tribunes out of the Campus Martius. Despite being abandoned by the majority of the people, the consuls quickly completed the election. Both elected consuls were patricians: Marcus Fabius Ambustus for the third time and Titus Quinctius Poenus, also for the third time. Some records mention Marcus Popilius as consul instead of Titus Quinctius.

7.19 Two successful wars were carried out this year, leading to the surrender of the Tarquinians and the Tiburtines through military force. The city of Sassula was captured from them, and the rest of the towns would have also been taken if the entire nation hadn't surrendered their weapons and sought the protection of the consuls. The consul was granted a Triumph over the Tiburtines, but the victory was otherwise mild. The Tarquinians, however, faced harsh treatment. Many were killed in battle, and out of a vast number of prisoners, three hundred fifty-eight of the highest rank were chosen to be sent to Rome. The remaining crowd was killed. The people in Rome showed no mercy to those who had been sent there. They were all beaten with rods and beheaded in the center of the Forum. This was the punishment for the enemy's massacre of Romans in the forum of Tarquinii. The victories in war led the Samnites to seek friendship with Rome. The Senate responded kindly to their ambassadors and accepted them into an alliance through a treaty. The Roman plebeians didn't have the same success at home as they did in war. Even though the burden of interest had been lessened by setting the rate at one-twelfth monthly, the poor were crushed by just the principal alone and were forced into slavery. As such, the plebeians paid little attention to the fact that both consuls were patricians or to the management of the elections or other public affairs due to their personal hardships. Both consulships remained with the patricians. The appointed consuls were Gaius Sulpicius Peticus for the fourth time and Marcus Valerius Publicola for the second time. While the City was preoccupied with the Etruscan war, rumors spread that the people of Caere had sided with the Tarquinians out of sympathy due to their kinship. Ambassadors from the Latins redirected their focus to the Volscians, reporting that a drafted and fully armed army was about to attack their borders and then invade Roman territory to cause destruction. The Senate decided that neither issue should be ignored. They ordered that troops be raised for both purposes and that the consuls should draw lots for the provinces. But the Etruscan war became their chief concern after receiving a letter from Consul Sulpicius, who had been assigned to the province of Tarquinii. The letter revealed that the land around the Roman salt marshes had been devastated, and part of the loot had been taken into the borders of Caere, with the youth of Caere among the looters. Accordingly, the Senate ordered Consul Valerius, who was fighting the Volscians and had his camp on the borders of Tusculum, to be recalled and to appoint a dictator. He appointed Titus Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus, son of Lucius. After appointing Aulus Cornelius Cossus Arvina as his Master of the Horse, and satisfied with the consular army, Dictator Manlius declared war against Caere by the order of the people and with the approval of the Senate.

7.20 It was then that people of Caere were struck with the realities of war for the first time, as if the Roman declaration held more weight than those who had incited them through their plundering. They realized that their strength wasn't equal to the Romans and bitterly regretted the raid, cursing the Tarquinians for instigating the entire revolt. No one thought of preparing for war; instead, everyone strongly suggested sending ambassadors to beg forgiveness for their mistake. When their ambassadors approached the Senate, they were rejected by the Senate and directed to the people. Calling on the gods whose sacred emblems they had received and religiously protected in the Gallic war, they asked them to show the same mercy upon the people of Caere as they had on the Romans when the Roman people were in distress. Then, turning to the Temple of Vesta, they invoked the hospitality and reverence they had shown to the flamens and Vestal Virgins: "Can anyone believe that people like us, who had deserved so well from the Romans, have suddenly become enemies without reason? Or, if we have acted in a hostile way, that we would have done so intentionally, rather than out of a mistake made in a moment of distress? Would we forget our former good deeds, entrusted to so grateful a people, and then choose to make an enemy of the Roman people? Would we make an enemy of people now in a prosperous state and successful in war, whose friendship we had sought when we were adversaries? It was not a deliberate choice. Rather, it was done through force and necessity." "The Tarquinians, passing through our territory with a hostile army, had asked for nothing except to pass by. Along the way, they drew in peasants to join them in raiding, which was then blamed on Caere. We are ready to hand these men over, if it pleases the Romans to do so, or we will punish them, if they wish. Let Caere, the sanctuary of the Roman people, the protector of its priests, the keeper of Rome's sacred items, remain untouched and undefiled by the guilt of war. Let it remain as a place of hospitality shown to the Vestal Virgins, and the reverence paid to their gods." The Roman people were not influenced as much by the current situation, but by the longstanding merit of Caere, so they chose to remember the kindness and forget the harm. Peace was therefore granted to the people of Caere, and it was decided that a truce for one hundred years be granted and it was inscribed in bronze. The war was then directed against the Faliscans, who were implicated in the same charge, but the enemy was nowhere to be found. Although their territories were ravaged in all directions, the Romans refrained from besieging their towns. The legions were brought back to Rome and the remainder of the year was spent in repairing the City's walls and towers. The Temple of Apollo was also dedicated.

7.21 At the end of the year, a disagreement between the patricians and the plebeians halted the election of consuls. The plebeian tribunes wouldn't permit the elections unless they complied with the Licinian Law. Dictator Manlius was resolved to eliminate the consulate from the state entirely rather than make it accessible to both the patricians and the plebeians. As a result, when the elections were repeatedly postponed and the Dictator resigned, an interregnum occurred. The plebeians, now openly hostile to the patricians, resisted through a succession of eleven interreges, each marked by further disorder. Plebeian tribunes invoked the Licinian Law to defend the plebeians, but the plebeians were increasingly burdened by debt and their personal issues took precedence over public disputes. The senators, tired of the conflict, instructed Lucius Cornelius Scipio, the interrex, to respect the Licinian Law in consular elections, for the sake of peace. Thus, the consuls were chosen: a plebeian, Gaius Marcius Rutilus, and a patrician, Publius Valerius Publicola. Once harmony was restored, the new consuls addressed the issue of debt, which was hindering unity. They made debt repayment a public responsibility and appointed five men, known as Bankers [mensarii, "financial commissioners"], to manage the money. These were so distinguished by their fairness and care that their names have been honored in all records of history. They were Gaius Duillius, Publius Decius Mus, Marcus Papirius, Quintus Publilius, and Titus Aemilius. They managed a task that was very difficult to negotiate, and often an unpleasant burden to one or both parties. They handled it with moderation, careful to expend without throwing away public funds. The problem was the slow and passive nature of the debtors rather than their lack of wealth. The bankers either paid off some debts directly using money at banking tables they had set out in the Forum, so that people would be immediately protected, or they cleared other debts by valuing the debtor's property at fair prices to pay them off. This process cleared a significant amount of debt without causing harm or complaints from either party. The immense burden of debt was then exhausted. Following this, a baseless fear of an Etruscan war arose due to rumors of a conspiracy among the twelve Etruscan states. This led to the appointment of a Dictator, Gaius Julius, who was nominated in the camp following a decree from the Senate sent to the consuls. Lucius Aemilius was appointed as his Master of the Horse. However, all was calm abroad.

7.22 This year, the Dictator attempted to obtain the return of two patricians to both consulships, which led the government into an interregnum. The two interreges, Gaius Sulpicius Peticus and Marcus Fabius, succeeded in what the Dictator couldn't, in that they had both consuls elected from the among the patricians. This was only possible because the people were somewhat appeased due to the relief they had received from their debts. The elected individuals were Gaius Sulpicius Peticus, who had stepped down as interrex, and Titus Quinctius Poenus. Some people refer to Quinctius as Caeso, while others call him Gaius. Both consuls went to out war, Consul Quinctius to the Faliscans and Consul Sulpicius to the Tarquinians. The enemy didn't confront them directly, so they waged war more against the land than the people, causing destruction and devastation. The obstinacy of both peoples finally weakened to the point where they sought a truce, first from the consuls, then, with their permission, from the Senate. They were granted a truce for forty years. With the threat of the two wars removed, it was decided during this period of peace to conduct a census, as the debt repayment had resulted in a change of property ownership. However, when the assembly was called to elect censors, Gaius Marcius Rutilus, the first plebeian to have served as dictator, announced his candidacy and it caused discord among the different orders. His timing seemed inappropriate since, at the time, both consuls were patricians who declared they wouldn't consider him. Despite this, Rutilus succeeded in his endeavor through his own determination, and with the help of the plebeian tribunes who were resolved to regain the right to hold offices that they had recently lost in the election of consuls. Not only was Rutilus' reputation equal to that of any honor, but he also gained the support of the people. As he had paved the way for a plebeian dictatorship, the plebeians now wanted to share in the censorship as well. The election results reflected this, and Marcius was elected censor alongside Manlius Naevius. That year also, Marcus Fabius Ambustus also served as Dictator, not due to any war threat, but to prevent the Licinian Law from being observed in the election of consuls. Quintus Servilius Ahala was appointed as the Master of the Horse to the Dictator. However, the dictatorship wasn't more effective in the consular elections than it had been in the censor elections.

7.23 Marcus Popilius Laenas was elected consul by the plebeians, while Lucius Cornelius Scipio was chosen by the patricians. The plebeian consul, Popilius, gained more recognition due to a twist of fate. When news arrived that a large army of Gauls had set up camp in Latin territory, Scipio fell seriously ill. By special arrangement, the responsibility of the Gallic war was given to Consul Popilius. He quickly raised an army, instructing the younger citizens to gather in arms outside the Capena Gate at the Temple of Mars. He also ordered the quaestors to bring the standards from the treasury there. After forming four legions, he assigned the remaining men to the praetor, Publius Valerius Publicola. He advised the Senate that they should raise another army as a backup for unexpected developments. Once he had made all necessary preparations, he marched toward the enemy. To gauge their strength before engaging in a pitched battle, he began constructing a rampart on a hill, the closest hill he could seize, near the Gauls' camp. The Gauls, a fierce and fearless people with a natural eagerness for battle, drew up its line of battle upon seeing the Roman standards from afar, ready to engage in battle. However, when they saw that the Romans weren't descending into the plain nor advancing and were not just protected by the high ground but also ramparts, they assumed the Romans were paralyzed with fear. They also assumed the Romans would be vulnerable by being so focused on their work. The Gauls charged uphill with a savage cry. The triarii, however, didn't stop their work and continued digging the trench. Protecting them in front of the ramparts were two lines of soldiers: a first line of hastati, armed with javelins, and a second line of principes, with sword and shield. They had been standing by, armed and alert, and immediately began the battle. Aside from Roman courage, the higher ground gave the Romans an advantage and ensured that their javelins didn't fall short, which is usually the case on level ground. Instead, thrown from above, the javelins struck the Gauls with deadly precision. The Gauls, trying to go uphill, were now weighed down either by the javelins that pierced their bodies or the shields that they carried, now pierced with javelins and making them too heavy to hold. As they neared the steep incline, they hesitated, then stopped. This pause weakened their resolve and boosted the Romans' morale. The Gauls were then driven back, falling over each other and causing a massacre on each other more hideous than the slaughter itself. More Gauls were crushed and killed in the headlong retreat than by the Roman sword.

7.24 The Romans still hadn't yet secured victory. Another mass of enemies remained on the field for those who had descended onto the plain. The Gauls, in their vast numbers, remained undeterred by the disaster they had just faced. They rallied fresh troops against the Romans, almost as if a new army had risen. The Romans halted their advance. They were weary and were facing another round of combat. Consul Popilius, while carelessly moving among the front lines, had been nearly killed when his shoulder was pierced by a Gallic spear, causing him to withdraw briefly from the battlefield. The delay almost let victory slip away from the Romans. However, the Consul, after having his wound bandaged, returned to the front lines: "Soldiers, why do you stand idle?" he shouted, "You aren't facing Latin or Sabine enemies, whom you can make an ally after defeating them. We're fighting against beasts. We must either shed their blood or give them ours. You have pushed them back from their camp, you have thrown them headlong down into the valley, you stand on the backs of your defeated enemies who are lying on the ground. Now fill the plains with the same slaughter as you have filled the mountains. Don't wait for them to flee, you, who are standing still; advance your standards, move against the enemy." Stirred by these words, the Romans pushed back the Gauls' front lines and broke through their center by forming wedges. The Gauls, now scattered and without proper command, turned their weapons on each other in confusion. They fled across the plains, past their own camp, and toward the citadel of Alba – the highest point they could see. Consul Popilius didn't chase them beyond the camp due to his injury and not wanting to risk his tired army against the enemy on the hills. He gave all the spoils of the camp to the soldiers and led his victorious and enriched army back to Rome. Consul Popilius' injury delayed the Triumph, and the Senate, due to the same reason, desired a dictator to hold the elections as both consuls were ill. Lucius Furius Camillus was nominated Dictator, with Publius Cornelius Scipio as his Master of the Horse. Dictator Furius restored the consulship to the patricians. For this service, Camillus was elected consul, with great zeal of the senators, and appointed Appius Claudius Crassus as his colleague.

7.25 Before the new consuls took office, Popilius celebrated a Triumph over the Gauls that was met with great applause from the plebeians, who whispered among themselves, asking whether anyone regretted voting for a plebeian consul. They also criticized Dictator Camillus, who had declared himself consul while he was dictator. This was his reward for his contempt of the Licinian Law. It was seen as more shameful for his personal ambition than for the harm done to the public. The year was marked by many disturbances. Gallic forces from the Alban mountains, unable to withstand the harsh winter, roamed the plains and coastal areas, causing destruction. Then, the sea was plagued by Greek fleets, particularly along the coast near Antium, Laurentium and the mouth of the Tiber. These were under constant threat. In an unusual encounter, the marauders of the sea and the raiders of the land clashed in a fierce battle, with the Gauls retreating to their camp and the Greeks to their ships, unsure if they were defeated or victorious. The greatest concern was the council of the Latin states held at the Ferentina Grove. When the Romans demanded soldiers from them, the Latins gave them a clear and defiant answer: stop giving orders to those they need help from. Moving forward, they would fight for their own freedom, not for the empire of another. The Senate was alarmed. They were now facing two foreign wars and the loss of their allies. Seeing that fear could contain those who were no longer held by loyalty, they ordered the consuls to use all their power to recruit soldiers for a huge draft. As their allies were abandoning them, they decided to rely on their own people for an army not just from the City but from the country youth as well. It's said that ten legions were recruited, each with four-thousand two-hundred infantry and three hundred horsemen. To raise a new army of this size today, one which the world could scarcely grasp, in order to defend against any aggression from abroad, couldn't easily be done. Our growth been strictly limited to only the things which we struggle against: wealth and luxury. In the midst of these troubling events, one of the consuls, Appius Claudius Crassus, died during the war preparations. All responsibility fell on Consul Camillus. It wasn't considered appropriate to appoint a dictator over him, either because of his high status or because his surname was seen as a good omen for a war against the Gauls. Consul Camillus placed two legions in charge of the city. He then divided the remaining eight with Praetor Lucius Pinarius. Remembering his father's bravery, the Consul chose to fight the Gauls himself without drawing lots. He ordered the praetor to protect the coast and drive the Greeks away from the shores. After moving into the Pomptine territory, Camillus chose not to fight on flat ground, as there was no need. He believed by preventing the Gauls from looting, since they lived off of their plunder, they would easily be worn down. He then chose a suitable location for a permanent camp.

7.26 While the soldiers on both sides were quietly passing time on guard duty, a Gaul, notable for his size and the look of his weapons, stepped forward. He struck his spear upon his shield and, after gaining silence, he issued a challenge through an interpreter. He challenged any Roman to come forward and fight him in hand-to-hand combat. A young military tribune named Marcus Valerius, who thought himself as worthy as Titus Manlius, asked for the consul's approval and then stepped into the open space fully armed. The fight was notable as it was thought to have been elevated with the divine intervention of the gods.  As the Roman was about to start the fight, a raven flew down and landed on his helmet, facing the enemy. Valerius was pleased about this, as he interpreted it as a sign from the gods. He prayed that whichever god or goddess sent the bird, that it would help him. Amazingly, the bird not only stayed on his helmet but, during the fight, it would lift itself up in the air and attack the enemy's mouth and eyes with its beak and claws. The enemy became so fearful and confused by the sight of such a prodigy, allowing Valerius to strike him down. The raven, rising from the helmet, then soared away toward the east. Until then, the frontline soldiers on both sides had been quiet. When Valerius started to strip the dead enemy, the Gauls left their posts and ran forward, and the Romans ran to their victorious champion even faster. A fierce fight broke out around the dead Gaul's body. The fight grew as more soldiers from nearby posts joined in, and then by the legions pouring out on both sides. Camillus ordered the soldiers, who were happy with the tribune's victory, and happy with the gods present, to go into battle. He pointed to Valerius, who was distinguished by wearing the enemy's armor, and said, "Soldiers, follow his example! Lay the Gallic ranks down, around their fallen champion!" Both gods and men helped in the fight, it seemed. The Gauls were defeated decisively, as both armies were influenced by the success of the one-on-one fight. The first rank of Gauls fought fiercely, as it was around where the fighting had originally begun. The rest fled before the Romans even threw their javelins. At first, they scattered through the Volscian and Falernian countryside, then they headed for Apulia or the Tuscan sea. Consul Camillus called an assembly and praised Valerius, giving him ten oxen and a golden crown. The Senate then ordered Camillus to handle the maritime war, so he joined his camp with the praetor's. Things were dragging on by the laziness or fear of the Greeks, who wouldn't fully commit themselves to the battle and thus caused causing a stalemate. Consequently, Titus Manlius Torquatus was appointed as Dictator with the Senate's approval to oversee the elections. The Dictator appointed Aulus Cornelius Cossus as his Master of the Horse and then held the consular elections. To great acclaim, the people named twenty-three year old Marcus Valerius Corvus ["The Raven"] – for that was his new surname – as consul, even though he wasn't there. Marcus Popilius Laenas, a plebeian, was chosen consul for the fourth time to work with Corvus. Nothing significant happened between Consul Camillus and the Greeks; the Greeks weren't land warriors, and the Romans weren't sea warriors. Eventually, the Greeks were driven away from the shore. Eventually, having run out of water and other supplies, they abandoned Italy entirely. It isn't clear which people or nation the fleet actually belonged to. I believe that they had come from the tyrants of Sicily, as most of Greece was exhausted from civil wars at that time and fearful of the power of the Macedonians.

7.27 After the armies were disbanded, there was peace both internally and among other nations due to the goodwill between the different orders, and there was leisure time. However, lest things be too joyful, a sudden outbreak of disease forced the Senate to appoint ten men to consult the Sibylline Books. Following the Books' advice, a lectisternium was held. That same year, a colony was established in Satricum, with colonists arriving from Antium. The city of Satricum had previously been destroyed by the Latins. A treaty was also signed in Rome with the Carthaginian ambassadors who had come to seek friendship and alliance. This peace and leisure continued during the next consulship of Titus Manlius Torquatus and Gaius Plautius Venno. Interest on debt was reduced by half to one twenty-fourth and payment of the principal was due in four equal installments, with the first payment due immediately. Despite some of the plebeians facing hardship, the Senate prioritized public credit over individual difficulties. The situation improved significantly when the war tax and military drafts were suspended for that year. In the third year after Satricum was rebuilt, Marcus Valerius Corvus was elected consul for the second time with Gaius Poetelius. They received news from Latium that ambassadors from Antium were trying to incite war among the Latin states. Before the enemy could grow stronger, they were ordered to attack the Volscians. They marched to Satricum with an aggressive army, where the Antians and other Volscians met them. They had already prepared their forces in advance in anticipation of a Roman advance. The battle began immediately, helped along by their long-standing animosity. The Volscians, who were always more eager to start wars than to fight them, were defeated and fled to the walls of Satricum. However, their faith in their walls wasn't strong enough, and when the city was surrounded by ring of troops with ladders, and about to be taken, they surrendered. Four thousand soldiers, along with many unarmed civilians, were captured. The city was destroyed and set on fire, except for the Temple of Mater Matuta. All the spoils were given to the soldiers. In addition to the spoils, four thousand men who surrendered were taken. During the consul's Triumph these men were paraded in chains in front of his chariot and were later sold into slavery, bringing a large amount of money into the treasury. Some say that these captives were actually slaves, not enemy soldiers, and that this is more likely than the idea that the soldiers who had surrendered were sold.

7.28 Marcus Fabius Dorsuo and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus took over from the previous consuls. Following this, war began with the Auruncians due to a sudden raid. Fearing that this could be a coordinated plan by the entire Latin nation, Lucius Furius Camillus was appointed as Dictator, just as if the Latins were already armed. He chose Gnaeus Manlius Capitolinus as his Master of the Horse. As was usual in times of these threats, a suspension of public business was declared. Then, a draft was called for and held without any exceptions. The legions were led as quickly as possible toward Auruncian territory. Among the Auruncians, they found more common thieves than professional soldiers and so they were defeated in the first battle. Nevertheless, Dictator Furius, noting their unprovoked aggression and willingness to fight, thought that the resources of the gods should also be used. In the heat of battle, he vowed to build a Temple to Juno Moneta. Upon his victorious return to Rome, he fulfilled his vow and resigned his dictatorship. The Senate ordered two duumvirs to be created to oversee the construction of the Temple to Juno Moneta, befitting the grandeur of the Roman people. The chosen location was in the Citadel, on the land where Marcus Manlius Capitolinus' house once stood. Meanwhile, the consuls used the Dictator's army to wage war against the Volscians, capturing Sora through a surprise attack. The Temple of Juno Moneta was dedicated the following year, during the consulship of Gaius Marcius Rutilus for the third time and Titus Manlius Torquatus for the second time. A strange event occurred after the dedication, similar to an ancient prodigy at Mount Alban. It rained stones and day seemed to turn into night. After consulting the Sibylline Books, and with the City suffering from religious anxiety, the Senate decided to appoint a dictator to establish public ceremonies of expiation. Publius Valerius Publicola was chosen, with Quintus Fabius Ambustus as his Master of the Horse. It was decided that not only the tribes, but also the neighboring states should perform public sacrifices.  A specific schedule was set for each group. That year, the people reportedly passed harsh judgments against moneylenders, who were brought to trial by the aediles. An interregnum happened for reasons not recorded. After the interregnum, both consuls were elected from the patricians, Marcus Valerius Corvus for the third time, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus Arvina, suggesting that this was the intended outcome.

7.29 From now on, we will list wars of greater importance, judged by the strength of the enemy, the distance traveled, or the length of the battle. In that particular year, the Romans took up arms against the Samnites, a nation rich in wealth and military strength. The war with the Samnites was marked by an uncertain outcome. Pyrrhus later became the enemy following the Samnite war, which was then succeeded by a war with the Carthaginians. What a vast array of events! How many times has Rome been faced with the extremes of danger only to elevate the empire to its current size, which is now barely maintained! However, the cause of the war between the Samnites and Romans, who had been allies and friends, came from an external source; it didn't originate within their own ranks. The Samnites unjustly started a war, using their superior strength against the weaker Sidicinians. The Sidicinians, forced to seek help from a stronger power, allied themselves with Campania. The Campanians, accustomed to luxury rather than to the use of arms, offered more in reputation than actual strength to their allies. The Campanians were driven out of Sidicinian territory by the battle-hardened Samnites, thus drawing attention to themselves and the turning the tide of the war against them. The Samnites, abandoning the Sidicinians, targeted Campania as the principal stronghold of the neighboring states. Victory would be easy, but the spoils and glory would be greater. After occupying Tifata on the hills overlooking Capua, with a strong garrison, the Samnites descended onto the plain between Capua and Tifata in a square formation. A second battle ensued; the Campanians, after a failed fight, retreated within their walls. With their strongest, youngest fighters cut down and no immediate hope nearby, the Campanians were forced to request aid from the Romans.

7.30 The Campanian ambassadors, upon being welcomed into the Senate, delivered a speech along these lines: "Honorable senators, we've been sent by the Campanian state to request your eternal friendship and immediate assistance. If we had asked for this when our situation was stable, it would have been easier to establish, though perhaps less binding. At that time, we would've remembered that we entered into friendship as equals; while we would have been as friendly, we might have been less obedient to your desires. Now, however, we're drawn to you by your compassion and defended by your help in our dire circumstances. It's our duty to show our gratitude for the kindness we have received, lest we appear ungrateful and unworthy of help from either gods or humans." "Nor, by Hercules, do I believe that the fact that the Samnites became your allies and friends first should prevent us from also becoming your friends. It merely shows that they were there first and have a degree of honor. There is no clause in your treaty with the Samnites that prevents you from forming new alliances." "It has always been enough for you that those who seek your friendship truly wish to be your friends. We, the Campanians, despite our current situation which forbids us to boast, don't yield to any state except yours in terms of the size of our city or the fertility of our land. We seek to be your friends, which I believe will be a significant addition to your thriving state. We will stand against the Aequians and Volscians, the eternal enemies of this City, whenever they rise up. Whatever you do first to protect our safety, we will do the same to protect your empire and glory. Once the nations between us are subdued, which your bravery and good fortune will surely achieve, your rule will extend uninterrupted to our frontier." "It's distressing to admit that we've come to this point, but we Campanians must be either friends or enemies. If you defend us, we're yours; if you abandon us, we will belong to the Samnites. Consider whether you would prefer that Capua and all of Campania be added to your power or to that of the Samnites." "Romans, it's only fair that your compassion and aid should be available to all, but it should especially be available to those who, while helping others, provide more than their strength allows and find themselves in distress. Although we claimed that we fought for the Sidicinians, in reality, we were fighting for ourselves when we saw a neighboring people being attacked by the wicked aggression of the Samnites. And once the Sidicinians had been consumed by fire, we knew that fire would be transferred to us." "The Samnites aren't attacking us because they're seeking revenge, but because they're glad to have an excuse. If they were seeking revenge, wouldn't it have been enough that they defeated our legions twice, once in the Sidicinian territory and once again in Campania itself? What kind of revenge isn't satisfied by the bloodshed in two major battles? Add to this the devastation of our lands, the theft of our people and livestock, the burning and destruction of our homes, and everything destroyed by fire and sword. Couldn't revenge be satisfied with this? But their greed must be satisfied. They're driven to besiege Capua. They either want to destroy our beautiful city or to possess it for themselves. But, Romans, I urge you to take possession of it in your kindness, rather than let them take it by a wicked crime." "I'm not speaking to a people who shy away from justifiable wars. However, I believe that if you merely show your support, you won't need to go to war. The Samnites' contempt has only reached us; it doesn't extend to you. Therefore, Romans, we can be protected even by the mere suggestion of your support. Whatever we have after this, whatever we ourselves have, we're prepared to consider it all yours. For you, the Campanian fields will be plowed; for you, the city of Capua will be populated; you'll be to us like founders, parents, even immortal gods. There will be no colony of yours that will surpass us in obedience and loyalty to you." "Honorable senators, grant your approval to the Campanians of your divine and invincible support, and bid them hope that Capua will have a safe future. Imagine the crowds of people from all walks of life who accompanied us when we left. And think of how many prayers and tears were left behind. What do you think the state of anticipation is like for our senate, and the people of Campania, our wives, and our children? I'm certain that the entire crowd is standing at the gates, looking down the road that leads from Rome. What answer will you give us, senators, and what will we bring back to them in their worry and suspense? One kind of answer can bring them safety, victory, light, and freedom. I shudder to think what the other might bring. Therefore, make your decision about us as if we're your future friends and allies, or as if we're people who will cease to exist."

7.31 After the ambassadors withdrew, the Senate discussed their request. Many believed that their city, the largest and most opulent in Italy, with the most fertile land and near the sea, would serve as a storehouse for a variety of food for the Roman people. However, the Senate valued their commitments more than these benefits. The consul, under the Senate's guidance, responded: "Campanians, the Senate believes you deserve help. But we must establish a friendship with you that doesn't violate any previous friendships or alliances. We have a treaty with the Samnites. Therefore, we can't provide you with weapons to fight the Samnites, as it would be a breach of our duty to the gods and to men. As required by divine and human law, we will send ambassadors to our allies and friends to ask that no harm be done to you." The head of the ambassadors responded as instructed by his home, "If you're unwilling to defend our possessions against violence and injustice, you'll at least defend your own. Therefore, senators, we surrender the people of Campania, the city of Capua, their lands, the temples of the gods, and all things divine and human, to your control, senators, and that of the Roman people. Whatever we suffer from now on, we will endure as men who have surrendered to you." At these words, the ambassadors fell to the ground in tears on the porch of the Curia, extending their hands toward the consuls. The senators were moved by the change of human fortune, seeing an exceedingly wealthy nation known for luxury and pride, which had recently been asked for help by its neighbors, now so humbled that they surrendered themselves and all they owned to others. They also felt an obligation of honor not to betray those who had surrendered. They didn't think the Samnites would act fairly if they attacked a territory and city that had become Roman property through surrender. Therefore, it was decided that Roman ambassadors would be sent to the Samnites immediately. They were instructed to present the Campanians' pleas, the Senate's response mindful of the Samnites' friendship, and the Campanians' final surrender. They would ask the Samnites, in light of their friendship and alliance, to spare their new subjects and not to bring war to the territory that had become Roman property. If the Samnites didn't agree, they were to be warned in the name of the Senate and Roman people to keep away from city of Capua and the Campanian territory. When the ambassadors presented these issues to the Samnites in their council, they received a harsh response. The Samnites not only said they would continue the war, but, with the Roman ambassadors present, they had their magistrates leave the council and call together the commanders of the cohorts, loudly ordering them to begin marching immediately and loot the Campanian territory.

7.32 When the news of this mission was reported back to Rome, all other matters were put on hold. The Senate sent fetials to demand redress, and when this wasn't met, war was declared in the usual solemn manner. They decided that the issue should be presented to the people immediately and, following the people's orders, both consuls left the city with two armies. Consul Valerius Corvus went to Campania and Consul Cornelius Cossus to Samnium. Valerius set up his camp at Mount Gaurus, while Cornelius did so at Saticula. The Samnite legions confronted Valerius first, believing that the main weight of the war would be decided there. They were also angry at the Campanians for their readiness to both offer and ask for help against them. Upon seeing the Roman camp, the soldiers fiercely demanded their leaders give the signal for attack, thinking that the Romans would bring the same fate to the Campanians that the Campanians had brought to the Sidicinians when they had helped them. Consul Valerius, after a few days of minor skirmishes to test the enemy, frequently reassured his men: "Do not be afraid of the new war or the new enemy. The further we take our weapons from Rome, the more we face soft and unwarriorlike nations." "Do not judge the bravery of the Samnites by the defeats of the Sidicinians and Campanians. Regardless of how the contest went, one side had to lose. The Campanians had been defeated more by their own lack of energy and excessive luxury than by the enemy's bravery. The Samnites' have had two victories in so many years, compared to our many triumphs. In fact, we have had more victories than years since our city was built. We've conquered all the states around us, including the Sabines, Etruscans, Latins, Hernicians, Aequians, Volscians, and Auruncians. We have even driven the Gauls into the sea, making their ships flee after defeating them in many battles." "A soldier should go into battle with confidence in his own courage and valor. He should consider whose leadership and auspices are leading them. Is the leader a magnificent orator, fierce only in words but unskilled in military operations? Or is he someone who knows how to wield his weapons, advancing ahead of the standards to stand in the midst of a chaotic battle?" "Soldiers," he said, "I want you to follow my actions, not just my words, and to look to me not only for discipline but also as an example. With this right hand I've earned my three consulships and high praise through my own efforts, not through political scheming or the alliances common among the nobles. There was a time when it was once said: 'Yes, but you were a patrician, descended from the liberators of your country, and your family held the consulship the first year that the City had consuls.' But now the shared consulship is open equally to us patricians and to you plebeians. It is a reward for bravery, not lineage. Therefore, soldiers, I encourage you to aim for the highest honor you can look upon." "Although you have given me the new surname of Corvus, granted by the gods and given by men, I haven't forgotten my family's ancient surname of Publicola. I've always worked to earn the goodwill of the Roman people, both plebeians and patricians, both at home and in the military, in both private and public roles, and in both high and low offices, equally as tribune and consul. I've done this consistently through all my subsequent consulships. Now it's necessary that I ask you to join me, with the help of the gods, in seeking a new and complete triumph over the Samnites."

7.33 No other general was more familiar to the soldier than Consul Valerius. He willingly performed even the most menial tasks among the lowest ranks of the army without any difficulty. Moreover, he also participated in military sports, competing with his equals in contests of speed and strength. He was friendly and humble, winning and losing with grace. He welcomed any competitor and was always kind in his actions and mindful of others in his conversations. He maintained the same conduct in his official duties as he did in his personal life. This endeared him to the entire army, who enthusiastically followed his lead. They marched out of the camp, ready for battle. The battle, as never before, was fought with equal hope on both sides, and with both sides equally matched in strength and confidence in themselves, but without underestimating the enemy. The Samnites were more ferocious by their new achievements and by their recent double victories of a few days before; while the Romans, on the other hand, drew strength from their four centuries of glory and a victorious career as old as the founding of their City.  Both sides were anxious, as each was facing a new enemy. The battle was an indication of the spirits they carried; they fought so hard that for a time neither side gave ground. Consul Valerius, seeing that he could not drive them back by force, decided to add fear to the situation and disrupt the enemy's front lines with a cavalry charge. The cavalry failed to break through, though, because the space for them to maneuver was too narrow. So, he rode to the front lines of the legions, dismounted his horse and cried out, "Soldiers, this is a task for us, the infantry. As soon as you see me cutting a path into the enemy's line with my sword, spread out and cut down those who stand in your way. Soon, where their spears are raised and flash in the sun, you'll see a wide path opened by slaughter." No sooner had he said this when the cavalry, following his orders, moved to the wings, opening a path for the legions to attack the center of the line. The consul was the first to attack the enemy, cutting down the first man he met. Fired up by this spectacle, the soldiers on his right and on his left fought a battle to be remembered. The Samnites stood their ground, even though they took more hits than they gave. The battle raged on for some time, with heavy casualties around the Samnite standards. However, there was no flight from any part of their line. It was if they had resolved to die rather than be defeated. As the day wore on and their strength began to wane from fatigue, the Romans, realizing there wasn't much daylight left, summoned their strength with renewed anger and charged at the enemy. This was the turning point of the battle, as the Samnites gave ground and began to retreat. Many were captured or killed, and few would have survived had nightfall not stopped the fighting, preventing a total Roman victory. And the Romans themselves confessed that they had never met a more obstinate enemy. As for the Samnites, when asked what had first caused them to stubbornly flee, admitted that the fiery determination in the burning eyes of the Romans and their mad faces and furious expressions, instilled more terror than any physical threat. This fear persisted even after the battle, as they fled under the cover of darkness. The following day, the Romans took over the deserted enemy camp, and the entire population of Campanians poured out of the city, rejoicing.

7.34 However, the joy of the victory was almost diminished by a great reverse in Samnium by Valerius' colleague. Consul Cornelius, who had departed from Saticula, carelessly led his army into a mountainous canyon. The area was only accessible through a deep, narrow pass and it had already been surrounded by the enemy. He didn't notice enemy soldiers looming above until it was too late to withdraw his standards safely. While the Samnites waited for the Consul to lead his entire army into the valley, Publius Decius, a military tribune, noticed a hill in the forest that was higher than the rest and overlooked the enemy's camp. It was steep for an army carrying heavy loads to climb, but not for those lightly armed. He went to the frightened and said, "Do you see that high point above the enemy, Aulus Cornelius? That is the stronghold of our hope and safety. Since the Samnites have foolishly abandoned it, if we take it, we will be safe. Just give me the front ranks, the hastati and principes, of one legion. Once I've reached the top with them, you can proceed without fear and save yourself and the army. The enemy, beneath us and exposed to every missile, won't be able to move without causing their own destruction. Then, either the good fortune of the Roman people or our own bravery will save us." Praised by the consul and provided with a legion, Decius moved secretly through the forest using hidden paths. The enemy didn't notice him until he was close to his destination. Then, having drawn the gaze and astonishment of all, he remained at the summit of the hill, giving the consul time to move his army to a better position on level ground. The Samnites, shifting their standards in different directions, had missed both opportunities. They could neither pursue the consul through the same narrow pass where they had previously had him at their mercy, nor could they climb the hill that Decius had taken above them. Their anger was mostly directed at Decius' small force which had taken away their chance to succeed. They were especially infuriated by how close they were and how small of a force they had. At first, they wanted to surround the hill with armed men to cut off Decius from the consul. Then, they wanted to create a path so they could attack when the Romans descended into the pass. Before they could decide what to do, night fell. Decius initially hoped that he would fight them from the high ground as they tried to climb the steep hill. But he was surprised that they neither attacked nor, if they were deterred by the uneven ground, surrounded with a rampart. He called the centurions to him and said: "What ignorance of war and laziness is this? How did these men win against the Sidicinians and Campanians? You see their standards moving around, sometimes gathered in one spot, sometimes spread out. No one is working, when by now we could have been surrounded by a rampart. We will be like them if we stay here longer than necessary. Come with me, so that while there is some light left, we can find out where they have their guards and where we can escape from here." He carefully observed all these points, dressed in a common soldier's cloak. The centurions he took with him were also dressed as ordinary soldiers so that the enemy wouldn't recognize a commander making the rounds.

7.35 After setting up the night watch and giving instructions to all the rest, Decius ordered the password [tessera] to be distributed. They were to assemble around him at the sound of the second watch's horn, fully armed and in silence. Once they had gathered silently, as instructed, he addressed them: "Soldiers," he said, "maintain this silence as you listen to me, and forego the usual military shouts. Once I've fully shared my thoughts with you, those who agree will move quietly to the right.  We will follow the course of action that the majority supports. Now, listen to my plan:" "The enemy has surrounded us here, but not because we fled or were left behind out of fear. You took this ground through bravery, and now through bravery you must leave it. By coming here, you have protected a valuable Roman army; by breaking out, you'll save yourselves. Despite your small numbers, you have proven yourselves capable of aiding many, while needing help from none. You face an enemy who, just yesterday, through stupidity, failed to take advantage of a golden opportunity to destroy our entire army. Not only this, but they also didn't notice this strategic hill looming over their heads until we had claimed it. With so many thousands of men, none of them stopped our small group from climbing the hill, nor did they build a rampart around us once we had taken the ground, even though there was plenty of daylight left." "If you've already outsmarted an enemy which was awake and alert, surely you can outsmart them while they're fast asleep. In fact, we must. Our situation is such that I am highlighting our need rather than offering advice. Whether to stay or to leave is no longer a question; Fortune has left you nothing but your weapons and the courage to use them. If we fear the sword more than is fitting for men, let alone Romans, we will stay here and die of hunger and thirst. Our only option is to break out and leave. We must do this either by day or by night." "But consider this: if we wait for daylight, what hope do we have that the enemy, who have now surrounded the hill on all sides, won't trap us by digging a rampart? If now is the best time for a breakout, as it seems to be, then this is undoubtedly the most suitable hour of the night. You gathered here at the signal of the second watch, a time when most people are in their deepest sleep. You'll move through their sleeping bodies, either silently moving unnoticed or ready to strike fear into them if they detect you, with a sudden shout. Just follow me, as you have done before. I'll follow the same fortune that led us here." "Those of you who agree with this plan, come, move to the right."

7.36 All the soldiers crossed over to the right. They followed Decius as he navigated through the spaces left unguarded by enemy patrols. They had now moved past the center of the camp when a soldier, stepping over the sleeping bodies of the watchmen, caused a disturbance by accidentally clanging his shield against something. The noise woke up one of the watchmen, who then woke up the nearest one, who stirred up the others. They were unsure if they were dealing with friends or enemies, whether it was the Roman garrison attacking or if the consul had taken their camp. Decius, realizing they had been noticed, ordered his soldiers to shout loudly. This caused panic among the still sleepy guards, leaving them confused and unable to quickly arm themselves, resist, or chase after them. Amidst the chaos and confusion, the Romans passed through the Samnite garrison, killing any Samnite guards they encountered, and made it to the consul's camp. There was still some night left, and they seemed to be safe. Decius then said, "Roman soldiers, be honored for your courage. Your journey and return will be praised for generations. But such courage deserves to be seen in the light of day. You don't deserve to have your return to camp shrouded in silence and darkness after achieving such glory. Let's wait here quietly for daylight." They obeyed his command. With the first rays of light, a messenger was sent to the Consul. Soon afterward, the camp began to erupt with great joy. Those who had risked their lives on a very dangerous mission for the safety of all had returned unharmed. Each man ran out to greet them, praising them and congratulating them. They hailed them as their saviors, praising and thanking the gods. Decius was elevated to a heroic status. It was, in a sense, a camp Triumph for Decius, as he walked through the center of the camp with a fully armed detachment, all eyes fixed on him, receiving all honors as an equal to the consul. When they reached the consul's tent, the consul called an assembly by the sound of a trumpet. He began by praising Decius, but Decius interrupted him, asking him to postpone his speech. Instead, he urged the Consul, all else should be put aside while the opportunity was still open to them. They should attack the enemy now, while the enemy was still in shock from the night's assault and scattered in small, fortified positions around the hill. He believed some of the enemy who had been sent out to pursue them were still wandering in the forest. The legions were ordered to arm themselves and, having left the camp, they were led to the enemy by a more open road, as the forest was now better known thanks to the scouts. They attacked the enemy unexpectedly, catching the Samnite soldiers off guard. Most of them were unarmed and scattered so far in all directions that they were unable to regroup, arm themselves, or retreat within the rampart. The Romans first drove them back to their camp in a panic, then they took the camp itself after amid disorganized resistance. The shouting spread around the hill, causing the Samnite garrisons to flee from their posts. Thus, a large part of the enemy surrendered to an unseen Roman army. Those who had instead retreated to within the rampart, numbering thirty thousand, were all killed and the camp was looted.

7.37 After these events, the consul called an assembly and resumed speaking in praise of Publius Decius, not just for what he had done earlier, but now also for his newest accomplishments. In addition to other military rewards, he gave Decius a golden crown and one hundred excellent oxen, including one particularly beautiful white ox with gilded horns. The soldiers who served with Decius received double rations of grain for life, and, for an immediate reward, an ox and two tunics. After the consul's gifts, the legions, approving the gift with a loud shout, crowned Decius with a grass and flower crown [corona graminae] a rare honor and a symbol of their escape from a siege. His own garrison that accompanied him placed on him another crown of the same honor. Adorned with these symbols, Decius sacrificed the beautiful white ox to Mars and gave the one hundred additional oxen to the soldiers who went with him on the mission. The legions also gave each of these same soldiers many pounds of grain and pints of wine. They did this with great enthusiasm and a military cheer, a sign of everyone's approval. The third battle of the campaign took place near Suessula. The Samnites' army, routed by Consul Marcus Valerius, called up their best young men from home and decided to try their luck in one last, final battle. Messengers from Suessula rushed to Capua, and from there, riders hurried to Consul Valerius to ask for help. Immediately the standards were raised, and the Roman troops were quickly mobilized. They left their baggage in the camp under strong guard so that they could move quickly and set up camp not far from the enemy. The area was a very small place which suited them because, apart from the horses of the cavalry, the rest of the pack animals, baggage train, and the disorderly crowd of servants were absent. The Samnite army, as if anticipating no delay, were ready for battle and formed up in ranks. Then, seeing no one advancing to meet them, they marched with raised standards toward the Roman camp. When they saw soldiers stationed on the rampart and scouts reported that they had were camped in a small circle, the Samnites inferred that the Romans were few. The whole Samnite army began to shout that they should fill in the trenches, tear down the rampart, and storm their way into the camp. The war would have ended with their rashness if the Samnite generals hadn't restrained the soldiers' impatience. As the Samnite army was so large, their supplies were running low after such a long siege at Suessula, delaying the fight. The Samnite generals then decided to let the soldiers go out into the country to forage for grain while they kept Suessula confined and starving. In the meantime, the Romans remained quiet, and, as lightly equipped soldiers, they brought as much grain as they could carry on their shoulders along with their weapons, and this was all that they needed. Consul Valerius, noticing that the enemy was now scattered throughout the fields and their posts were abandoned, rallied his men and led them to attack the camp. The camp was captured at the first shout and rush, with more of the enemy killed in their tents than at the gates and ramparts. He then ordered the captured standards to be gathered in one place and left two legions behind as guard and protection, strictly ordering them not to touch the spoils until he returned. He then set out with his troops in formation. Cavalry was sent ahead to drive the scattered Samnites like hunted animals, killing many of them. The Samnites, in their panic, couldn't decide under which standard to regroup, nor could they decide whether to return to the camp or to flee further. Fear had made coordination nearly impossible. Their hasty flight caused them to leave behind forty thousand shields, though not that many were slain, and one hundred and seventy standards, including those captured in the camp, were brought to the consul. They then returned to the enemy's camp, and all enemy spoils were given to the soldiers.

7.38 The outcome of this conflict forced the Faliscans, who were in a truce, to request an alliance treaty from the Senate. It also diverted the Latins, who had their armies ready, from a war with Rome to a war with Paelignians. The renown of such a victory didn't stay within Italy's borders; the Carthaginians also sent ambassadors to Rome to congratulate them, presenting a twenty-five pound golden crown for the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill. Both consuls triumphed over the Samnites, with Decius following behind them, receiving praise and gifts. Thanks to the soldiers' rough humor, the military tribune's name was celebrated as much as the consuls' names. The Senate then heard the ambassadors of Campania and Suessula, granting their request for a garrison during the wintertime to fend off Samnite invasions. Capua, known for its abundance of pleasures, and not particularly supportive of military discipline, turned the Roman soldiers' minds away from their homeland. In their winter quarters they began to hatch plans to seize Capua from the Campanians using the same treachery the Campanians used to take it from its original inhabitants. Why shouldn't the same fate happen to the Campanians as had happened to their predecessors? Why should the Campanians, who couldn't defend themselves or their possessions, have the most fertile land in Italy and a city worthy of that land, rather than the victorious army who had expelled the Samnites from there with their blood and sweat? Was it fair that the men who surrendered to them should fully enjoy that fertile and delightful country? Instead, Roman soldiers, tired from military service, had to struggle in a pestilential and dry soil around their city or, within the city, had to suffer the creeping plague of debt that grew worse day by day. These plans, though still confined to secret conspiracies and not widely known, were discovered by the new consul, Gaius Marcius Rutilus, who had been assigned the province of Campania by lot, leaving his colleague Quintus Servilius Ahala, in the City. Consul Marcius, having learned everything through the plebeian tribunes as it was happening. Since he was experienced, having been a consul four times and a dictator and a censor, he decided the best course of action was to frustrate the soldiers' plans by postponing their hope of carrying out their scheme whenever they wished. He spread the rumor that the troops would again winter in the same towns during the same time next year. Soldiers had been spread throughout the cities of Campania, and their scheming had spread from Capua to the entire army. The rumor relaxed their eagerness to carry out their plans, calming the sedition for the time being.

7.39 Consul Marcius, after leading his army into summer quarters, while the Samnites remained quiet, decided to cleanse his army by discharging disruptive soldiers. Some were honorably discharged. Others were told that they were too old and weak. Still, others were given temporary leave, at first individually, then by whole cohorts, under the excuse that they spent the winter far from home and needed to attend to their personal affairs. Under the guise of various military errands, more and more soldiers were sent off strategically. Once in Rome, Consul Servilius and the praetor kept these soldiers by inventing excuses after another, detaining them inside the City. At first, they were delighted and returned home without hesitation. However, they then realized that those who were first sent home didn't return to their ranks, and that only those who wintered in Campania, especially the instigators of the mutiny, were being sent away. The soldiers were first shocked, then they began to fear that their plans had been exposed. They worried about facing trials, that evidence was being collected, that some would be executed, and that the brutal power of the consuls and the Senate would be turned against them. The remaining soldiers in the camp discussed these concerns quietly, and some realized that the core conspirators had been cleverly dismantled by the Consul. One cohort, not far from Anxur, positioned themselves at Lautulae, a narrow, forested pass between the sea and the mountains, to intercept those whom the Consul was dismissing under various pretexts. Their group was growing in strength and was almost a full-fledged army, lacking only a commander. Though disorganized, they moved into the Alban territory, plundering as they went, and set up a camp encircled by a rampart under the hill of Alba Longa. After completing their work, they spent the rest of the day debating who to choose as their commander, as they didn't trust anyone present. They wondered whom they could invite from Rome and which of the patricians or plebeians would willingly risk such danger or could be trusted with the cause of the disgruntled army. The next day, as they continued to deliberate, some of the plundering soldiers brought back information that Titus Quinctius was living on a farm in the Tusculan territory, oblivious to the City and honors.  This man was a patrician, and when he became unable to walk from a foot injury he received at the end of a campaign carried out with great glory, he decided to retire from his illustrious military career and lead a life in the country far from ambition and the Forum. When they heard his name, they immediately recognized the man and ordered him to be summoned, hoping for a favorable outcome.  Although they doubted he would come willingly, they planned to use force and threats if necessary. So, in the silence of the night, the soldiers sent to fetch him entered his house and found Quinctius fast asleep. They woke him and told him he could not escape; he had no choice but to accept command and honor or face death if he resisted. They forced him to go to the camp, where he was immediately hailed as the general. While he was still shocked and terrified by the sudden turn of events, they gave him the symbols of honor and ordered him to lead them to Rome. They then uprooted their standard and, driven more by their own fervor than by their general's orders, they marched toward the City until they reached the eighth stone on what is now called the Appian Way. They would have gone straight to the City immediately if they hadn't heard that Marcus Valerius Corvus as Dictator and Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus as the Master of the Horse were coming to fight against them.

7.40 As soon as they came within sight of each other and recognized each other's arms and standards, a wave of emotions hit them. Memories of home cooled their anger. They weren't yet brave enough to spill the blood of their fellow countrymen; they had only known wars with foreign nations. The worst insanity of all was to secede from one's own people. Immediately, both the generals and the soldiers on both sides sought meetings to discuss the next steps. Titus Quinctius, who was tired of fighting even in defense of his country, let alone against it, and Dictator Corvus, who had a deep love for all his countrymen, especially the soldiers, and most of all for his own army, each stepped forward. As soon as Corvus was recognized, he was granted silence with as much respect from his opponents as from his own side as he spoke: "Soldiers, when I left the city, I prayed to the immortal gods, your gods as well as mine, and begged them to let me bring peace among you, not victory over you. There have been and will be plenty of chances to earn military glory. This time, we should aim for peace. What I asked the gods for in my prayers, you can give me, if you remember that your camp isn't in Samnium, or among the Volscians, but on Roman soil. Those hills which you see belong to your country and this is the army of your fellow countrymen. I am your consul, under whose leadership and auspices you twice defeated the Samnite legions last year, and twice stormed their camp." "You recognize me by the kindness I have shown to you, not cruelty. I have never proposed a tyrannical law against you, nor a harsh Senate decree. I have always been stricter with myself than with you. And if birth, merit, high rank, or public honors could make anyone arrogant, I could have been. I come from such ancestors. I've shown my merit. I became consul at such a young age, that at twenty-three I could have been a proud consul, even to the patricians, not just to the plebeians. What act or word of mine, when I was consul, have you heard that was harsher than when I was only a tribune? I ran two consecutive consulships the same way and I'll run this dictatorship the same way, as well. So I'll be no more lenient with these, my own soldiers and my country, than with you, whom I shudder to call its enemies. You'll have to draw your swords against me before I draw mine against you. The signal and the shout will come from your side first. You begin the charge, if a battle must happen." Are you really prepared to do something that neither your fathers nor grandfathers did? Neither those who withdrew to the Sacred Mount, nor those who later positioned themselves on the Aventine Hill did what you are proposing. Will you wait until your mothers and wives come out from the city to meet you with their hair loose, as they did once to Coriolanus? At that time, the Volscians had a Roman for their leader, and they stopped fighting. Would you go further than they did in an unholy war against your own people?" "Titus Quinctius, whatever your situation is on that side, whether you're there willingly or unwillingly, if there must be fighting, then you should retreat to the back. It'll be more honorable for you to flee and turn your back on your fellow countryman, than to fight against your country. Today, you have the chance to the be among the first to make peace with dignity and honor; and may you be the mediator of this beneficial discussion. Ask for what is fair. In fact, even if it is not fair, we would rather accept those terms than fight in an unholy civil war against each other." Titus Quinctius, turning to his men with tears in his eyes, said: "Soldiers, if I can be of any use, you have a better leader in me for peace than for war. That speech just now wasn't made by a Volscian, or a Samnite, but a Roman: your own consul, your own general. You have been led to victory under his command and his auspices; don't try to experience these against yourselves." "The Senate has other generals who will fight you with more hostility. Instead, they chose the one who would be most likely to spare you, his own soldiers, and in whom you would have the most trust. Even those who can win want peace: what should we want? Let us set our anger aside as well as any false leaders. Why not entrust ourselves and all our concerns to a good man of faith whom we all know?"

7.41 With all shouting approval, Titus Quinctius stepped forward before the standards and announced that the soldiers would obey the Dictator. He asked with Corvus to support the cause of his unfortunate fellow citizens, and, once he had taken up their cause, to uphold it with the same dedication he had always shown in public affairs of the Republic. As for himself, he said that he didn't seek any special protections but would place his trust solely in his innocence. Protections should be made for the soldiers, however, just as the Senate had previously done for the plebeians and again for the legions, so that there would be no punishment for their secession. The Dictator praised Quinctius and encouraged everyone to remain hopeful. He quickly returned to the city on horseback and, with the Senate's approval, proposed to the people in the Peteline Grove that no soldier should suffer because of the secession. He also begged, with the good will of the Quirites, that no one should mock or criticize anyone for their part in the event. A sacred military law was then passed stating that a soldier's name couldn't be removed from the roll without his consent. Added to the law was a provision that no one who had been a military tribune could later serve as a centurion. It was a demand made by the conspirators because of Publius Salonius, who had alternated between the roles of military tribune and first centurion, a position now known as primus pilus. The soldiers were angry with him because he had consistently opposed their new ideas and, to avoid being part of the mutiny, had fled Lautulae. The Senate initially refused this demand out of respect for Salonius, but Salonius himself persuaded them to agree, arguing that the unity of the state was more important than his own personal career. An equally excessive demand was made for a reduction in the cavalry's pay, which was then three times the standard rate, because they had opposed the conspiracy.

7.42 In addition to these, some authors mention that Lucius Genucius, a plebeian tribune, brought a law before the plebeians that lending money with interest should be prohibited. Other laws were also established, stating that no one should hold the same position within a decade, or hold two positions in the same year. It was also proposed that both consuls could be plebeians. If all these concessions were granted to the people, it's clear to me that the rebellion had significant power. In other historical records, it's noted that Valerius wasn't appointed as dictator, but that the whole matter was carried out by the consuls. It's also recorded that the group of conspirators didn't resort to arms before coming to Rome, but armed themselves after they arrived in Rome. Also, some say that the attack that was made by night wasn't on the house of Titus Quinctius, but on the house of Gaius Manlius, whom they captured to be their leader. From there, they went to the fourth stone and settled in a fortified place. The idea of reconciliation didn't originate from the generals, but unexpectedly, when the armies were fully armed and marched into battle formation, a mutual greeting occurred. The soldiers began to mingle, shaking hands and hugging each other with tears in their eyes. Seeing the soldiers' reluctance to fight, the consuls were forced to refer the matter of reconciliation to the Senate to restore peace. Thus, none of the ancient authorities agree totally, but they do agree that there was a sedition, and it was resolved. The news of this sedition, along with the intense war with the Samnites, caused some states to break away from the Roman alliance. Not only had the Latins been unfaithful to the treaty for a long time, but the Privernates also suddenly invaded and plundered the neighboring Roman colonies of Norba and Setia.

8.1 The consuls this year were Gaius Plautius, serving for the second time, and Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus. Representatives from Setia and Norba came to Rome, reporting the rebellion of the people of Privernum and bringing grievances about the defeat they had suffered. News was also reported that the Volscian army, under the leadership of the people of Antium, had positioned themselves at Satricum. Both wars were assigned to Consul Plautius by lot. Consul Plautius first marched to Privernum and immediately engaged in battle. The enemy was defeated with little resistance, the town was captured and then returned to the Privernians, but with a strong Roman garrison stationed there. Two-thirds of their land was confiscated. The victorious army then moved to Satricum to confront the Antiates. A terrible battle ensued with heavy casualties on both sides until a sudden storm forced the combatants to separate, leaving the outcome uncertain. The Romans, not exhausted by the inconclusive battle, prepared to fight again the next day. But the Volscians, after counting the men they had lost in battle, lacked the morale to risk another battle. Defeated, they hurriedly retreated to Antium during the night in a state of panic, leaving behind their wounded and a part of their baggage. A great number of weapons was found among the enemy dead and inside their deserted camp. The Consul announced that he was dedicating the spoils to Lua Mater, and he laid waste to the enemy's territory all the way to the sea. The other consul, Lucius Aemilius, entered Sabine territory and found no Samnite camp or legions anywhere to oppose him. As he wreaked havoc on their lands, by sword and fire, Samnite ambassadors approached him seeking peace. They were turned away and, instead, went to the Senate, where they were granted permission to speak. Setting aside their proud spirits, the ambassadors asked the Romans for peace and for the right to war against the Sidicinians. Such requests were just, they argued, because they had formed an alliance with the Romans when times were good, unlike the Campanians who had sought Roman friendship only in times of emergency. Moreover, they were fighting the Sidicinians, who had always been their enemies and had never been friends of the Romans. They were neither under the protection nor the authority of the Roman people.

8.2 Tiberius Aemilius, the praetor, laid the demands of the Samnites before the Senate, and they ultimately decided to renew the treaty with the Samnites. In his reply to the Samnite ambassadors, the praetor said that the Romans weren't to blame for the end of their friendship; since the Samnites were now tired of the war they themselves had started, the Romans had no objection in renewing the treaty. Regarding the Sidicinians, the Romans wouldn't interfere with the Samnites having the freedom to decide about with whom they wanted to make peace or war. After the treaty was agreed upon, the ambassadors returned home, and the Roman army was quickly withdrawn. The army received a year's pay and three months' worth of grain, arranged by the Consul to allow time for a truce until the ambassadors returned. The Samnites, using the same forces they had used against the Romans, confidently marched against the Sidicinians, hoping to quickly take possession of the enemy city. The Sidicinians had anticipated this, so they tried to surrender to the Romans. When the Senate rejected their offer as too late and made out of desperation, the Sidicinians turned to the Latins, who had already taken up arms on their own, to join them. Also, the Campanians, who remembered the harm done by the Samnites more than the kindness of the Romans, entered the conflict. One large army, made up of these states, entered Samnite territory under a Latin general. They caused more harm through looting than through battles. Even though the Latins were superior in battle, they chose to leave enemy territory to avoid fighting too often. This gave the Samnites a chance to send ambassadors to Rome. They complained to the Senate that they were being treated as enemies, even though they were now allies. Humbly, they asked that the Romans consider their victory sufficient, having already taken Campania and the Sidicini from them, and not to allow them to be defeated by the most cowardly of nations. They begged the Romans to help them stop the Latins and Campanians from invading their territory. If the Romans truly had authority over these states, they said, they should stop them from invading Samnium. If not, they should use force. The Senate's response was unclear. They were embarrassed to admit that they didn't have control over the Latins. Likewise, they were also afraid that criticizing them might alienate them. The Campanians were different. In their case, they had surrendered to the Romans, not made a treaty. So, the Campanians had to stay out of the conflict, whether they wanted to or not. The treaty with the Latins didn't prevent them from going to war with anyone they chose.

8.3 The Romans' response left the Samnites unsure of what actions the Romans would take next. The response also caused fear among the Campanians, alienating them further. The Latins, on the other hand, became more ferocious, believing that the Romans wouldn't make any further concessions. As a result, the Latins held frequent meetings under the guise of preparing for war against the Samnites, but were actually using the meetings to prepare for a war with Rome, in secret. The Campanians also joined in these meetings against their own Roman protectors. However, while they tried their best to keep their plans hidden, as they wanted the Samnites, to be eliminated first before Rome, information about their conspiracy reached Rome through some individuals who had personal friendships and family connections. The consuls were instructed to resign before their term ended so that new consuls could be elected sooner to face the growing threat of a significant war. However, religious uneasiness prevailed as they were hesitant about the idea of elections being conducted by individuals whose term had been shortened. Thus an interregnum was instituted. There were two interreges, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Fabius. The elected consuls were Titus Manlius Torquatus, for the third time, and Publius Decius Mus. It's agreed that in this year, Alexander, king of Epirus, came to Italy with a fleet. If the initial stages of this war had been successful, it would have undoubtedly involved the Romans. This was also the time of Alexander the Great, nephew of King Alexander of Epirus, who, despite being invincible in war in another part of the world, died while still young by illness. Despite the certainty of their allies' defection and the rebellion of the Latin nation, the Romans summoned ten of the leading Latin men to Rome. The Romans still acted if they were concerned about the Samnites and not about themselves. They wanted to impose upon these men any commands they deemed necessary. At that time, Latium had two praetors, Lucius Annius from Setia and Lucius Numisius from Circeii, both from Roman colonies. Through these men, the Volscians were also stirred up to take up arms, as well as Signia and Velitrae, also Roman colonies. Two men were specifically summoned, and everyone knew why they were being called. Therefore, before leaving for Rome, the praetors held a meeting, informing the people that they were summoned by the Roman Senate. They reported what they believed would be discussed and asked what response they should give.

8.4 Annius spoke after each man presented different views. He said, "Although I myself have stated what it would be desirable to answer, I believe it's more important for our common good to decide what we should do rather than what we should say. Once we've figured out the actions we will do, it'll be easy to adapt the words to fit with them." "If we're now willing to accept slavery under the shadowy pretense of a fair treaty, what remains but to betray the Sidicinians? Should we then take orders not only from the Romans but also the Samnites, telling the Romans that we'll surrender our weapons whenever they express their desire?" "But if a longing for freedom finally stirs your hearts; if the treaty and alliance means equal rights; if we are now at liberty to proudly claim that we share the same blood as the Romans, something we were once embarrassed about; if our army combined with theirs can double their power and be such a force that they wouldn't want to separate it when either starting or ending their own wars, then why isn't everything equal between us?" "Why isn't one of the consuls chosen from the Latins? Where there is equal power, isn't there also equal participation in the government? This doesn't reflect a great honor on its own, as we still recognize Rome as the capital of Latium; but we have made it seem like an honor because of our long-standing patience. But if you ever wanted a chance to share power and assert your freedom, the opportunity is now here, given to you by both your own courage and the generosity of the gods." "You've tested the Romans' patience by denying them soldiers. Who can doubt that they were filled with anger when we broke a tradition of more than two hundred years? Yet they endured this resentment. We fought the Paelignians in our own name. The Romans, who previously didn't even allow us to defend our own lands by ourselves, didn't interfere. They heard that the Sidicinians were under our protection, that the Campanians had defected from them to us, that we were preparing armies against their allies, the Samnites; yet they didn't leave the city. Why this great patience on their part, if not from recognizing our strength and their own? I have reliable information that when the Samnites complained about us, the Roman Senate gave them a response that clearly indicated that even they didn't insist that Latium was under Roman control." "Just assert your rights in demanding what they silently grant you. If fear prevents anyone from saying this, then I promise that I'll say it! Not only in the presence of the Roman people and Senate, but also of Jupiter himself, who resides in the Capitoline Hill; that if they want us to be in a partnership and alliance with them, they must accept one consul from us, and we must have a share in the Senate." When he bravely promised these actions, they all, with shouts of agreement, empowered him to do and say whatever he thought would benefit the Latin nation and his own honor.

8.5 Upon their arrival in Rome, they were granted an audience with the Senate on the Capitoline Hill. Here, Consul Titus Manlius, directed by the Senate, pleaded with them not to wage war on their allies, the Samnites. Lucius Annius, acting as if he had conquered the Capitoline Hill and was not speaking as a protected ambassador under the Law of Nations, responded: "Titus Manlius, and you, senators, it's time to stop dealing with us as if you're superior. Latium is thriving, thanks to the gods' generosity in arms and men. The Samnites have been defeated, the Sidicinians and Campanians are our allies, and the Volscians are now in alliance with us. Your own colonies prefer Latin rule over Roman rule." "But since you refuse to end your tyrannical domination, we, capable of asserting Latium's independence through force of arms, will nevertheless grant this to our blood relation, and instead offer peace terms that are equal for both sides, as the gods have made us equally strong. One consul must be chosen from Rome, the other from Latium; the Senate should be equally divided between the two nations; we should be one people, one republic. To ensure that there is unity, the government's location and the name of the people should be the same, since one side must necessarily grant it to the other. For the benefit of both sides, let Rome be the mother country and let's all be called Romans." It just so happened that the Romans had a consul who was equally bold, Titus Manlius. He could not restrain his anger anymore. Consul Manlius declared that if the senators were so idiotic that they accepted laws from a man from Setia, he would enter the Senate, armed with a sword, and personally kill any Latin he saw in the Curia. Then, turning to the statue of Jupiter, he said: "Jupiter, hear these criminal suggestions! Listen, Justice and Divine Law. You will see foreign consuls and a foreign Senate in your consecrated temple, as if you were captured and oppressed! Were these the treaties that Tullus, the Roman king, made with the Albans, the ancestors of you Latins? Were these the treaties that Lucius Tarquinius later made with you? Don't you remember the battle at Lake Regillus? Have you truly forgotten both the slaughter of your ancestors and our past kindness towards you?"

8.6 The words of the Consul were followed by the indignation of the senators. Tradition records that, despite the frequent appeals to the gods, whom the consuls often called as witnesses to the treaties, a disrespectful remark from the Latin Lucius Annius was heard deriding the divine powers of the Roman Jupiter. As Annius, beside himself with anger, hurried from the entrance of the temple, he tripped and fell down the steps. At the bottom he hit his head hard on a rock and was knocked unconscious. Some say he died from the fall, but not all sources agree. It's also said that a storm burst forth with a tremendous crash from the heavens during the testimony; such events could be true, or merely fictitious to express divine wrath. Torquatus, sent by the Senate to dismiss the Latin ambassadors, saw Annius lying on the ground. He shouted so that both the people and the Senate could hear, "Good! The gods have begun a just war. There is indeed a heavenly power! Great Jupiter, you're here! We haven't consecrated you in vain as the father of gods and men in this place. Why do you hesitate, Quirites, and you, senators, to take up arms under the guidance of the gods? Just as a Latin lies here defeated, so too will I lay down the Latin legions!" The consul's words were met with an approving roar from the people. They were so stirred up that the Latin ambassadors had to be shielded not by the protections of the Law of Nations, but by magistrates sent under the Consul's orders to guard them from the crowd's wrath and violence. The Senate voted for war. The consuls raised two armies and marched into the lands of the Marsi and Paeligni. They were joined by the Samnite army and set up camp near Capua, where the Latins and their allies were already gathered. There, in the quiet, it's said that both consuls had the same dream. A man larger and more majestic than any human told them that the commander of one side and the army of the other side must be sacrificed to the gods of the Underworld and Mother Earth. Whichever side devotes the deaths of their enemy to the gods and sacrifices their own commander, victory would come to his people and that side. When the consuls compared their dreams, they decided that victims should be sacrificed to appease the wrath of the gods. At the same time, if the entrails matched the omens in their dreams, one of the consuls would fulfill his destined fate. When the haruspices' interpretations confirmed the silent religious fear that had already taken hold of their minds, the consuls gathered their legates and tribunes and explained the gods' commands. It was important to them that the soldiers knew that the voluntary death of the consul would not terrify the army during battle. If the Roman army started to lose on one side, the consul on that losing side would sacrifice himself to the Roman people and the Quirites. If ever any war was needed to be fought with strict command, now was the time of all others for following military discipline in its ancient form. They were fighting the Latins, who spoke the same language, had the same customs, used the same type of weapons, and had the same military institutions. Soldiers matched soldiers, centurions matched centurions, and tribunes matched tribunes. They had often served in the same garrisons and fought side by side in the same detachments. To avoid confusion by the soldiers, the consuls issued an order: no one was to engage the enemy out of formation.

8.7 Among the other military leaders who had been dispatched in various directions to scout, Titus Manlius, the son of the Consul, arrived with his troop at the rear of the enemy's camp. They were so close that they were barely a spear's throw away from the nearest post. In that location, there were some Tusculan cavalry, led by Geminus Maecius, a man renowned among his people for his noble birth and heroic deeds. When he spotted the Roman cavalry, particularly the consul's son who was prominent among them (for they all knew each other and were certainly illustrious men), he called out, "Romans, do you plan to fight the Latins and their allies with just one squadron? What will your consuls and their two armies be doing in the meantime?" Manlius responded, "They'll arrive in due time, and Jupiter himself will be with them, witnessing the treaties you have broken. He's stronger and more powerful. If we fought you at Lake Regillus until you were exhausted, we will do the same here, ensuring that our battle lines and clashing standards won't be a pleasant experience for you." In response, Maecius, moving some distance from his own cavalry group, challenged Manlius saying, "Until that day comes when your armies are mobilized with great effort, in the meantime, would you like to meet in single combat – man to man? The outcome of our fight will show how much a Latin horseman surpasses a Roman horseman." The young Manlius, whether feeling anger, or embarrassment at refusing the challenge, or the irresistible force of destiny, forgot his father's orders and the consuls' decree, and ran headlong into the duel, a contest in which neither victory nor defeat mattered to him. The other horsemen moved away, leaving a clear space for the two to charge at each other. Spurring their horses on, they each rushed toward each other with their leveled spears. Manlius' spear passed over his opponent's helmet, while Maecius' spear passed over the neck of Manlius' horse. As they circled around for another attack, Manlius rose up and managed to lodge his spear between his horse's ears. The pain caused the horse to rear up and violently shake its head, throwing off its rider. As Maecius tried to get up, leaning on his spear and shield, Manlius drove his sword into his throat, the blade piercing through his ribs and emerging from his back, pinning him to the ground. Manlius collected the spoils from the body and returned to his own men. With joyful cheers, he went with his company to the camp and then to the headquarters of his father. He was unsure of his fate and future, whether he had earned praise or punishment. "Father," he said, "So that all may truly call me your son, I bring you these equestrian spoils taken from a slain enemy. I was challenged and I killed my opponent." Upon hearing this, the Consul immediately turned away from his son and ordered the trumpet to summon a general assembly. When the soldiers had gathered, he said to his son, "Titus Manlius, you have shown no respect for consular authority. You did not respect your father's command by fighting the enemy outside of formation. You defied my orders. By doing what you have done, you have undermined the military discipline that has upheld Roman power to this day. You have left me with a bitter choice: choosing between forgetting the republic or forgetting my own son. Let us, rather than the republic, suffer for our faults. We will be a grim example, but a useful one, for future generations." "As much as my natural love for my son as well as the brilliance of the deed that led him astray, it was a false sense of glory. If your death is what it takes to uphold the authority of the consuls, or if forgiving you would mean forever undermining that authority, I don't think that even you, if you truly are my son, would refuse to restore by punishment the military discipline that has been lost through your actions. Go, lictor, bind him to the stake." Everyone fell silent, frozen by the savagery of the sentence, and looking at the axe as if it were drawn against themselves. Fear, more than obedience, kept them silent. As they stood, watching in horror as blood spurted from the young man's severed neck, a loud cry broke out. Nobody could hold back their tears, or their curses. The young man's body, covered with the spoils of his victory, was burned on a pyre outside the rampart, with all the military honors that could be bestowed on a soldier's funeral. From then on, the "Manlian Orders" would remain not only terrifying in the present, but also as a harsh precedent for the future.

8.8 Nevertheless, the harsh punishment made the soldiers more obedient to their general. Guard duties, night watches, and post regulations were more diligently maintained. This strictness turned out to be very beneficial even in the final engagement, when it came down to the line of battle. The overall battle resembled a civil war, with everything being alike among the Romans and Latins, except for their loyalties. Previously, the Romans used the small round shield [clipeus], but when they started receiving regular pay, they replaced their round shield with the a large oblong shield [scutum]. They previously fought in phalanxes [a rigid line] like the Macedonians, but later they adopted the manipular formation, arranging their lines in multiple units, with the rear ranks drawn up in several lines. The front line was made up of the hastati, organized into fifteen maniples, with small spaces between them. Each maniple consisted of about twenty light-armed soldiers carrying only a spear or a heavy iron javelin, and a group of shield-bearers. These were the youngest men, just reaching military age. Behind them came older, stronger, and more-experienced men, called principes, also arranged in fifteen maniples, all with scutum and distinguished by the heavier armor. This combined group of hastati and principes formed thirty maniples and was called the antepilani ["before the pilum"] because behind their standards were another fifteen companies. Each company was divided into three parts, the first part called a pilus. A pilus consisted of three standards [vexilla]. Each standard had sixty soldiers, two centurions, and one standard-bearer [vexillarius]. The company consisted of one hundred and eighty-six men. The first standard was led by the triarii, veteran soldiers of distinguished bravery; the second standard was led by the rorarii, younger men who were less capable due to their age and service; the third standard was led by the accensi, a group that was not very reliable and because of this, they were placed at the back. When the army was arranged this way, the hastati were the first to enter the battle. If the hastati couldn't push back the enemy, they fell back gradually squeezing through the gaps and were received by the principes in the ranks. The fight then fell to the principes, with the hastati behind them. The triarii stayed kneeling behind the standards, their left leg extended forward, holding their shields on their shoulders, and their spears stuck in the ground, with the points up, looking like a line fortified by a bristling palisade. If the principes also couldn't make a big enough impact in the fight, they slowly retreated with the hastati, to the Triarii. This is where the saying, "Matters have come to the triarii," is used when matters are critical. The triarii, after receiving the principes and hastati through the gaps in their ranks, rose up and pressed their shields together, blocking the openings, and then charged the enemy as one solid wall, with no other hope of retreat left. This was the most intimidating thing for the enemy, when, pursuing what they thought was a defeated army, they suddenly saw a new line rising up, increased in number and stronger than before. About four legions were raised, each with five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry. The same number was raised by the Latin allies, who were enemies of the Romans at that time, and they arranged their battle line in the same way. Not only did the standards face each other – hastati against hastati, principes against principes – but also each centurion knew he could be fighting against an opposing centurion if the ranks were not disrupted. There were two senior centurions [primus pilius], one in each army, serving with the triarii. One, a Roman, was not physically strong, but he was brave and experienced in warfare. The other, a Latin, was physically strong and a great warrior. They knew each other well because they had always commanded equivalent ranks. Since the Roman lacked confidence in his ability to overcome the Latin, he had gotten permission from the consuls in Rome to choose anyone he wanted as his own deputy-centurion to protect him against the man destined to be his opponent. The young man, finding himself face to face with the Latin centurion in battle, defeated him. The battle took place not far from the base of Mount Vesuvius, on the road to Veseris.

8.9 Before leading their armies into battle, the Roman consuls performed sacrifices. It's said that the haruspex showed Consul Decius a liver with a wound on the side that represented him. However, the sacrifice was otherwise pleasing to the gods. Consul Manlius, on the other hand, received very positive signs from his sacrifice. Decius said, "Everything is fine if my colleague's sacrifice is accepted by the gods." The armies were arranged in the previously mentioned order and they set off for battle. Manlius led the right wing, while Decius led the left. Initially, both sides fought with equal strength and fervor. However, the Roman hastati on the left couldn't withstand the powerful attack of the Latins and retreated to the principes. In this moment of fear, Decius called out to Marcus Valerius, "Valerius, we need the gods' help. As the public pontiff of the Roman people, tell me what to say to devote myself to the legions." The pontiff instructed him to wear the praetexta toga, cover his head, and place his hand under the toga up to his chin. He was to stand on a spear placed beneath his feet and recite a prayer to the gods, saying:  "Janus, Jupiter, Father Mars, Quirinus, Bellona, Lares, Divi Novensiles, Di Indigetes, all gods with power over us and our enemies, and you, Divine Manes. I pray to you, I worship you, I seek your favor and implore that you may grant strength and victory to the Roman people, the Quirites, and that you strike terror, fear, and death into the enemies of the Roman people, the Quirites. As I have declared these words on behalf of the Roman people, the Quirites, along with the legions, auxiliaries and army of the Roman people, the Quirites, so do I devote the legions and auxiliaries of the enemy, together with myself, to Divine Manes, the god of the underworld, and to Mother Earth." After saying this prayer, Consul Decius sent the lictors to tell Consul Manlius that he had devoted himself for the good of the army. He then put on a Gabine cincture, armed himself, vaulted onto his horse, and plunged into the thick of enemy lines. Both armies saw him as a majestic figure, somewhat more magnificent than human, as if sent from heaven as an atonement to appease the wrath of the gods, taking destruction away from his own people and transferring  it to the enemy. Thus, fear and panic accompanied him. First, throwing the Latin front lines into chaos and then spreading to the entire army. This was most evident as, wherever he rode on his horse, men were paralyzed as if they'd just been hit a death-dealing star. When the Consul fell to the ground, overwhelmed by a rain of spears, the Latins were visibly shaken and fled the field in disarray, leaving it empty. At the same time, the Romans, free from religious worry, delivered a fresh attack just as if the signal had been given and the battle had just started. The rorarii also moved forward joining the antepilani, adding strength to the hastati and principes, while the Triarii waited on one knee for the consul's signal to rise.

8.10 As the battle continued, the larger Latin forces gaining an advantage in some areas, Consul Manlius paused upon learning of his fellow consul's death. Having paid so memorable a death, he mourned with tears, as was right and just, praising his colleague's heroic death. After an appropriate time passed, he returned to the battle, unsure if it was time for the triarii to rise. He decided it was best to keep them fresh for the final attack and ordered the accensi to march forward from the rear, under fire, positioning them before the standards. As the accensi moved forward, the Latins, thinking the Romans had called their triarii, sent in their own triarii. After a long and intense fight, the Latin triarii were tired, and their spears were either broken or blunted. However, they were pushing back their enemies and believed the battle was almost over thinking they had reached the final battle line. At this point, Manlius called to the Roman triarii: "Rise up now! With fresh energy, fight the enemy who are now tired! Remember your country and parents! Remember your wives and children! Remember your consul who has died to ensure your victory!" When the Triarii rose in full force, fresh and gleaming in their armor, they formed a new line suddenly and unexpectedly. They received the antepilani through the gaps. With a deafening shout, they surprised the Latins, throwing their front lines into disorder. The triarii's long spears struck the faces of their enemies, eliminating the best of the Latin forces and tearing through the remaining maniples with devastating efficiency as if they were unarmed, escaping any harm themselves. This final assault of the Roman triarii inflicted such carnage that barely a quarter of the Latin army survived. Adding to the Latins' terror, the Samnites, gathered nearby at the foot of the mountain, posed an impending threat. Yet among all the citizens and allies, the highest praise went to the consuls. One faced all the threats and dangers alone from the gods above and below and sacrificed himself for the army; the other showed great bravery and judgment in battle. It was easily agreed between both the Romans and Latins who handed down the memory of that battle to posterity, that whichever side Consul Manlius commanded, that side would undoubtedly have been victorious. The defeated Latins fled to Minturnae. After the battle, the Romans captured the Latin camp and many survivors, mostly Campanians, were either killed or captured alive. They couldn't find Decius's body until the next day due to the darkness. They found him among the greatest mass of dead enemies, covered in weapons. His funeral was conducted by his fellow consul in a manner befitting the greatness of his death. It's important to note that a consul, dictator, or praetor, when he dedicates the legions of the enemy to destruction, is not necessarily required to devote himself, but may choose any citizen from a Roman legion to devote,  If the chosen person dies, it is seen that the ritual has been done properly and is complete. If he does not die, then a sign at least seven feet tall or more must be buried in the ground and a sacrifice should be made. Where that sign has been buried, it is not lawful for a Roman magistrate to enter there. However, if a magistrate wishes to devote himself, like Decius did, and he doesn't die, then neither his personal nor the state's religious rites will be conducted in a ritually pure manner, whether with a proper sacrificial victim or by any other means. Whoever devotes himself is permitted to vow his weapons to Vulcan or any other god he chooses. It is not lawful for an enemy to take possession of the weapon over which the consul, standing, made the devotion; should this happen, a sacrifice called a suovetaurilia must be made to Mars to atone for the act.

8.11 Although the memory of traditional divine and human customs has been lost by the desire for new and foreign novelties over the old religion of our fathers, it is not out of place for me to describe these events in the very words in which they were handed down and revealed. Some authors have noted that the Samnites, after waiting for the outcome of the battle, eventually came to aid the Romans once the battle had concluded. Similarly, assistance from Lavinium, delayed due to indecision, was finally sent to the Latins after their defeat. As the first standards and part of the Lavinian army began marching from the city gates, news of the Latin defeat arrived. They turned their standards around and marched back into the city. It's said that their praetor, Milionius by name, remarked that the Romans would exact a high price from them for such a short journey. The surviving Latins, scattered across various roads, eventually regrouped and sought refuge in the city of Vescia. Here, the leaders met to discuss the situation. General Numisius assured them that the real truth was that Mars had defeated both sides of the war with equal slaughter and that victory for the Romans was in name only. Both sides shared the same misfortune and there were heavy losses on both sides. The Roman army was severely reduced; the two consuls' headquarters were devastated, one by the execution of his son, the other by the self-sacrifice of a devoted consul. Their whole army was slain, the hastati and principes were cut down and there was significant destruction both in front of and behind their standards until the consul finally unleashed the triarii. Numisius pointed out that even though the army of the Latins was equally ruined, reinforcements were closer to them, from Latium or from the Volscians, than compared to Rome's reinforcements. Therefore, if they agreed, he proposed to quickly mobilize the youth from the Latin and Volscian states and return to Capua with an aggressive army, surprising the Romans who weren't expecting another battle. Following the distribution of deceptive letters throughout Latium and the Volscian nation, because those who had not joined in the previous battle were easily deceived as to the outcome, a hastily assembled army from all sides was formed. This army was confronted by Consul Titus Manlius Torquatus at Trifanum, a location between Sinuessa and Minturnae. Before a camp could be established by either side, both armies threw their supplies and baggage into piles and immediately started to fight. The Romans quickly won. The situation was so severe that all of the Latins surrendered to the victorious Consul, as he led his victorious army to ravage their lands. The Campanians followed suit and surrendered, as well. Latium and Capua were penalized by having their land confiscated. The Latin land was given to the Privernians. The Falernian land, which had once belonged to the people of Campania, was distributed to the Roman plebeians as far as the Volturnus River. In the Latin land, two jugera per person were assigned, with an additional three-fourths of a jugera from the Privernian land due to distance. In the Falernian land, three jugera were assigned, with an additional quarter of a jugera due to the distance. The Laurentians of the Latins and the cavalry of the Campanians were exempted from punishment as they hadn't revolted. A decree was issued to renew the treaty with the Laurentians, which has been renewed annually on the tenth day of the Latin festival. The Campanian cavalry was granted citizenship rights, and a bronze tablet was hung in the Temple of Castor at Rome as a memorial. The Campanian state was also ordered to pay the Romans an annual tax of four hundred and fifty denarii each for each of the one thousand six hundred people.

8.12 After the war ended, rewards and punishments were given out based on each person's actions. Titus Manlius then returned to Rome. It seems that only the elderly went out to greet him, while the younger men despised and cursed him for the rest of his life [because of his rigid discipline, to the point he would execute his own son]. The Antians began to invade the lands of Ostia, Ardea, and Solonium. Consul Manlius, due to his poor health, couldn't lead the war. He appointed Praetor Lucius Papirius Crassus as Dictator, who then appointed Lucius Papirius Cursor as Master of the Horse. They didn't achieve anything noteworthy against the Antiates, though he did maintain a standing camp in the Antium territory for several months. Following a year of a remarkable victory over so many powerful people, the noble death of one of the consuls and the still-remembered cruel command of another, Tiberius Aemilius Mamercinus and Quintus Publilius Philo became consuls. The new consuls didn't have the opportunities for glory that their predecessors had. Instead, they focused more on their own interests and those of their political allies rather than on the welfare of their state. They routed the Latins, who were rebelling out of anger over the loss of their land, in the Fenectane plains and stripped them of their camp. There, Consul Publilius, under whose leadership and auspices the action had been carried out, accepted the surrender of the Latin people, whose youth had been slaughtered there, while Consul Aemilius then led his army to Pedum. The people of Pedum were supported by the states of Tibur, Praeneste, and Velitrae, as well as by auxiliaries from Lanuvium and Antium. Although the Romans won several battles, the main struggle was still at the city of Pedum and the camps of the allied states which adjoined it. All of these camps were left untouched as Aemilius abruptly left the war unfinished to return to Rome upon hearing that his fellow consul was being given a Triumph. He demanded a Triumph for himself even though his own victory hadn't yet been achieved. The senators, offended by his ambition, refused to grant a Triumph unless Pedum was captured or surrendered. Aemilius, feeling alienated from the Senate, spent the rest of his consulship acting like a seditious tribune. He constantly criticized the patricians to the plebeians, with his colleague not interfering because he, too, was a plebeian. The limited distribution of land among the plebeians in the Latin and Falernian territories was a major point of contention. When the Senate tried to end the consuls' administration by ordering a dictator to be appointed against the Latins, Aemilius, who was in possession of the fasces, appointed his colleague, Consul Quintus Publilius Philo (a plebeian) as Dictator. Junius Brutus was made Master of the Horse. Dictator Publilius was popular due to his speeches against the patricians and his passing of three laws that benefited the plebeians and harmed the nobility. The first law mandated that plebeian orders [plebiscites], would apply to all Quirites. The second law required the Senate to approve any laws passed in the Comitia before voting began. The third law stated that at least one of the censors should be elected from the plebeians, as it was already permissible for both consuls to be plebeians. The senators felt that more damage was sustained that year by the consuls and Dictator at home than power was gained abroad from their victories and foreign wars.

8.13 The following year, Lucius Furius Camillus and Gaius Maenius became consuls. To show their anger at Aemilius' blatant neglect of his duties the previous year as consul, the Senate angrily insisted that Pedum should be captured with all available forces and destroyed. The new consuls, under pressure to prioritize the issue, put all other things aside and set out to Pedum. The Latins were now in a state where they couldn't endure war or peace. They lacked the resources for war, but scorned peace because they had lost their land, which they greatly resented. It seemed smartest to adopt a middle course: stay within their towns to avoid provoking the Romans and, if the siege of any town was announced, help would be brought from all sides to the besieged. Only a few states were willing to help the people of Pedum; the people of Tibur and the Praenestines, who were closest, reached Pedum first, while the Aricini, Lanuvi, and Velitrae who had attempted to join the Volscians of Antium, were routed by Consul Maenius who had attacked them with a surprise assault at the Astura River. Camillus, facing a larger and stronger force from Tibur at Pedum, had a challenging but still equally successful battle. A sudden sortie of townspeople during the battle caused the greatest confusion. Camillus, turning a part of his army against them, not only drove them back within their walls, but, after routing both the townspeople and their allies on the same day, he took the town by storm using scaling ladders. Both consuls then decided, with great confidence and courage, to lead their victorious armies from the capture of a single city to the conquering of all Latium. They didn't stop until they had conquered all of Latium, either by storming the towns or by accepting their surrender, individually. After placing garrisons in the captured towns, the consuls returned to Rome to a universally acknowledged Triumph, where they were honored with equestrian statues of them placed in the Forum, a rare compliment at that time. Before the meeting to elect the next year's consuls, Camillus addressed the Senate about the Latin peoples: "Senators, what needed to be done in Latium through war and arms has now come to an end, by the kindness of the gods and the bravery of our soldiers. We have defeated the enemy armies at Pedum and the Astura River. All the Latin towns, and Antium, either taken by force or recovered from the Volscians are now occupied by our garrisons. We must now consider how to maintain their peaceful submission and prevent further rebellions." "The immortal gods have given you the power to decide whether Latium will continue to exist by placing the decision in your hands. You can ensure permanent peace for yourselves with the Latins by choosing either to punish them or to forgive them." "Do you wish to be harsh towards the surrendered and conquered people? You are free to destroy all of Latium, creating a vast desert from a place that has often provided us with a strong army of allies in many great wars. Or, do you wish to follow the example of our ancestors and increase the Roman state by accepting the defeated as citizens?" "The opportunity to grow the City with the utmost glory is in your hands. Certainly, the government is most secure when its subjects are happy to obey. Whatever decision you make, it must be made quickly. So many people are suspended between hope and fear. It's necessary to work out your own concerns about them and resolve their status as soon as possible while their minds are stunned and preoccupied with the uncertainty of either punishment or mercy." "It was our duty to ensure you had the full power to deliberate this issue; it's your duty to decide what's best for you and for the Republic."

8.14 The leading members of the Senate praised the consul's presentation regarding the overall situation. However, they replied, not all Latins were alike. Each people had its own different set of circumstances, so an effective plan might be to consider each case individually and make decisions based on their merits. Accordingly, a report was made and a decree was passed on each one: The Lanuvians were granted citizenship rights, and their religious rights and sacred places were restored to them with the provision that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita would be shared between the Lanuvian citizens and the Roman people. The people of Aricia, Nomentum, and Pedum were accepted as citizens under the same conditions as the Lanuvians. The Tusculans continued to have the citizenship rights they already had, and the crime of rebellion was redirected from public wrongdoing to a few instigators. The Veliterni, people of Velitrae, who had been Roman citizens for a long time, were severely punished because they had rebelled many times; their walls were torn down, and their senate was disbanded, and they were ordered to live on the other side of the Tiber River.  The fine for any Veliterni caught on the Roman side of the river was set at one thousand pounds of aes rude and they would be held in jail until all the money was paid. Colonists were sent to the land of the Velitrae senators, and, with these additions, Velitrae regained the appearance of the ancient population. A new colony was also sent to Antium, with the provision that if the Antiates wanted to be registered as colonists, they would be allowed to do so. Their warships were removed, either they were hauled to Roman docks or just outright burned. The people of Antium were forbidden access to the sea, but they were granted citizenship rights. The people of Tibur and the Praenestines were fined some land, not only because of the guilt of the rebellion, which they shared with the other Latins, but also because they had previously joined forces with the Gauls, a savage nation, due to their dislike of the Roman government. The other Latin states lost the privileges of intermarriage, commerce, and holding meetings among themselves. Capua, in honor of their cavalry who had refused to rebel with the Latins, and the people of Fundi and Formiae, because the roads through their territories had always been safe and peaceful, were granted citizenship without the right to vote. It was decided that the people of Cumae and Suessula would have the same rights and be in the same position as Capua. As was said, some of the Antiates' ships were hauled up and placed into the naval dockyards of Rome and some were burned.  Some of the prows [rostra] of these ships were chosen to adorn a platform built in the Forum, which was then called "The Rostra".

8.15 During the time when Gaius Sulpicius Longus and Publius Aelius Paetus were consuls, when the generosity and goodwill of the Romans and not their power had procured peace, a war erupted between the Sidicinians and the Auruncians. The Romans had previously formed an alliance with the Auruncians, who had been peaceful since their surrender to Consul Titus Manlius and, thus, had the right to seek help from the Romans. However, before the consuls could lead their army out of the city to defend the Auruncians, as ordered by the Senate, news arrived that they had abandoned their town out of fear. They had fled with their families and fortified Suessa, now known as Aurunca. Their old city and walls were destroyed by the Sidicinians. The Senate was furious at the consuls' delay and their indecisiveness, which they believed had betrayed their allies. As a result, they ordered the creation of a dictator. Gaius Claudius Inregillensis was appointed, and he chose Gaius Claudius Hortator as his Master of the Horse. However, a religious objection was raised about the Dictator's appointment, and the augurs declared that he had been improperly elected. At that point, both the Dictator and the Master of the Horse resigned their offices. That same year, Minucia, a Vestal Virgin, was suspected of inappropriate behavior due to her overly elegant dress. Later, she was indicted before the pontiffs based on the testimony of a slave. After being ordered by their decree to refrain from participating in sacred rites and to remain under supervision within her family's custody, she was finally put on trial. She was buried alive, as was customary, in a chamber dug beneath the Sceleratus ["Wicked"] Field near the Colline gate, on the right of the causeway. It's believed that the place was named after her crime of unchastity. Also in that year, Quintus Publilius Philo became the first plebeian to be elected praetor. He faced opposition from Consul Sulpicius, who refused to acknowledge him as a candidate. Although the plebeians had not gained this position before in the highest commands, the Senate was less concerned about the praetorship.

8.16 The next year, when Lucius Papirius Crassus and Caeso Duillius were consuls, war broke out with the Auruncians. This war was notable for being new rather than being important. Auruncians who lived in the city of Cales had decided to join forces with their neighbors, the Sidicinians. Their combined armies were defeated in a battle that is hardly worth mentioning. The defeat was hastened by the close proximity of their cities and the availability of shelter during their retreat. Despite this, the Senate didn't ignore the war. The Sidicinians had repeatedly taken up arms, either on their own or in support of others, or had been the instigators of conflict. As a result, the Senate made a concerted effort to elect Marcus Valerius Corvus, the most accomplished and greatest general of the time, to his fourth term as consul. Marcus Atilius Regulus was chosen as his colleague. To avoid any potential setbacks, the consuls were asked to assign the province to Corvus without drawing lots. Corvus took command of the victorious army from the previous consuls and headed to Cales, where the war had started. At the first battle cry and charge, the enemy, still terrified from the previous conflict, fled immediately. Corvus then laid siege to the entire city, itself. The soldiers were so eager to fight that they wanted to immediately approach the walls and use scaling ladders, insisting that the attack would be successful. Corvus recognized the danger of this plan; such a bold assault would be too risky. He preferred to win through labor rather than risk. For this reason, he built a rampart, prepared the vineae, and moved siege towers up to the walls. However, an unexpected opportunity arose that made these preparations unnecessary. Marcius Fabius, a Roman captive inside the city, managed to break his chains during a festival while the guards were distracted. Passing through the wall amid the Roman siege works, he used a rope tied to a battlement to lower himself down. He made his way to the general, convincing him to attack the enemy while they were drunk and feasting. The Auruncians and their city were captured as easily as if they had been defeated in the field. A large amount of loot was seized, and a garrison was stationed at Cales. The legions then returned to Rome. Following a decree from the Senate, Consul Corvus celebrated his victory with a Triumph. To ensure that his colleague also received some glory, both consuls were ordered to lead the army against the Sidicinians. Before doing so, they appointed Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus as Dictator to oversee the elections, as per a Senate decree. Mamercinus chose Quintus Publilius Philo as his Master of the Horse. Under the Dictator's supervision, Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius were elected as consuls. Although the war with the Sidicinians was not yet over, they decided to propose sending a colony to Cales to anticipate the desires of the plebeians. Following a Senate decree, they enlisted twenty-five hundred men for this purpose and appointed Caeso Duillius, Titus Quinctius, and Marcus Fabius as commissioners to lead the colony and distribute the land.

8.17 The newly appointed consuls received the army from their predecessors and advanced into enemy territory, destroying the land all the way until they reached the city walls. There, the Sidicinians, who had amassed a large army, seemed ready to fight fiercely for their final hope. Hearing rumors that the Samnites were also preparing for war, Publius Cornelius Rufinus was appointed Dictator by the consuls, following a decree from the Senate. Marcus Antonius was named Master of the Horse. However, religious doubts arose about the legitimacy of their election, leading them to resign. A plague then followed, as if the auspices had been affected by the irregularity of the election, and the situation led to an interregnum. After the interregnum, which finally ended with the fifth interrex, Marcus Valerius Corvus, the consuls elected were Aulus Cornelius for the second time, and Gnaeus Domitius. With peace restored, rumors of incursions by the Gauls caused enough concern to again warrant the appointment of a dictator. Marcus Papirius Crassus was chosen as Dictator, with Publius Valerius Publicola as Master of the Horse. Their active recruitment was stronger than was typical for impending wars. Scouts were sent out and reported that all was quiet among the Gauls. However, there were suspicions that Samnium was planning new attacks, so Roman troops remained in Sidicinian territory. Meanwhile, King Alexander of Epirus attacked the Lucanians, diverting the attention of the Samnites who came to the aid of the Lucanians.  The two nations fought a fierce battle against the king as he descended Paestum with his standards raised. After winning, Alexander made peace with the Romans. His commitment to this peace, had his other plans been as successful, remains unknown. That same year, the census was conducted and new citizens were registered. The Maecia and Scaptia tribes were added due to the influx of new citizens. The censors who added them were Quintus Publilius Philo and Spurius Postumius. The Acerrani were granted Roman citizenship, without voting rights, under a law introduced by the praetor, Lucius Papirius. These were the events of that year, both domestically and abroad.

8.18 The subsequent year, under the consulship of Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Gaius Valerius, was a terrible one. Some say it was due to plague. Others say it was human treachery. I find the surnames of Flaccus and Potitus variously in the annals as the surname for Valerius, but that detail is not important. One thing I hope is not true, and not all authors agree on this, is a report that people died from poisoning and it was this mass death that caused the year to be infamously remembered for plague. This information is passed down to us, and I must report it to maintain the credibility of the original writers. When leading figures of the state began dying from similar illnesses, all with nearly the same outcome, a certain female slave came forward to Quintius Fabius Maximus, the curule aedile, promising to reveal the cause of the public sickness if she was given assurance that he would protect her and her revelation wouldn't harm her. Fabius brought this to the consuls, who then presented it to the Senate. With the Senate's agreement, immunity was given to the informant. She revealed that the state's affliction was due to the evil actions of certain women, specifically matrons, who were creating poisonous concoctions. If the authorities followed her, they could catch these women in the act. Upon following the informant, they discovered women mixing poisons and found more already prepared and stored away. These poisons were brought to the Forum, and twenty matrons, who were found in possession of them, were then summoned. Two of them, Cornelia and Sergia, both of patrician families, claimed that these mixtures were purely medicinal. To prove the informant wrong, they were ordered to drink them to prove they had not made a false statement in the sight of all. After taking time to confer, while the crowd had cleared the room, they consulted the others. None refused. They all agreed to drink. They all drank and died, victims of their own malicious scheme. Their companions were immediately arrested. They implicated a large number of other matrons, leading to the conviction of one hundred and seventy of them. Until that day, there had never been an investigation into poisoning in Rome. The event was treated as a supernatural horror and seemed more like the act of mad people than deliberate wickedness. The annals mention that during previous plebeian secessions, a nail had been driven into the temple by a dictator and by doing this act of atonement, sanity was restored to the people's alienated and disturbed minds. It was decided that a dictator should be appointed for the purpose of driving the nail. Gnaeus Quinctilius was nominated as Dictator and appointed Lucius Valerius as Master of the Horse. After the nail was driven, they resigned from their offices.

8.19 The consuls elected were Lucius Papirius Crassus, for the second time, and Lucius Plautius Venox. At the start of their term, ambassadors from the Volscians, the Fabraterni, and the Lucani came to Rome asking that they be received under Roman protection. If they were defended from the Samnites, they promised to remain faithfully and obediently under the command of the Roman people. In response, the Senate sent ambassadors to the Samnites, warning them to avoid any aggression towards these states. This diplomatic mission was successful, not because the Samnites wanted peace, but because they weren't ready for war. That same year, a war erupted with the people of Privernum, who were backed by the people of Fundani. Their leader was a Fundani named Vitruvius Vaccus, a man of high standing not only in his hometown but also in Rome. He owned a home on Palatine Hill, which, after it was demolished and the land was confiscated and cleared, became known as the Vacci Fields. While Vaccus was plundering the regions of Setia, Norba, and Cora, Consul Papirius set out to confront him and positioned the army not far from his camp. Vitruvius Vaccus didn't have the sense to remain behind his rampart when facing against a stronger enemy, nor did he have the courage to engage in battle very far from his camp. He could barely manage to get his army out of the camp gate, and they were more focused on escaping back to the camp than actually fighting. He entered the battle without strategy or bravery. As such, Vaccus' defeat was fast and clear. The short distance to his camp allowed his soldiers to retreat easily, sparing them significant losses. Few were killed in the actual battle. A few of the last ones were killed during the chaotic retreat to the camp. As night fell, the panic-stricken army fled to Privernum, seeking protection behind city walls rather than a rampart. From Privernum, Consul Plautius led his army into the Fundanian territory after pillaging the fields and driving off cattle. The Fundanian senate met him at their border, claiming that they weren't there to plead for Vitruvius Vaccus or his followers, but for the people of Fundani. Vaccus had proven their innocence by retreating to Privernum, and not here, to his homeland. The enemies of Rome were in Privernum and should be sought out and pursued; they were men who who had turned against both the Fundanians and Rome, forgetting their own homelands. The Fundanians were peaceful, loyal to Rome, and grateful for citizenship they had received. They begged the consul not to make war on innocent people. Their lands, their city, and even their own lives and those of their spouses and children were, and would always be, subject to the authority of the Roman people. Consul Plautius praised the Fundanians and sent letters to Rome reporting their loyalty. He then redirected his troops towards Privernum. According to Claudius, the Consul first punished the leaders of the rebellion. Three hundred and fifty conspirators were sent to Rome in chains. However, the Senate didn't accept this submission, believing that the people of Fundani were trying to escape punishment by sacrificing the poor and powerless.

8.20 While the siege of Privernum was being waged by the two consular armies, one of the consuls was called back to Rome for the elections. This was the year when chariot cells were first built in the circus. The public was still focused on the war at Privernum when a rumor that the Gauls were now preparing for war reached them. It was a concern that the Senate never took lightly. The new consuls, Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus and Gaius Plautius, were ordered to divide the provinces between themselves on the first of July, the date when they took office. Mamercinus, who was assigned the Gauls, was instructed to recruit soldiers without accepting any excuses for exemption. It's said that even the least suitable for military service, such as common laborers, craftsmen, and the sedentary were summoned. A large army was assembled at Veii, ready to intercept the Gauls. They decided not to move too far away in case the enemy reached the city unnoticed by another route. After a few days, once it was confirmed that the Gauls were inactive for now, the entire force was then redirected towards Privernum. There are two different versions of what happened next. Some say that the city was captured by force and that Vitruvius Vaccus was captured alive. Others argue that before the fighting began, the townspeople carried a caduceus [the symbol of truce] and surrendered to the consul, allowing Vitruvius to be handed over by his own men. The Senate, when consulted about Vitruvius and the people of Privernum, instructed Consul Plautius to tear down the walls of Privernum, leave a strong garrison there, and return home to celebrate his Triumph. They also ordered that Vitruvius be imprisoned until the consul's return, then be beaten with rods and executed. His houses on the Palatine hill were to be demolished, and his possessions given to Semo Sancus to be consecrated. Whatever brass was melted down from them was to be used to make bronze orbs and placed in the shrine of Sancus, opposite the Temple of Quirinus. As for the senate of Privernum, it was decided that anyone who had continued to act as a senator in Privernum, after the revolt against the Romans, should live on the other side of the Tiber, under the same restrictions as those of Velitrae. After these decrees were passed, there was no further mention of the Privernians until Consul Plautius had celebrated his Triumph. After the Triumph, the consul, having killed Vitruvius and his accomplices, thought that everyone was satisfied with the punishment of the guilty, and he could safely bring up the matter of the general population of Privernians. He said: "Now that the instigators of the revolt have received their deserved punishment from both the immortal gods and from you, senators, what do you think should be done about the innocent people? Although my role is more to gather the opinions of others than to give my own, I believe that, considering the Priverni are neighbors of the Samnites, with whom our peace is very uncertain, we should try to minimize any potential hostility between us and them."

8.21 The situation naturally led to a variety of viewpoints. Each person, based on their individual natures, suggested either harshness or mercy. The situation was further complicated when one of the Privernian ambassadors became more focused on the condition he was born into, rather than the current crisis. When asked by one senator, who supported a harsher punishment, what punishment he thought the Privernians deserved, the ambassador replied, "It is what those who consider themselves worthy of freedom deserve." As the Consul noticed that this defiant answer only angered people already against the Privernians even more, he tried to draw out a softer response with a kinder question, "If we forgive the punishment, what kind of peace can we hope to have with you?" The ambassador responded, "If the peace you offer us is good, it'll be trustworthy and permanently kept; if it's bad, expect that it will not last long." At this, some claimed that the Privernian was threatening them, and his words could incite peaceful people to revolt. However, the more rational members of the Senate interpreted his responses more positively, saying that the words they heard were from a man, a free man. Could they really expect any nation, or even any individual, to stay in a painful situation longer than necessary? Peace is only truly upheld when those at peace choose to be so; but we can't expect loyalty if we want to impose slavery. The Consul agreed with this opinion and repeatedly reminded the leading speakers of the ex-consuls [consulars], in a voice loud enough for everyone to hear, that only those men who think of nothing but freedom were worthy of being made Romans. As a result, they won their case in the Senate. Furthermore, under the Senate's direction, a proposal was presented to the people to grant citizenship to the people of Privernum. That same year, a colony of three hundred men was sent to Anxur, each receiving two jugera of land.

8.22 The following year wasn't notable for any war or domestic problems under the consulship of Publius Plautius Proculus and Publius Cornelius Scapula, except that a colony was settled at Fregellae – land that had once belonged to the people of Signia and later to the Volscians. Marcus Flavius gave a sacrificial feast [visceratio] where he distributed meat to the public at his mother's funeral. Some believed that, while it seemed to be a tribute to his mother, it was actually repaying a debt to the public for acquitting him when he was accused by the aediles of having an affair with a married woman from a reputable family. The meat distibution also helped him secure a public office. In the next election, even though he was not present, he was chosen for the office of plebeian tribune over other candidates who were vying in person. The city of Palaepolis was located not far from where Neapolis [Naples] is now. Both cities were inhabited by the same people, who originated from Cumae, and the Cumanians traced their roots back to Chalcis in Euboea. With the fleet that brought them here from their home, they held significant power along the sea coast where they lived. First they landed on the islands of Aenaria and the Pithecusae, they later dared to transfer their settlements to the mainland. Palaepolis committed several hostile acts against the Romans living in the Campania and Falerii territories. It relied solely on its own strength, and on the untrustworthy alliance of the Samnites against the Romans, or perhaps motivated by rumors of a plague that attacked the City of Rome. Therefore, during the subsequent consulate of Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Quintus Publilius Philo's second term, fetials were sent to Palaepolis to demand redress. When the Greeks responded defiantly, as they were known to be more active in language than in deeds, the people, following the Senate's direction, declared war on Palaepolis. When the consuls divided the provinces, the war against the Greeks was assigned to Consul Publilius. Consul Cornelius, with a separate army, was tasked with monitoring the Samnites in case they made any moves, as there were rumors that the Samnites, anticipating a rebellion in Campania, planned to march their troops there. Cornelius deemed this the most suitable location for him to set up camp permanently.

8.23 The Senate was informed by both consuls that there was little chance of peace with the Samnites. Publilius had recovered Palaeopolis, along with two thousand soldiers from Nola and four thousand Samnites. This was more of a forced decision by the Nolans than a choice by the Greeks. Cornelius reported that a troop draft had been ordered by the Samnites. All of Samnium was preparing for war, and neighboring states of Privernum, Fundi, and Formiae were being openly stirred up and asked to join them. Thus, it was decided that ambassadors should be sent to the Samnites before starting a war with them. But the Samnites responded defiantly. They defended themselves against the accusations, but they also did not deny the charges against them. The Greeks, they claimed, were not helped by them with any official authorization or support. Nor had they stirred up the people of Fundi or Formiae . With that being said, they made no apologies for their strength. If war was what Rome desired, they would welcome it. They admitted that they could not hide their outrage that the Romans had rebuilt Fregellae, a city they had taken from the Volscians and destroyed. The Romans had then established a colony within Samnite territory, which the colonists again named Fregellae. The Samnites considered it an insult and an injury. Unless it was removed by those who had caused it, the Samnites would drive them out by force. When the Roman ambassador suggested discussing the issue with their mutual allies and friends, their magistrate replied: "What is so complicated? Romans, our differences will not be decided by the words of ambassadors or by any human arbitration, but on the plains of Campania, where we must meet in battle; and by our arms, and by Mars, our common god of war and who will settle the point. Accordingly, let us camp together between Capua and Suessula to determine whether the Samnites or the Romans shall rule Italy." The Roman ambassadors responded that they would not go where the enemy had called them, but where their commanders led them. Meanwhile, Publilius had seized a strategic position between Palaepolis and Neapolis, breaking up a mutual aid alliance with the enemies, which they had been using to support each other when they needed help.  As the election day approached, it was deemed unwise to recall Publilius from his siege, as he was standing before the enemy's walls hoping, daily, to capture the city. The tribunes were asked to propose to the people that Quintus Publilius Philo, once his consulship had ended, should remain in command as proconsul and conduct the affairs of the consulship until the war with the Greeks was over. A letter was sent to Consul Lucius Cornelius, ordering him to appoint a dictator, as it was not appropriate to recall him from the war already underway in Samnium. He sent a letter nominating Marcus Claudius Marcellus as Dictator, who appointed Spurius Postumius as Master of the Horse. However, the elections weren't held by the Dictator because there was a question about the religious legality of his appointment and an inquiry was held. The augurs were consulted and declared that the Dictator appeared to be flawed. The plebeian tribunes were then suspicious and argued against this, claiming that it was unlikely that such a flaw could have been discovered since the nomination by the consul occurred silently in the middle of the night. Nor had the consul publicly stated it to anyone. It was written privately. No mortal had witnessed or heard anything that would invalidate the auspices. Furthermore, they questioned how the augurs, sitting in Rome, could have divined any flaw that might have occurred in the consul's auspices while he was in the camp. They suggested that the real issue was that the Dictator was a plebeian and that's what the augur's are calling flawed. Despite their arguments, the matter resulted in an interregnum and the elections were postponed. After several delays for one reason or another, the fourteenth interrex, Lucius Aemilius, at last elected as consuls, Gaius Poetelius and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus. I find the name Cursor instead of Mugillanus recorded in some annals.

8.24 Historical records show that, in this year, Alexandria was founded in Egypt. Alexander, King of Epirus, was killed by a Lucanian exile. His death confirmed the prophecy of Jupiter of Dodona. When the Tarentines invited him to Italy, he was warned by the oracle to beware of the waters of the Acheron River and the city Pandosia, for there he would meet the end of his life. To avoid this, he quickly crossed over to Italy, to be as far as possible from the city of Pandosia in Epirus and the Acheron River. This river flows from Molossia, into the lakes known as Infernal Marshes which empty into the Thesprotian Gulf. However, as often happens, people meet their fate while trying to avoid it. Alexander had defeated the armies of Bruttium and Lucania multiple times, and captured Heraclea, a colony of the Tarentines from the Lucanians, Sipontum of the Apulians, Consentia of the Bruttii and Terina, and several other cities of the Messapians and Lucanians. He sent three hundred prominent families to Epirus as hostages. Then, he stationed his troops on three hills some distance from each other, near the city of Pandosia, overlooking the borders of the Bruttii and Lucanians. This allowed him to launch attacks into every part of the enemy's territory. At this time, he had two hundred Lucanian exiles with him, who he thought were loyal to him. However, their loyalty was fickle and was as changeable as their fortune. When continuous rains flooded all the plains, cutting off the three divisions of the army from supporting each other, the enemy attacked and defeated the two divisions where the king was not present. They then focused on trapping the king. The Lucanian exiles sent messengers to their own people promising their countrymen that they would deliver the king to them, either alive or dead, in exchange for a safe return. Despite this, the king himself, daring a noble deed by bravely leading a chosen group of soldiers, burst through the midst of the enemy lines, and killed the general of the Lucanians in hand-to-hand combat. He then regrouped his scattered men from their flight and reached a river, where the crossing was shown by the remains of a recently destroyed bridge which the force of the water had carried away. As the column was crossing the uncertain ford, a tired and scared soldier, rebuking the abominable name of the river, exclaimed, "You're justly named Acheron [achos, or 'pain']!" The king heard this and remembered the prophecy. He hesitated, unsure whether to cross the river or not. Then Sotimus, a servant accompanying one of the royal youths, asked why he was delaying in such a crisis of danger and pointed out that the Lucanians were planning an ambush. The king saw them approaching at a distance in a large body, drew his sword, and rode his horse across the middle of the river. As he reached the ford, a Lucanian exile threw a javelin at him from a distance, which pierced him, killing him. Falling there, the river carried his lifeless body, with the javelin still in it, downstream to the enemy's camp. There they hideously mutilated his body, cutting it in half and sending half of it to the city of Consentia, keeping the other half for their own amusement. As the remains were being pelted from a distance with stones and javelins, a single woman, mingling with a raging mob whose savagery went far beyond human anger, came forward and pleaded with the crowd to hold off for a little while. Weeping, she cried out that her husband and children were taken prisoner by the enemy. She hoped to use the king's body, however disfigured, to ransom her loved ones. This ended their violence. What remained of his body was buried at Consentia through the care of this single woman. His bones were sent to Metapontum to the enemy, and from there were carried to Epirus, to his wife Cleopatra and his sister Olympias. His mother was also named Olympias, and his wife, Cleopatra, was the sister of Alexander the Great. This was the tragic end of Alexander of Epirus. Although he didn't fight against the Romans, he did wage war in Italy, which is why I've included this brief account.

8.25 This year, for the fifth time since the city was built, a lectisternium was held at Rome to seek the favor of the same gods as before. After the election of the new consuls, Gaius Poetelius and Lucius Papirius Cursor, following the people's command, the consuls sent representatives to declare war on the Samnites. They prepared for this war with more vigor than they had for the war against the Greeks. Unexpectedly, they gained allies. The Lucanians and Apulians, nations that hadn't previously interacted with the Romans, offered an alliance, promising to provide soldiers and weapons for the war. They were accepted into an alliance and a treaty of friendship was agreed upon. Meanwhile, the Romans were successful in Samnium. They captured three towns, Allifae, Callifae, and Rufrium, and devastated the surrounding countryside. The end of another war in which the Greeks were besieged in Palaepolis was also progressing well and the end seemed imminent. Not only was the enemy cut off from one part of the fortifications, but also the people of Palaepolis were suffering greatly within their own walls. The conditions they were under inside the city were far worse than the threat posed by the Roman forces outside. They were treated badly by their own allied defenders and had been experiencing the kind of horrors usually only associated with a city being captured and sacked. They suffered indignities and their children and spouses also suffered unworthily. When they heard rumors that reinforcements were coming from Tarentum and the Samnites, they weren't happy. They already had more Samnites within their walls than they could bear. However, being Greeks, they eagerly awaited the young men from Tarentum, who were also Greeks. They hoped that these reinforcements would help them resist their Samnite and Nolan defenders, who were occupying the city under the guise of an alliance, as well as the Romans. In the end, it appeared to the people that surrendering to the Romans seemed like the lesser evil. Two leading men in the city, Charilaus and Nymphius, devised a plan. One would defect to the Roman general, and the other would stay behind to see to the city's surrender at the right moment. Charilaus went to Publilius Philo, the Roman general. For the good fortune of the people of Palaepolis and the Roman people, he said, he planned to hand over the fortifications to him. Whether this act would be seen as betrayal or preservation of his country depended on the Romans' honor. He asked nothing for himself, but he requested that if the plan succeeded, the Romans would remember their eagerness and risk in seeking to return to their alliance, rather than their foolishness and recklessness in straying from their duty. The general praised him and gave him three thousand soldiers to take control of the part of the city occupied by the Samnites, appointing Lucius Quinctius, a military tribune, to command the force.

8.26 Concurrently, Nymphius cleverly persuaded the leader of the Samnites that, as all the Roman troops were stationed around Palaepolis or occupied at Samnium, he should be allowed to sail to Roman territory with the fleet to raid not only the sea coast but also the Roman countryside near the city itself. In order to deceive him, however, he explained that they needed to depart at night and launch the ships immediately to avoid detection. To expedite this, all young men of the Samnites, except those guarding the city, were sent to the shore. Nymphius wasted time in the darkness by intentionally giving conflicting orders to create confusion, which was amplified by the large crowd getting in each other's way. Meanwhile, Charilaus, following the agreed plan, was let into the city by his allies. After filling the city's upper parts with Roman soldiers, he ordered them to shout. The Greeks, who had been previously instructed by their leaders, remained silent. The Nolans immediately escaped through the city's opposite side, fleeing on the road back to Nola. The Samnites, who had been shut out of the city, had an easier but more shameful escape. They returned home unarmed, stripped of their possessions, as they had left everything behind for their enemies. They became a laughingstock, not only to foreigners but also to their own people. I'm aware that there is another version of this event, suggesting that the Samnites betrayed the town. However, I choose to follow authors who are more worthy of belief. And then because the treaty with Neapolis, where the entire outcome of the Greek cause came to rest, suggests that the Greeks willingly renewed their friendship. A Triumph was awarded to Publilius Philo on the grounds that the enemy had agreed to surrender to the Romans. These two unprecedented distinctions were granted to this man: an extension of his command [proconsul] never before given to anyone, and a Triumph performed with honor to someone after his term had ended.

8.27 Another war emerged almost immediately with the Greeks from a different coastal region. The Tarentines had supported the city of Palaepolis with empty promises and false hope for a long time. When they learned that the Romans had taken over the city, they acted as if they were the victims of desertion instead of the ones who had deserted the people of Palaepolis. They resented the people of Palaepolis and seethed with intense anger and envy toward the Romans. All the more so because they had heard that the Lucanians and Apulians had submitted to the Roman authority and had entered into an alliance with them. From their perspective, they saw this as dangerous. The Romans were now almost at their doorstep. It would soon reach a point where they would have to treat the Romans as enemies or accept them as masters. Their interests, they thought, were tied to the Samnites' war and its outcome. They were the only nation still resisting Rome, but their power was dwindling since the Lucanians had left them. However, if they could cleverly create discord between them, the Lucanians could be persuaded to break their alliance with the Romans. These arguments were quickly accepted by those who desired change. Some young, influential but dishonorable Lucanians were bribed. After beating themselves with rods secretly, they appeared naked at a public gathering, claiming that they had been beaten with rods by the consul's orders. According to the men, they were then almost hacked to death with axes because they had dared to enter the Roman camp, barely escaping with their lives. This ugly, shocking event, which appeared to the people to provide clear evidence of injustice and not deception, angered the Lucanian people so much that they forced the magistrates to convene their senate by their clamor. Some demanded that the senate declare war on the Romans, while others ran into the countryside to rally the rural population to arms. In the ensuing chaos, even rational men were swept up in the rush to act rashly and make a hasty decision: a decree was passed to renew the alliance with the Samnites and to send ambassadors for that purpose. The move was so sudden and lacked any clear rationale that even the Samnites didn't trust it. They forced the Lucanians to give hostages and accept Samnite garrisons in their fortified locations. Blinded by deceit and anger, they agreed to all terms. Shortly after, when the instigators of the false accusations moved to Tarentum, the entire deception was revealed. By then, the Lucanians had given up and lost control over their own affairs, so all they were left with was regret.

8.28 This year marked a significant shift toward freedom for the Roman plebeians, as the practice of imprisoning debtors or nexum [debt bondage] was halted. This change in law was brought about due to the lustful and notable cruelty of a moneylender named Lucius Papirius. A young man named Gaius Publilius had surrendered himself to Papirius to pay off a debt owed by his father. Despite his youth and good looks, which should have inspired sympathy, it only inflamed the lender's lust and arrogance. Viewing his youth's attractiveness was as an unexpected "bonus" on the loan, he first tried to seduce the young man with lewd conversation. When Publilius rejected these advances, Papirius resorted to threats, constantly reminding him of his predicament. Eventually, when it became clear that Publilius would uphold his honorable birth rather than succumb to his current circumstances, Papirius ordered him to be stripped and whipped. The wounded young man, bearing the lacerations of his punishment, ran into the public street, loudly decrying the depravity and inhumanity of the moneylender. He stirred burning compassion and outrage among a large group of people, who saw in his fate a reflection of their own potential fate and that of their children. They gathered in the Forum and then marched in procession to the Senate. The consuls, taken aback by the sudden uproar, convened a meeting of the Senate. As the senators made their way to the Curia, the people fell at their feet, showing them the shredded back of the young man. That day, due to the egregious actions of one man, the strictest credit agreements were shattered. The consuls were instructed to propose a new law to the people: no one should be held in chains or stocks unless they had been convicted of a crime and were awaiting punishment. For monetary debts, a debtor's possessions, not their person, should be held accountable. As a result, imprisoned debtors were freed, and measures were put in place to prevent future debtor imprisonment.

8.29 During this year, the war with the Samnites was enough to keep the Senate busy. In addition to this, the sudden betrayal of the Lucanians and the Tarentines, who had instigated the betrayal, was compounded by the alliance formed by the Vestinians with the Samnites. The development, more of a rumor than a formal topic of conversation throughout the year, didn't become a matter of public debate. However, it was of such significance to the consuls of the following year, Lucius Furius Camillus for the second time, and Junius Brutus Scaeva, that it was the first issue they brought before the Senate for consideration. Despite the issue being recent, it caused great confusion in the Senate. They feared the repercussions of either ignoring it or addressing it. Ignoring it might embolden the Vestinians to grow more arrogant and reckless, they worried, while addressing it with war might provoke resentment and lead to conflict with its neighboring states. The collective strength of the Vestinians' neighbors, the Marsians, the Pelignians, and the Marrucinians, would all become enemies if the Vestinians were confronted. However, the decision to confront the issue, which at the time seemed more courageous than wise, was ultimately successful. The outcome proved that Fortune, indeed, favors the brave. Following the Senate's orders, the people declared war against the Vestinians. By lot, Junius Brutus Scaeva was assigned to them, while Lucius Furius Camillus was assigned to Samnium. Their armies were dispatched to both locations, and by carefully securing the borders, they prevented the enemy from uniting their forces. However, Consul Furius, who was primarily responsible for the war, was unexpectedly pulled from the conflict due to severe illness. Instead, he was instructed to appoint a dictator to oversee the war. He chose Lucius Papirius Cursor as Dictator, the most renowned general of the time, who in turn appointed Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus as his Master of the Horse. These two commanders were known for their military achievements and for their personal feud, which almost led to violence. The other consul, Junius Brutus, remained in the Vestinian territory and conducted various operations, all of which were successful. He devastated their lands and, by destroying and burning their homes and crops, forced the reluctant Vestinians to engage in battle. In a decisive battle, he significantly weakened the Vestinians, although not without losses on his own side. The enemy, unable to hold their position, not only retreated to their camp, but then abandoned it as they no longer relied on the ramparts and ditches. They dispersed into various towns, hoping to find safety in their cities' natural locations and in the protection of their city walls. Finally, Consul Brutus began to forcefully take over their towns. Amid the soldiers' intense enthusiasm and anger over their injuries, almost none of them had come out of the battle unscathed. He captured Cutina by scaling the walls and then seized Cingilia as well, giving the spoils of both cities to the soldiers in recognition of their bravery in overcoming the obstacles of gates and walls.

8.30 The commanders ventured into Samnium under uncertain auspices. But the flaw in them was not in the outcome of the war, which had been going well, it was in the intense animosities and disputes that had erupted among the leaders. Dictator Papirius had to return to Rome to perform the auspices again due to a warning from the pullularius [keeper of sacred chickens]. He left clear instructions for Master of the Horse Fabius to stay put and not to engage in battle while he was away. After the Dictator left, Fabius found out from his scouts that the enemy was as relaxed and unguarded as if there were no Romans at all in Samnium. The young and spirited Fabius, perhaps resentful that all credit had been given to the Dictator or tempted by the chance to strike a significant blow and gain glory, prepared his troops and led them to a place called Imbrinium. There, he fought a battle with the Samnites. His victory was so complete that it couldn't have been better even if the Dictator had been there. The leader didn't fail his soldiers, and the soldiers didn't fail their leader. The cavalry, unable to break the enemy ranks despite multiple charges, took off their horses' bridles on the advice of Lucius Cominius, a military tribune. Using their spurs, they excited their horses into a furious charge with such force that no resistance could stop them. They plowed through the thickest of the enemy lines, knocking down everything in their path, whether weapons or men, and inflicting widespread slaughter. The infantry, following the charge of the cavalry, brought the standards against the disordered enemy. It's said that twenty thousand of the enemy fell that day. Some sources say that two battles were fought, and two victories won during the Dictator's absence, but the oldest records only mention this one. Some histories don't mention this event at all. The Master of the Horse gathered such a large amount of spoils from the many enemies killed that he piled the enemy's weapons into a large heap and burned them all. It may have been to fulfill a promise to some god or, according to Fabius (our source), to prevent the Dictator from claiming the glory and inscribing his name on the spoils, or carrying them in his Triumph. Fabius then sent letters detailing his victory to the Senate, not to Dictator Papirius, clearly suggesting that he didn't want to share the honor with him. The Dictator saw this as an affront. While others celebrated the victory, he openly displayed anger and bitterness. He quickly dismissed the Senate and suddenly rushed out of the Curia, declaring repeatedly that it was not the Samnite legions that were conquered by the Master of the Horse, but rather that the dignity of the dictatorship and military discipline had been disregarded, and his command had been disregarded with impunity. With these angry threats, he hurried back to the camp. Despite the haste, he couldn't outrun the news of his return. Messengers from the city had already informed the camp that the Dictator, eager for punishment, was coming, praising almost word-for-word the famous deed of Titus Manlius [who executed his own son for disobeying orders].

8.31 Fabius immediately convened a meeting and pleaded with the soldiers to defend him with the same courage they had used to defend the Republic from its most dangerous enemies, he who had led them and under whose auspices they had won, from the lawless cruelty of Dictator Papirius. He told them that the Dictator was coming, crazed with envy at the bravery and success of another man. It enraged him that the Republic's affairs had been carried on splendidly in his absence and that if he could alter the outcome of the battle, he would have rather seen the Samnites victorious than the Romans. Papirius claimed that his authority had been scorned, said Fabius, as though he hadn't forbidden fighting with the exact same jealousy that now fueled his resentment at the battle's success! Even before, out of envy, he wanted to restrain another man's valor and planned to strip the most willing of soldiers of their arms, so that they couldn't fight effectively in his absence. And now he raged and was tormented by the fact that, even without him, the soldiers were neither unarmed nor helpless because they had been led by Quintus Fabius as their Master of the Horse, not the Dictator's mere servant. "What would he have done," Fabius asked, "if, as can happen in war through chance and the god Mars, we had been defeated? When now, with the enemy conquered and the Republic so well served – well enough that he could not have done better – he threatens punishment for the victorious master of horse?" The Dictator would be no more hostile to the Master of the Horse than he would be to the military tribunes, the centurions, and the soldiers themselves. If he could, he would unleash his fury on all, and because he can't, he takes it out on one man alone. Fabius declared that the Dictator's jealousy, like fire, rises upward and targets the top and so he attacks the leader, the head of the operation. If Papirius succeeded in destroying him along with the glory of the victory, then, as if ruling over a conquered army, he would, like a victor,  dare to do to the soldiers whatever he had been allowed to do to their commander. Therefore, Fabius urged the soldiers to stand up for his cause as it was also their cause and a defense of freedom for all. If the Dictator saw the same unity among the troops in defending their victory just as they had shown in the battle, and that the safety of one soldier was the concern of all, it might soften his attitude towards mercy. Finally, Fabius said that he was entrusting his life and fortune to their loyalty and bravery.

8.32 His speech was met with loud cheers from all corners of the assembly, telling him to have courage; no one would do him harm so long as the Roman legions were safe. Shortly after, the Dictator Papirius arrived and immediately called for an assembly with a trumpet blast. Once silence fell, a herald summoned the Master of the Horse. As Fabius approached the tribunal from the lower ground, the Dictator began to speak: "Quintus Fabius," he said, "I ask you this, when the Dictator's authority is recognized as supreme, and even the consuls who hold royal power, and the praetors, who are created under the same auspices as the consuls, are subject to his command, do you think it's fair that the Master of the Horse shouldn't listen to what the Dictator has said?" "I ask you, also, Quintus Fabius – knowing that I left home under uncertain auspices, should I have risked the safety of the Republic while the omens were unclear? Or, should the auspices have been taken again so that nothing would be done while the gods' will remained uncertain? When a religious concern is so significant that it prevents the Dictator from acting, should the Master of the Horse be exempt from it and be free to act?" "But why do I ask these questions, when, even if I left without giving any orders at all, your own judgment should have known what my intentions were?" "I ordered you not to take any action in my absence and forbade you to engage in battle with the enemy. Yet, in defiance of my orders, while the auspices were uncertain, in violation of military tradition, against the discipline of our ancestors, and against the will of the gods, you dared to fight." "Answer the questions I have asked. Don't you dare speak about anything else. Lictor, stand by him!" Fabius found it difficult to respond to each of these points. At times, he protested against the same person acting as accuser and judge in a case that threatened his very existence. At other times, he declared that his life might be taken, but his glory could not, defending himself and accusing the Dictator in turn. Papirius' anger flared up again, and he ordered the Master of the Horse to be stripped and the rods and axes to be prepared. Fabius, pleading for the soldiers' protection, retreated toward the Triarii as the lictors tore at his clothes. An uproar spread throughout the crowd. Some people begged for mercy. Others threatened rebellion. Those standing closest to the tribunal, who could easily be identified under the Dictator's gaze, pleaded with him to spare the Master of the Horse and not to condemn the entire army through him. In the back of the assembly, the crowd gathered around Fabius and criticized the Dictator's ruthlessness, to the verge of sedition. Even the tribunal was not entirely calm. The legates surrounding the Dictator urged him to postpone the matter until another day, to give his anger time to cool and to allow for reflection. Fabius' indiscretion, they argued, had been adequately chastised; his victory had been sufficiently tarnished. Don't resort to the extreme severity of execution, nor disgrace a young man of exceptional merit, nor his father, a man of great renown, nor the entire Fabii family. When their pleas and arguments had little effect on the Dictator, they then asked him to take note of the furious assembly. It was not appropriate for a man of the Dictator's age and wisdom to further inflame the soldiers' tempers when they were already so enraged, providing fuel for rebellion. No one would blame Quintus Fabius, they said, who was merely seeking to avoid punishment, but they would blame the Dictator, if he allowed his anger to blind him and provoked the crowd's wrath through a poorly-judged confrontation. Finally, his legates argued, lest he think that they were acting out of concern for Quintus Fabius, they were prepared to swear an oath that, in their opinion, it was not in the Republic's best interest to punish Quintus Fabius at that time.

8.33 Dictator Papirius' anger was not calmed by their pleas, but instead, it further provoked him, and the legates were ordered to leave the tribunal. Despite several attempts to quiet the crowd by a herald, the noise was too great. Neither the Dictator nor his officers could be heard. The situation was so chaotic that it was only ended by the arrival of night, much like a battle. The Master of the Horse was told to return the next day. However, he was warned that Papirius, who was already agitated and angry, would likely be even more aggressive. Fabius secretly left the camp and went to Rome. There, he called a meeting of the Senate, following the advice of his father, Marcus Fabius, a three-time consul and former dictator. While he was passionately describing to the Senate the Dictator's rage and unjustness, the sound of lictors clearing the way outside the Curia was heard. Papirius had arrived, full of anger, having followed with a swift cavalry as soon as he heard that Fabius had left the camp. The argument started again, and the Dictator ordered Fabius to be arrested. Despite the pleas of the leading patricians and the entire Senate urging restraint, the Dictator would not relent. His father, Marcus Fabius, then said, "Since neither the authority of the Senate, nor my age, at which you prepare to make me childless,  nor the noble birth and virtue of the Master of the Horse, whom you yourself appointed, nor the prayers that have often calmed the anger of an enemy and appeased the wrath of the gods, carry any weight with you, I call upon the plebeian tribunes for support and appeal to the people. Since you are fleeing the judgment of your own army, and the judgment of the Senate, I call you before a judge, Papirius, who surely has more power and authority than you, even as a Dictator. We shall see whether you'll submit to the right of appeal, to which even Tullus Hostilius, a Roman king, once submitted!" They went straight from the Curia to the assembly. There, the Dictator was accompanied by few people, while the Master of the Horse was accompanied by all the nobles of the first rank. Papirius ordered the Master of the Horse to step down from the Rostra. Fabius' father, following him, said, "You do well in ordering us to step down. It's here where even private citizens can speak." At first, there were few speeches and only fierce shouting matches. Eventually, the indignation of old Fabius and the strength of his voice overcame the noise, accusing Papirius of arrogance and cruelty. "I, too, had been a dictator of Rome. Never did I mistreat anyone, not even the lowest plebeian, nor centurion, nor soldier. But Papirius seeks victory and triumph over a Roman general, just as he would over the generals of the enemy! What a huge difference between the restraint of the ancients and this new pride and cruelty!" "Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, as dictator, exercised no further severity on Consul Lucius Minucius even though he rescued Minucius from a siege. He did not rage any further at him but left him at the head of the army, demoting him to the position of legate instead of consul." "Marcus Furius Camillus, in the case of Lucius Furius Medullinus, who, in contempt of Marcus Furius' great age and authority, ignored his advice and fought a battle with a disastrous result, not only restrained his anger at the time, but also refrained from writing an unfavorable report of his conduct to the people or the Senate. After returning home, when the patricians gave him the power of electing from among his colleagues whomever he might approve as an associate with himself in the command, chose Lucius Furius again in preference to all the other consular tribunes." "As for the Roman people, in whose hands lay ultimate authority, had only fined those who had lost their army through rashness and ignorance, despite their own anger. Until that day, no commander had ever been condemned to death for mishandling a war." "But now, even Roman generals when victorious and having earned a most honorable Triumph, are threatened with rods and axes? This is a treatment which wouldn't have been deemed allowable, even towards those who had been defeated by an enemy." "What would my son have to suffer if he had lost his army? What if he had been routed, then retreated, and then driven out of his camp? How much more extreme could Papirius get with his anger and violence, than to beat him, and put him to death? How was this consistent with reason? Through the victory of Quintus Fabius, Rome should be filled with joy, exulting in victory, and occupied in thanksgivings and congratulations. While at the same time, for his sake, the temples of the gods are being thrown open, their altars smoking with sacrifices, and loaded with honors and offerings. Instead, he should be stripped naked and beaten with rods in the sight of the Roman people, within view of the Capitol Hill and the Citadel in front of those gods whom he had called upon in two different battles, and not in vain? Would this army which had conquered the enemy under his leadership and auspices accept such an outrage? What mourning would there be in the Roman camp! What joy among our enemies!" The elder Fabius alternated between accusations and complaints, imploring the aid both of gods and men, before bursting into tears and warmly embracing his son.

8.34 With him on one side stood the majesty of the Senate, the people's support, the plebeian tribunes' support, and the memory of the absent army. On the other side, Papirius paraded the invincible rule of the Roman people, the discipline of military service, the Dictator's edict, always seen as a divine command, the rule of Manlius and his decision to put public good before his love for his child. Also, he spoke of Lucius Brutus, the founder of Roman freedom, who had done the very same thing with his two sons. Now, said Papirius, the senators are like easy-going companions and indulgent old men, showing favor to this young man for having scorned another's command, as if it were a small matter, doing a favor for the youth who had overthrown military discipline. Papirius declared that he would stick to his plan and wouldn't lessen the punishment deserved by the Master of the Horse who ignored his orders while the auspices were uncertain. Whether the majesty of the Roman authority would last forever was not up to him, but Lucius Papirius wouldn't diminish the power of the dictator. He hoped that the plebeian tribune office, which was inviolable itself, wouldn't interfere with the Roman government's authority by its intervention with a veto. He also hoped that the Roman people wouldn't destroy the sacred rites of the dictatorship. If this happened, he continued, posterity would not blame Lucius Papirius for this decline, but the tribunes and the corrupt judgment of the people, since once military discipline was polluted, everything would change. The soldier would no longer follow the centurion's orders, the centurion wouldn't follow the tribune's orders, the tribune wouldn't follow the legate's orders, the legate wouldn't follow the consul's orders, and the Master of the Horse wouldn't follow the dictator's orders. No one would respect men or even gods. Neither the generals' edicts nor the auspices would be respected. Soldiers would wander without provisions through friendly and enemy lands without permission and would leave the service whenever they wanted, ignoring their oaths. The military standards would be abandoned and ignored. Soldiers wouldn't gather when ordered and wouldn't care about fighting at night or during the day, on good or bad ground, with or without the general's orders. They wouldn't respect the military standards or ranks. Instead of solemn and sacred warfare, there would only be only blind and random robbery. "Therefore, plebeian tribunes," Papirius concluded, "you'll be responsible for all these problems for all future generations. You'll be blamed for shamefully defending Quintus Fabius' reckless behavior."

8.35 The plebeian tribunes, now confused and more worried about their own predicament than the one they were trying to help, were relieved when the Roman people, having turned to prayers and petitions, unanimously pleaded with Dictator Papirius to spare the Master of the Horse. The tribunes, seeing the matter going their way, followed up with prayers, and insisted on begging the Dictator to forgive human mistakes, to consider the young age of the offender, and to acknowledge that Quintus Fabius had suffered enough. The young man and his father, Marcus Fabius, gave up their fight and fell to their knees, begging the Dictator for mercy. Finally, Dictator Papirius, waiting for silence, then spoke: "Very well, Quirites. Military discipline has won; the dignity of command has won. Both were at risk of disappearing after today. Quintus Fabius, who disobeyed his commander, isn't acquitted. But he is pardoned, guilty though he is, and he's being given as a gift to the Roman people and to the plebeian tribunes' authority, who offered aid by appeal, not by right." "Live on, Quintus Fabius. Live on, happy in the goodwill of the City to protect you than the victory you recently celebrated. Live on, after daring to commit a crime that even your father, if he were in Lucius Papirius' place, wouldn't have forgiven. You can reconcile with me whenever you want. To the Roman people, to whom you owe your life, you can do no greater service than to learn from today and obey lawful orders in war and peace." He then announced that he was no longer holding any grudge against the Master of the Horse. As he left the platform, the Senate and the People, who were even happier, surrounded them, on the one side, praising the Dictator and on the other, congratulating the Master of the Horse. The reconciliation was thought to reaffirm the military authority, not through the punishment of Fabius, but through the danger he had faced, as evidenced by the execution of young Manlius. It happened that year that whenever the Dictator left the army, the Samnites would stir to action. But Marcus Valerius, the legate in charge of the camp, used Quintus Fabius as an example, fearing Papirius' unforgiving anger more than the enemy's violence. Accordingly, when grain farmers were ambushed and killed in difficult terrain, it was widely believed that the legate could have helped them if he hadn't been afraid of his strict orders. It caused the soldiers to turn against the Dictator, who they were already angry with for being unforgiving towards Quintus Fabius and for only pardoning him at the request of the Roman people, something he had refused to do at their request.

8.36 After the Dictator appointed Lucius Papirius Crassus to take charge of the City, he banned Master of the Horse Quintus Fabius from exercising any official duties. After this, he returned to the camp. His arrival didn't bring much joy to his soldiers, nor did it instill fear in the enemy. The next day, the enemy approached his camp ready for battle, unconcerned whether the Dictator was there or not. However, Lucius Papirius was a man of great skill; if the soldiers had supported his strategies, there is no doubt that the war with the Samnites could have ended that day. He arranged the lines of battle wisely, taking into account the terrain and placement of the reserve soldiers, adding supplies where needed. But the soldiers didn't fight with full force, intentionally avoiding victory to tarnish Papirius' reputation. Despite this, many Samnites were killed and many Romans were injured. The experienced commander quickly realized what stood in the way of victory. He understood that he needed to control his temper and balance strictness with kindness. Thus, gathering his legates, he personally visited the tents of the wounded soldiers, asking about their health and entrusting their care specifically by name to the officers, tribunes, and prefects. He did this so skillfully in a manner which gained him popularity that it won him the soldiers' affection and restored their loyalty to him. Their gratitude for his attention greatly contributed to their recovery. Once the army was healthy again, they engaged the enemy in battle. With full confidence in their success, they defeated and scattered the Samnites so thoroughly that this was the last time the Samnites faced the Dictator on the battlefield. The victorious army then roamed Samnite territory, unopposed, and collected the spoils of war. The Dictator had declared that all spoils belonged to the soldiers, which further motivated them. Not only public vengeance, but personal profit had sharpened their fury against the enemy. Crushed by these losses, the Samnites pleaded with Dictator Papirius for peace. They promised to provide each soldier with a new set of clothing and a year's pay. When told to take their request to the Senate, they replied that they would follow the Dictator, trusting in his integrity and honor. Thus, the troops were withdrawn from Samnium.

8.37 Dictator Papirius entered the city in Triumph. Although he wished to resign his position immediately, he was ordered by the Senate to retain it until the consuls were elected. The elected consuls were Gaius Sulpicius Longus, for the second time, and Quintus Aemilius Cerretanus. The Samnites, without finalizing the peace treaty and while the terms were still being negotiated, returned home with a one-year truce. However, they didn't faithfully observe this truce, since, after hearing that Papirius had left office, they were again ready to fight. During the consulate of Gaius Sulpicius and Quintus Aemilius, (some histories mention Aulius, which is correct) the Samnites revolted and a new war with Apulia began. Armies were sent against both. By lots, the Samnites were assigned to Sulpicius and Apulia was assigned to Aemilius (Aulius). Some historians argue that this war was not with the Apulians themselves, but rather the Romans defended allied peoples of that region from the violence and injustice of the Samnites. Given the circumstances of the Samnites, struggling to sustain a war in which they were involved, it's more likely that they didn't wage war on Apulia. Instead, both the Samnites and Apulians were likely fighting against the Romans simultaneously. However, no significant event took place. The lands of the Apulians and Samnites were completely devastated, but the enemy was nowhere to be found. In Rome, a night-time alarm suddenly woke the people, causing such panic that the Capitoline Hill, the Citadel, walls, and gates were filled with armed men. Even though there was a rush and a cry to arms in every part of the City, as daylight approached, neither the source nor the reason for the alarm could be identified. In that same year, a trial regarding the people of Tusculum was held by a vote of the people, through a bill introduced by Marcus Flavius, a plebeian tribune. He proposed that punishment should be inflicted on those Tusculans who had advised and assisted the Veliternians and Privernians in waging war against the Roman people. The Tusculans, along with their wives and children, came to Rome. Dressed in mourning clothes and assuming the appearance of defendants, they went around the tribes, bowing to the knees of the citizens. Their display of sorrow was more effective in gaining them pardon from punishment than any arguments they made to prove their innocence. All tribes, except the Pollia tribe, rejected the law. The Pollia tribe's sentence was that the adult males should be beaten and executed, and their wives and children sold at auction, according to the rules of war. It seems that the Tusculans held a grudge against those who proposed such a harsh measure, a resentment that lasted until the time of our fathers. Since then, hardly any candidate from the Pollia tribe has been able to secure the votes of the Papiria tribe.

8.38 The next year, Quintus Fabius and Lucius Fulvius were made consuls. It was rumored that the a new army was being formed by the Samnites. This time, it was comprised of youth who had been hired, for a price, from the Samnites' neighbors. Aulus Cornelius Arvina was appointed Dictator and Marcus Fabius Ambustus was made Master of the Horse. A vigorous draft was held with more severity than usual and a powerful army was assembled to fight the Samnites. Despite being in enemy territory, the Roman camp was set up carelessly, as if the enemy was far away. Suddenly, the Samnite legions approached boldly and with such ferocity that they built their rampart right up to the Roman outpost. Nightfall prevented them from attacking the fortifications immediately, but they made it clear they intended to attack at dawn. Dictator Cornelius, seeing that the battle would happen sooner that he expected, worried that the courage of the troops would be lessened by their position. He had them build numerous fires to frustrate the sight of the enemy and silently led the legions away. However, due to the close proximity of the camps, the Samnites noticed their departure. The Samnite cavalry immediately pursued the Roman column insisting on a battle but refrained from attacking until daylight. Their infantry didn't leave their camp until dawn. As soon as day broke, the Samnite cavalry dared to attack the Roman's rear, harassing the last ranks and blocking the route in difficult terrain delaying the Roman march. Meanwhile, the Samnite infantry caught up with their cavalry, and the entire Samnite force pursued the Romans closely. The Dictator realized he couldn't continue without great danger, and ordered the very place where he stood to be enclosed in and a camp to be set up. However, with the enemy's horsemen surrounding them on all sides, it was impossible to start construction of a rampart. Seeing that he could neither move forward nor stay put, he prepared his troops for battle, moving the baggage train out of the line. The enemy also formed their line, matching the Romans in spirit and strength. The Samnites' courage was boosted by their ignorance of the Romans' reason for retreating: unfavorable terrain. They believed the Romans feared them, and they were chasing a fleeing enemy. This belief kept the battle evenly matched for a long time. The Samnites had long since become accustomed to the shouts of the Roman army, and, by Hercules, they held their ground from the third to the eighth hour of the day. It's said that the battle was so uncertain that neither the shout, which had been raised once by the first rush, had been repeated. Nor had the standards advanced or retreated from their place. Nor was there any retreat from either side. They fought relentlessly, each man in his place, pushing against their opponents with their shields. They fought without pause or looking back. The steady din and monotony of the battle remained constant, indicating that the outcome would be determined by exhaustion or nightfall. Eventually, the soldiers were drained; their swords were ineffective, and their leaders were out of strategies. Suddenly, the Samnite cavalry, having learned from a single troop that had advanced beyond the rest, that the Roman baggage train was left unguarded and far from their army, left the battle to retrieve it. The Dictator, informed by a messenger what was happening with the baggage, said, "Let them burden themselves with as much spoils as they can." More messengers arrived, reporting that the Samnites were looting and carrying off the soldiers' belongings. The Dictator then called the Master of the Horse and said, "Notice, Marcus Fabius, that the enemy's cavalry has abandoned the fight? They're entangled and burdened with our baggage. Attack them now, as always happens to an army distracted by looting, while they're scattered; you'll find few on horseback, and fewer with weapons in hand. As they're loading their horses with spoils, slaughter them while they're unarmed, and return to them their bloody spoils. I'll take care of the legions and the infantry battle: the honor that the cavalry will earn is yours."

8.39 The Roman cavalry, in perfect formation, charged the scattered and burdened enemy, causing widespread slaughter. The enemy, in their rush to escape, dropped their belongings, which obstructed the path and the feet of the fleeing and terrified horses. Unable to fight or flee, they were cut down. Marcus Fabius, having nearly wiped out the enemy cavalry, led his flanks in a small loop to attack the infantry line from behind. The sudden noise from this direction frightened the Samnites. Seeing their troops in the front looking back, their standards in disarray, and their line wavering, the Dictator rallied his men. He called on the tribunes and centurions by name to join him in renewing the fight. The standards were brought forward with a new cry and, as they moved forward, they saw the enemy becoming increasingly confused. Roman cavalry was now visible to those in front, and Dictator Cornelius, turning to the various companies, raised his voice and hands to show that he saw the standards and shields of his own cavalry. On hearing and seeing this, it was as if they had suddenly forgot their fatigue and the wounds they had endured for almost the whole day, feeling like they were no different from those who had just received the signal for battle from the camp. They roused themselves and charged the enemy with renewed energy. The Samnites couldn't withstand the combined terror of the cavalry and the force of the infantry any longer. Some were trapped and killed in the field, while others scattered and fled. The enemy's infantry who remained were surrounded and killed, while the cavalry slaughtered the fleeing enemy, including the Samnite general. The battle effectively broke the Samnites. In all their councils they lamented that it wasn't surprising that they achieved no success as it was an impious war started in violation of a treaty. The gods, they believed, were more offended with them than the Romans and they deserved their misfortune. They would have to pay a heavy penalty for this war. The only question is whether the penalty should be the paid by the blood of a guilty few, or the innocent blood of all. Some already dared to name the instigators of the war. One name, Brutulus Papius, was mentioned by everyone. He was a noble and powerful Samnite, and undoubtedly the one who broke the recent truce. The praetors were forced to report about it and to ask the assembly about him.  A decree was then made stating that Brutulus Papius should be handed over to the Romans and, with him, all the spoils taken from the Romans, plus all Roman prisoners. Whatever restitution was demanded by the fetials, in accordance with the treaty, it was to be restored in accordance with the law and divine order. Following this decision, fetials were sent to Rome, as decreed, along with the dead body of Brutulus; he had committed suicide to avoid the intended punishment and disgrace. It was decided that his possessions should also be handed over with his body. However, only the Roman prisoners and the spoils recognized by their owners were accepted. The rest of the surrender was deemed invalid. Dictator Cornelius was granted a Triumph by a decree of the Senate.

8.40 Some authors claim that the consuls led this war and triumphed over the Samnites. They also say that Master of the Horse Fabius marched into Apulia and took a lot of loot from there. However, it's widely accepted that Aulus Cornelius was the Dictator that year. The only question is whether he was appointed to lead the war or simply to preside over the Roman Games because Lucius Plautius, the praetor, was sick. This would ensure there was a magistrate to start the chariot races at the Roman Games. After doing this job of giving the signal to send out a team, which didn't bring much glory to his position, he resigned from the dictatorship. It's hard to decide between which account or which author is more credible. I tend to believe that history has been greatly distorted by eulogies at funerals and false inscriptions on statues. Each family tries to claim the glory of military victories and public honors through false portrayals. This has certainly led to confusion in both individual deeds and public records of events. There is no author who lived during those events whose authority we can trust without a doubt.

9.1 This year is marked by two things: the notorious defeat of the Romans at Caudine Forks by the Samnites, and the peace that followed under the new consuls, Titus Veturius Calvinus and Spurius Postumius. The Samnites' commander was Gaius Pontius, a skilled warrior, capable leader, and son of Herennius Pontius, who was known for his wisdom. When the Samnite ambassadors who had been sent to make restitution returned without securing peace, Pontius responded: "Don't assume that our delegation achieved nothing. Any anger the gods felt toward us for breaking the treaty has been appeased. I know well enough that those who disliked that we were forced to return what had been demanded from us by the treaty also weren't pleased with the Romans' arrogant rejection of our atonement. What more could we have done to appease the gods and soften men's anger? We returned the spoils of war, which seemed to be ours by right of war. Then we delivered the war's instigators, dead since we couldn't deliver them alive. We brought their property to Rome to avoid anything associated with their guilt remaining in our possession." "What more, Romans, do I owe to you, or to your treaty or to the gods who were called as witnesses to the treaty? What judge should I provide to decide how far your anger and my punishment is to go? I am willing to accept anything, whether it be a nation or a private individual. If the weak have no recourse against the strong in human law, I'll appeal to the gods, the avengers of intolerable tyranny. I will ask them to punish those who aren't satisfied with the return of their own property including the property of others; whose savagery can't be satisfied by the death of the guilty, nor by the surrender of their lifeless bodies, nor by their goods accompanying the surrender. These people can only be appeased if we give them our blood to drink and our bowels to be torn." "Samnites, war is just and right when it is forced upon us, and arms are blessed by heaven when there is no hope except in arms. As in all human endeavors, it's crucial whether the gods favor or oppose what men undertake. Be assured that you fought the previous wars more against the gods than against men; in this impending war, you'll act under the direct guidance of the gods themselves."

9.2 After making these predictions, which were as accurate as they were disheartening, Gaius Pontius led his troops and set up camp near Caudium, hidden as much as possible. From there, he sent ten soldiers dressed as shepherds with various kinds of cattle to Calatia, where he had heard that the Roman consuls were camped. He instructed them to scatter some cattle near the Roman posts and, when they encountered any Roman foragers, to all tell the same story: that the Samnite legions were in Apulia, besieging Luceria with all their forces and were close to capturing it. This rumor had already been spread on purpose and, by now, it had reached the Romans. It was an especially believable rumor because all the captives told the same story. The Samnites knew that the Romans would rush to aid the Lucans, who were loyal allies, and also to prevent all of Apulia from defecting to the Samnites due to the fear of imminent danger. The only question was which route they should take. There were two roads to Luceria. The first route was along the coast of the Adriatic sea, which was open and wide; it was safer, but it took longer. The other was a shorter route through the Caudine Forks. This area had two deep, wooded canyons connected by mountains on both sides, with a large field in the middle that was rich in grass and water. The passage ran through the middle of this field. However, to reach it, one needed to first pass through a narrow passage. The only way out was to backtrack or to proceed through another, even narrower and more difficult passage. It was into this plain that the Romans descended. When trying to leave by the other side, they discovered the passage had been blocked by fallen trees and a pile of large stones. They realized they had fallen into a trap. An enemy garrison was spotted on the hill above the canyon. They turned around and tried to retreat the way they had come, but found it had also been blocked and guarded. The Romans halted their march without any command being given, stunned, with a paralyzing dread seizing everyone's mind and body. They remained motionless for a long time, looking to each other for guidance, and each thinking the other was more capable of thought and decision than himself. After a while, they saw the consuls' tents being set up and some soldiers preparing to build fortifications. Although they knew it was futile to try to fortify their position in their current desperate situation, not wanting to add blame to misfortune, they all began to work without any command or encouragement, building and fortifying the camp, surrounding it with a rampart near the water. They themselves made fun of their work and labor as futile, while the enemy arrogantly taunted them. On their own accord, the tribunes and legates gathered at the tent of the gloomy consuls even though they weren't summoned, since there was no need for discussion or help. The soldiers crowded around the consuls' headquarters, calling on their leaders for help, which even the immortal gods might not have been able to provide.

9.3 As night fell, they were more focused on lamenting their predicament than strategizing. They proposed various solutions, each according to his disposition. Some would suggest, "Let's just cross those road barriers. We'll scale the mountain slopes, moving through the forests, and use any path where we can carry weapons. Let's just be allowed to confront the enemy, whom we have been defeating for nearly thirty years. All terrains will seem fair and level to a Roman fighting against treacherous Samnites." Others would answer, "Where, or how can we proceed? Do we expect to be able to move the mountains out of the way? While these cliffs tower over us, how will we reach the enemy? Whether armed or unarmed, brave or cowardly, we're all, without exception, captured and defeated. The enemy won't even present us with a weapon by which we might die honorably. He'll end the war without even leaving his seat." Engrossed in such discussions, they spent the night with no thought about food or rest. The Samnites, despite their advantageous position, couldn't immediately decide on their next move. It was unanimously agreed that the general's father, Herennius Pontius, should be consulted via letter. He had already retired from his old age and had retired from all military and civil duties. However, despite his physical decline, his mind and judgment remained sharp. Upon learning that the Roman armies were trapped at the Caudine Forks between the two passes, he advised, when consulted by his son's messenger, that they should all be released unharmed as soon as possible. The advice was immediately dismissed by the Samnites. When the messenger returned a second time, Pontius' father suggested that they should all be killed. The responses given were strangely contradictory, reminiscent of a dubious oracle. Although his son thought that his father's mental abilities had deteriorated with age in his afflicted body, he was persuaded by the collective desire of all to summon him to the council. The old man, it's said, agreed without hesitation and was transported to the camp in a wagon. When asked for his advice, he reiterated his previous suggestions but also provided the reasons behind them. He explained that his first proposal, which he considered the best, was intended to secure lasting peace and friendship with a powerful nation through an act of exceptional kindness. His second proposal aimed to delay the resurgence of war for many generations, during which the Roman state, after losing two armies, would struggle to regain its strength. There was no third option. When his son and the other leaders asked if a compromise could be reached, where the Romans would be released unharmed but also subjected to the conditions of defeat, he responded: "What you propose is a plan that neither gains friends nor eliminates enemies. Keep in mind  that you would be freeing those whom you have angered with shame. The Romans are a people who can't accept defeat; whatever scars are left by the current crisis will forever linger in their hearts, and they'll not rest until they have exacted harsh revenge against you." Neither of these plans was accepted, and Herennius was taken back home from the camp.

9.4 In the Roman camp, after many failed attempts to break through, they found themselves without any means of survival. Out of desperation, they sent ambassadors to the Samnites. The ambassadors' would first request peace on equal terms. If this wasn't granted, they would challenge the enemy to battle. Pontius responded to the ambassadors by saying that the war was over. And since they refused to accept their situation, even when defeated and made prisoners, he intended to take their weapons and send them under the yoke, allowing them only a single garment each. Any other terms of peace would be fair to both the victors and the defeated. If the Romans leave and their colonies are removed from Samnite territories, the Romans and Samnites can live under a treaty of equality, each following their own laws. On these terms, Pontius was ready to conclude a treaty with the consuls. If any of these terms weren't accepted, he forbade the ambassadors from returning. When the ambassadors returned and delivered the outcome of the meeting, they all groaned and a wave of sorrow and despair swept over them. The news was so devastating that it felt as if they would all die there in the valley. After a long silence, the consuls were unable to speak in favor of or against such a necessary yet disgraceful treaty. Finally, Lucius Lentulus, a legate known for his bravery and honor, spoke up: "Consuls, I have often heard my father tell me that he was one of the few advisers on the Capitoline Hill who opposed the Senate paying off the Gauls with gold to ransom the City. He didn't agree with this because the enemy, known for their laziness in building fortifications, hadn't even surrounded Rome with a trench and a rampart. He believed they could break out without certain death, even if it was dangerous. Those men took the chance to rush down from the Capitoline Hill, sword in hand, against the enemy in the same way that besieged forces often break out against their besiegers. If we could also have the opportunity to fight the enemy on equal or unequal ground, I'd follow my father's courageous spirit in the advice I'll give. Indeed, I confess that death for my country is glorious, and I'm ready to sacrifice myself for the Roman people and the legions, or to throw myself into the enemy's midst." "But here I see my country, here I see whatever Roman legions there are. If they are willing to rush to their own deaths for their own sake, what is left to save by their death? 'The roofs of the city's houses,' someone might say, 'and the walls, and the people which a city is inhabited.' No. By Hercules, if this army is destroyed, all of these will be betrayed, not saved. Who will protect them? An unarmed and defenseless crowd calling on Hercules to defend them against the Gauls? Or will they call for help from an army in Veii, led by Camillus?" "All our hopes and treasures are here. By saving them, we save our country. By sacrificing them to slaughter, we abandon and betray our country. 'But surrender is shameful and dishonorable,' someone may say. We should love our country enough to save it through our own disgrace, if necessary, just as freely as by our death. Let's endure this indignity, however great it may be, and submit to the necessity that even the gods can't overcome. Go, consuls, ransom the city with arms, just as your ancestors ransomed with gold."

9.5 The consuls left to Pontius for a discussion. When Pontius spoke as a victor about a treaty, the consuls told him that such a treaty couldn't be finalized without the people's approval, the involvement of the fetials, and the other solemn ceremonies. Therefore, the Caudine Peace wasn't confirmed by a formal treaty, as is widely thought and even claimed by Claudius, but by a solemn pledge. There would be no need for hostages. The agreement would be concluded by a prayer that whichever nation should violate the terms, may Jupiter strike that nation in the same manner as a pig is struck by the fetials. The consuls, the legates, the quaestors, the military tribunes, and the names of all who pledged themselves and became the guarantors are known. Whereas, if the matter had been handled only by treaty, only the names of the two fetials would have been recorded. Because of the necessary delay of the treaty, six hundred horsemen were asked for as hostages, who would be beheaded if the agreement wasn't kept. A time was set for the surrender of the hostages and the sending of an unarmed army. The return of the consuls renewed the widespread grief in the camp, to the point that the soldiers could barely stop themselves from attacking them, blaming them for their recklessness that led them to that place, and whose cowardice would cause them to leave in greater shame than they had come. They criticized the consuls for not using a guide or scouts, and for leading them like beasts cast blindly into a pit. They looked at each other, staring at the weapons they would soon have to give up, their unarmed hands and bodies soon at the mercy of the enemy. The thought of the yoke of the enemy and imagined the enemy's mockery as the victor with their arrogant faces. The thought of their march, unarmed, through an armed enemy. They were horrified at the thought of their shamed army traveling a miserable route through the cities of their allies and returning to their own country, to their families, where they and their ancestors had often returned in Triumph. They alone were defeated without a wound, without a sword, without a battle. They weren't allowed to draw their swords or engage the enemy. Their arms, strength, and courage had been given to them in vain. As they expressed these painful thoughts, the dreadful moment of their disgrace arrived, which was even more bitter than they had imagined. First, they were ordered to march out from the rampart, unarmed and wearing only a single garment; then the hostages were handed over and taken into custody. The consuls were then ordered to dismiss their lictors, and the consuls' military cloaks of leadership were taken away. This caused such compassion in the hearts of the very men who had just before been cursing them and suggesting that they should be handed over and torn apart. Every man, forgetting his own situation, looked away from the humiliation of such high-ranking officials, almost as if it were an evil spectacle.

9.6 The consuls were the first to be sent, half-naked, under the yoke. Following them, each officer, based on his rank, was subjected to the same disgrace. Then each legion followed, one after the other. The enemy stood on both sides, taunting and mocking them. Many of them had drawn their swords; some Romans were wounded or killed if the expression on their faces, as they endured the humiliation, offended the victors. This was how they were marched under the yoke, though what was even more unbearable was that it was before the eyes of the enemy. Once they had escaped from the narrow passage through the forest, it seemed as if they had escaped from hell and were seeing the light for the first time. However, once daylight illuminated the disgraceful procession of the army, that light was sadder to them than any form of death could have been. While they could have reached Capua before nightfall, they were unsure about the loyalty of the allies and were restrained by shame. In need of everything, they collapsed on the ground on both sides of the road not far from Capua. When this news reached the people of Capua, it was enough to overcome the typical arrogance of the Campanians, and they felt genuine compassion for their allies. They immediately sent appropriate military cloaks and symbols of authority to the consuls and, to the soldiers, they kindly sent arms, horses, clothes, and ample provisions. As the soldiers neared Capua, their entire assembled senate and people went out to greet them, offering every possible act of hospitality, both public and private. However, the kindness, sympathetic looks, and comforting words of the allies couldn't elicit a single word from them, nor could it persuade them to lift their eyes or look their comforting friends in the face. Their shame, coupled with their grief, made them flee from the company and conversation of their friends. The next day, when the young nobles who had been sent from Capua to accompany them to the borders of Campania, returned, they were summoned to the senate. In response to the questions of the elder members, they said that they had found the Roman soldiers deeply depressed and disheartened. The entire group moved in silence, almost as if they were mute. The former spirit of the Romans was crushed, and their courage had been taken from them along with their arms. No one responded to greetings, nor did they reply to any questions. It was as if they were still carrying the yoke under which they had been sent; no one dared utter a word. The Samnites hadn't only achieved a glorious victory, but also a lasting one. They hadn't just defeated Rome, as the Gauls had done before, but they had conquered something far greater: the courage and ferocity of the Romans.

9.7 Such were the opinions that were spoken and heard, and hope for the Roman name was mourned in this assembly of Rome's loyal allies. Aulus Calavius, son of Ovius, a man of high standing due to his birth and conduct, and now even more respected because of his age, is said to have expressed a very different opinion. Stubborn silence, the eyes fixed on the ground, the ears deaf to all comfort, and the shame of seeing the light – these were signs of a mind preparing for the great acts of revenge. Either he didn't understand the character of the Romans, he said, or that same silence would soon be drawing out cries and groans of anguish from the Samnites. The memory of the Caudine peace would be much more painful for the Samnites than for the Romans. Each side would show their true nature wherever they fought, but the Samnites wouldn't always have the advantage of the Caudine Forks. By this point, the shameful catastrophe was notorious in Rome. Initially, they had received news that the troops were trapped. Yet the news of a shameful peace caused more distress than the original danger had. Before, when they had heard that the troops were surrounded, they began to recruit more men. When they learned that the army had surrendered in such a shameful way, they stopped preparations. Without any official orders, a widespread mourning took place, with various expressions of grief. The shops around the Forum were closed, and the courts and all business in the Forum stopped voluntarily before it was officially announced. Purple striped togas and gold rings of office were put away. The public was sadder, if possible, than the army itself. They weren't only furious with the commanders, the advisors, and the guarantors of the peace, but they also despised the innocent soldiers, openly declaring to refuse to let them into the city or under their roofs. Once the soldiers arrived, the outbursts of anger were calmed. Their pitiful condition evoked sympathy even from angry citizens. They entered the city not like men returning back to their homeland safely, but looking and dressed like captives. They arrived late in the evening and hid in their homes so well that, for the next several days, none of them could bear to be seen in the Forum or in public. The consuls, secluded in private, conducted no official business, except for what was forced upon them by a decree of the Senate to appoint a dictator to oversee the elections. They appointed Quintus Fabius Ambustus as Dictator and Publius Aelius Paetus as Master of the Horse. However, because they were improperly appointed, Marcus Aemilius Papus was substituted as Dictator with Lucius Valerius Flaccus as Master of the Horse. But these men didn't hold the elections either. And since all were disgusted with the magistrates of that year, it led to an interregnum. The interreges were Quintus Fabius Maximus and Marcus Valerius Corvus, who elected as consuls, Quintus Publilius Philo for the third time, and Lucius Papirius Cursor for the second time. This choice was universally approved, as there were no commanders more renowned at that time.

9.8 On the very day they were elected, they assumed their roles, as the Senate had decided. After the usual religious acts and standard Senate decrees were passed, they brought up the topic of the peace of Caudine. Consul Publilius, who then held the fasces, said, "Spurius Postumius, speak." Postumius stood up, his face as serious as when he had walked under the yoke, and spoke: "Consuls, I know that I've been called to speak first not as an honor, but as a disgrace. I'm asked to speak not as a senator, but as a defendant on trial, partly for an unlucky war and partly for a shameful peace. However, since you aren't asking about our guilt or punishment, I'll set aside my defense, which would not be difficult before men who understand the fortunes of men and their necessities. Instead, I'll briefly share my thoughts on the matter you have raised." "My opinion will show whether I was trying to save myself or your legions when I agreed to the pledge, and whether it was shameful or necessary. The Roman people aren't bound by this agreement, as it was made without their approval. The only thing the Samnites can claim is our bodies. Let us be handed over to them by the fetials, naked and in chains. Let's free the people from any religious obligation. This way, there will be no divine or human obstacle preventing you from starting this just and righteous war again." "Meanwhile, I advise the consuls to recruit, arm, and lead the army. However, they shouldn't enter enemy territory until all the necessary conditions for our surrender are fully carried out. I pray to the immortal gods that, even though Spurius Postumius and Titus Veturius weren't successful as consuls in the war against the Samnites, they will find it enough to have seen us sent under the yoke, bound by a shameful agreement, and handed over to our enemies, naked and chained, and receiving the full force of the enemy's anger upon our heads. I hope that the new consuls and legions of Rome will wage war against the Samnites in the same way and with the same success as were waged before we became consuls." After he finished speaking, the people were filled with both admiration and pity for the man that they could hardly believe that this was the same Spurius Postumius who had agreed to such a shameful peace. Now they pitied him that such a man of such character was likely to suffer the most severe punishment from the enemy for their anger at a broken peace. When all the members praised him and supported his motion, Lucius Livius and Quintus Maelius, plebeian tribunes, objected. They said that the people wouldn't be freed from the religious obligation by simply surrendering the consuls unless everything taken at Caudium by the Samnites was returned – arms, equipment, and everything else. They also argued that the consuls didn't deserve punishment for saving the Roman army by agreeing to the peace. Finally, that because consuls were sacred and inviolable, they cannot be handed over to the enemy nor harmed.

9.9 Postumius responded, "Surrender us as unsanctified individuals, which you can do without offending religious principles. Later, you can hand over those who are sacred and inviolable, once they leave office. However, if you heed my advice, before they are surrendered, they'll first be punished with rods here in the Comitium. This will serve as an installment on their punishment. As for their claim that the people aren't absolved of their religious obligation by our surrender, they say that more to prevent their own surrender than because it's actually true. Who is so ignorant of the fetials' laws not to know that?" "I don't deny, senators, that pledges and treaties are sacred to people who value divine religion and trust between men as much as duties to the gods. But I maintain that nothing can bind the people without the approval of the people themselves. Imagine if the Samnites, with the same arrogance they used to force us into this agreement, had made us recite the formal words for surrendering our cities. Would you tribunes say that the Roman people were surrendered? That this city, these temples, its shrines, its borders, and its waters, were now the property of the Samnites?" "I'll pass over the issue of surrender, as the pledge is the main issue. Suppose we had pledged that the Roman people would abandon this city? Or they could set it on fire? Or they would have no magistrates, no Senate, no laws, and be ruled by kings in the future? May the gods forbid! But the indignity of the terms doesn't lessen the obligation of a pledge. If a commitment can bind the people in one case, they can be bound by all cases. It doesn't matter whether it was a consul, a dictator, or a praetor who made the pledge. This was proven by the Samnites themselves, who weren't satisfied with the consuls' pledge as they forced the legates, quaestors, and military tribunes to pledge. Therefore, don't ask me why I entered into such an agreement when it was neither within the consul's authority nor was it proper to promise them a peace which was not in my control, nor could I pledge on your behalf, when you hadn't given me any power to do so." "Senators, none of the events at Caudium were guided by human wisdom. The immortal gods deprived both your generals and those of the enemy of sound judgement. We didn't act with enough caution in the war, and they squandered a victory they had won through our folly. They were so insecure about their victory that they even mistrusted the ground that helped them win and were eager, on any terms, to take arms away from men born to bear arms." "If they had been thinking clearly, would it have been difficult for them, while waiting for the elders summoned from home for advice, to send ambassadors to Rome, and negotiate a peace and treaty with the Senate and the people of Rome? It would have been a journey of only three days for fast travelers. In the meantime, a truce could have been established until their ambassadors brought back either certain victory or peace ratified by the people of Rome. Only then would it finally be the pledge we would make, as decreed by the people." "But you wouldn't have granted such an order, nor would we have pledged it. Nor was it right that the matter should end with anything other than they were being vainly deluded by a dream too joyful for their minds to grasp, and that our army should be freed by the same fortune that had trapped it. Their empty victory would be undone by an even more empty peace, with a pledge that bound no one but the person who pledged it. For what part did you senators play and what part did the Roman people play in this? Who can say that they appealed to you or that you deceived them? Can the enemy or a citizen? You pledged nothing to the enemy. You ordered no citizen to pledge on your behalf." "Therefore, you have no connection with us, to whom you gave no commission, nor with the Samnites, with whom you conducted no business. We're guarantors to the Samnites, rich enough in what is ours, in what we can offer, our bodies and our minds. Let them vent their cruelty on us, let them sharpen their resentment and their swords against us. As for the tribunes, consider whether they can be handed over now or if it must wait for another day. In the meantime, let us, Titus Veturius and the others involved, offer our worthless lives to fulfill the guarantee, and by our punishment free the Roman army."

9.10 The senators were deeply moved by these arguments and the person who presented them. A similar sentiment was shared by everyone, including the plebeian tribunes who had said that they would follow the Senate's lead. The consuls immediately resigned their positions and, along with the others involved, were handed over to the fetials to be taken to Caudium. The passing of this Senate decree seemed to bring a new sense of hope to the state. Postumius was on everyone's lips, with people praising him highly and comparing his actions to the devotion of Consul Publius Decius and to other illustrious deeds. It was thanks to his wisdom and efforts, they said, that the state could recover from a shameful peace. He was now offering himself up to the enemy's wrath and torture, making atonement for the Roman people. Everyone's focus shifted toward arms and preparing for war, with the common focus being when they would be allowed to face the Samnites with weapons in their hands. The state was ablaze with anger and hatred. New recruits were mostly volunteers. Entirely new legions, made up of former soldiers, were quickly assembled and an army was led to Caudium. Before them went the fetials, who arrived at the gate with the guarantors of the peace. They ordered them to be stripped of their clothes and have their hands tied behind their backs. As the attendant was loosely tying Postumius out of respect for his rank, Postumius said, "No. Tighten the strap so that the surrender is properly executed." When they arrived at the Samnite assembly and were brought before the tribunal of Pontius,  Aulus Cornelius Arvina, the fetial, spoke these words, "Whereas these men, without permission from the Roman people, pledged that a treaty would be made, and have thus committed a great offense; for this reason, I surrender these men to you to absolve the Roman people from a heinous guilt." After the fetial said this, Postumius hit him on the thigh with his knee as hard as he could and loudly declared that he was now a citizen of Samnium. The other man was a Roman fetial who had been injured by him in clear violation of the law of nations, Therefore, the Romans would be justified in making war with them.

9.11 Pontius then declared, "I shall not accept such a surrender, nor will the Samnites consider it valid. Come now, Spurius Postumius. If you believe in the gods, why don't you reject the entire negotiation, or stand by your agreement? The Samnite nation is entitled to all the men it had in its power, or peace instead of them." "But why am I appealing to you, who is giving up himself as a prisoner as honorably as he can? I appeal to the Roman people. If they're unhappy with the pledge made at the Caudine Forks, let them return the legions to the passage where they were trapped. Let there be no deception on either side; let's forget it ever happened. Let them take back the arms they surrendered by the agreement. Let them return to their camp. Whatever they possessed the day before the negotiations, let them possess these again. Then let them discuss war and make courageous decisions; let the pledge and peace be rejected." "Let's continue the war in the same circumstances and situations as before peace was ever discussed. Let neither the Roman people blame the consuls' agreement, nor we the faith of the Roman people." "Will there never be an end to your excuses for not honoring agreements made when you're defeated? You gave hostages to Porsena, then you secretly stole them back. You ransomed your City from the Gauls for gold, then killed them while they were receiving it. You made peace with us on the condition that we release your captured legions, you now make that peace null and void. And you always cover your deception with some pretense of a legal right." "Do the Roman people not approve of a peace that saved its legions at the cost of disgrace? Then let them keep their peace and return the legions captured by the victor. That would be conduct worthy of faith, treaties, and the sacred ceremonies of the fetials. But that you should get what you wanted from the agreement, which is the safety of so many of your countrymen. While I don't get the peace that I agreed to by sending them back to  you, is this the law that you, Aulus Cornelius, and you, fetials, consider just according to the law of nations?" "I, however, neither accept those men whom you hand over under false pretenses, nor consider them truly surrendered; nor do I prevent them from returning to their own country, though it's bound by a pledge made while all the gods, whose divine authority is being mocked, are now enraged." "Wage war, then, since Spurius Postumius has just now struck the ambassador with his knee. The gods are to believe that Postumius is a Samnite citizen, not a Roman citizen; and that a Roman ambassador has been violated by a Samnite; therefore, making a war against us just." "Aren't you ashamed to bring this mockery of religion into broad daylight? For old men and former consuls to invent such excuses for breaking their word, which even children would see right through?" "Go, lictor, remove the bonds from those Romans. Let no one delay them from leaving when they wish." As a result, they returned unharmed from Caudium to the Roman camp, their personal obligations and possibly those of Rome having been discharged.

9.12 The Samnites realized that instead of the peace they had hoped for with pride, the war had reignited with great intensity. They felt a sense of foreboding about the consequences that were to come, and it was as if they could already see them. They regretted not following the plans of old Herennius Pontius, as they had lost the chance to either befriend or defeat their enemies. Instead, they fell in between, exchanging the possession of victory for an uncertain peace. Having lost the opportunity, they now had to fight with those they could have either eliminated or allied with forever. The mindset of the people had changed since the Caudine peace, even before any battle had shown who had the upper hand. Postumius had gained more respect among the Romans by surrendering himself than Pontius had among the Samnites with his bloodless victory. The Romans saw their freedom to wage war as a certain victory; the Samnites felt that the Romans had both renewed the war and won it at the same time. Amid these developments, the people of Satricum switched sides to the Samnites and, together, launched a surprise attack on the colony of Fregellae at night. Until daylight, mutual fear kept both sides quiet. When dawn came, the battle began. The Fregellans managed to hold their ground for a while, fighting for their religion and their freedom, and even those who weren't soldiers helped from the rooftops. Eventually, treachery gave the attackers the upper hand. They allowed a herald's voice to be heard, saying that anyone who dropped their weapons could leave safely. This hope broke their urge to resist, and they stopped fighting and began to throw their weapons down everywhere, Others who were more determined escaped through a different gate, fully armed. Their boldness was safer than the credulity of the others. For those who threw down their weapons and surrendered were surrounded by the Samnites and, despite their pleas to the gods and to the promises of their captors, were burned alive. The consuls divided the provinces between them. Papirius went into Apulia toward Luceria, where the Roman cavalry who had been given as hostages at Caudium were being guarded. Publilius stayed in Samnium to face the Caudine legions. The troop movements confused the Samnites. They couldn't decide whether to go to Luceria, for fear of being attacked from behind, or to stay where they were, in case Luceria was lost in the meantime. They decided it was best to entrust their cause to Fortune and face Consul Publilius in battle once and for all, so they prepared their forces.

9.13 As Publilius was preparing for battle, he thought it necessary to speak to his soldiers first and called for an assembly. Even though the soldiers quickly gathered at the general's quarters, their loud demands for battle drowned out whatever the general's words were. Still, each soldier's thoughts about their recent disgrace were there to exhort the Consul. So marched into the battle, encouraging the standard-bearers to move faster. To avoid any delay in the rush by throwing their javelins and drawing their swords, they threw their javelins as if a signal had been given for that purpose and charged at the enemy at full speed with their swords drawn. There was no display of a general's skill in arranging ranks or reserves. The soldiers' anger did everything with a fury that was almost like madness. Not only was the enemy completely routed, but they didn't even dare to slow their escape by retreating to their camp. Instead, they scattered and fled toward Apulia. Later, they gathered their forces into one column and reached Luceria. The same anger that had driven the Romans through the enemy's line also drove them into the enemy's camp. There was more killing and bloodshed there than in the field, and most of the loot was destroyed in their rage. The other army, with Consul Papirius, had reached Arpi on the coast. They passed through all the territories without any trouble. The locals had suffered from the injuries and hatred by from the Samnites; it was not from any favor by the Romans. At that time the Samnites lived scattered in the mountains in separate villages, and they despised the plains and coastal areas with their gentler farmers and, as often happens, ravaged those regions in a manner similar to their own rugged and wild nature. If this region had been friendly toward the Samnites, they could have stopped the Roman army from reaching Arpi, or they could have cut off the supply lines and caused a severe shortage of necessities. Even so, when they moved from there to Luceria, both the Romans and the Samnites suffered from lack of supplies. The Romans received supplies from Arpi, but in such small amounts that the cavalry had to carry grain from there to the camp in small bags for the infantry who were on guard duty and working. Sometimes they encountered the enemy and had to throw the bags of grain off their horses in order to fight. Before the other consul and his victorious army arrived, the Samnites in Luceria had received supplies and reinforcements from the Samnite-held mountains. But the arrival of Publilius limited their resources. He left the siege operations to his colleague and focused on disrupting the enemy's supply lines by roaming the countryside and making the entire area hostile to the Samnites. With little hope in their ability to withstand the shortage any longer, the Samnites, who were camped at Luceria, had to gather their forces from all sides and engage in battle with Papirius.

9.14 At this point, when both sides were getting ready for a fight, ambassadors from Tarentum stepped in, demanding that both the Samnites and Romans stop their war. Whomever refused to lay down their arms, they said, would find Tarentum fighting against them with the other party. Papirius, after hearing their message, acted as if he was swayed by their words. He responded that he would talk to his colleague and called for Publilius. Still, they used all their time to prepare for battle. After discussing briefly with his colleague about a matter that they already decided, he called for the battle signal. While the consuls were busy with religious rituals and other usual tasks before a fight, the Tarentine ambassadors approached them, expecting an answer. To them, Papirius said, "Tarentines, the pullularius announces that the auspices are favorable, and that our sacrifices have been accepted: under the direction of the gods, we're proceeding, as you see, to battle." He then ordered the standards to be advanced and led out the troops, scolding the Tarentines as a vain and frivolous people, unfit to manage their own affairs due to internal sedition and discord, and yet bold enough to presume to dictate peace and war to others. On the other side, the Samnites, hadn't prepared for battle. Either they truly wanted peace or it was expedient to pretend to win the Tarentines' favor. Regardless, they were shocked to see the Romans ready for battle. They shouted that they would continue to be under the authority of the Tarentines, and would neither march out onto the field, nor carry their arms beyond the rampart. Even if deceived, they would rather endure any consequence which chance may bring, than show contempt to the Tarentines, the advisers of peace. The consuls responded that they accepted this as an omen. Then, they prayed that the enemy would [indeed continue talking and] not even think to defend their rampart. Dividing their forces, the Romans immediately began attacking from all sides. Some filled up the trenches, others tore down the rampart and then leaped into the trenches. All were motivated, not only by their natural bravery, but by the resentment that had been building up since their disgrace. They made their way into the camp. Each soldier reminded himself that this was not the narrow passages of the Caudine Forks or some other impassable mountain pass where deception had triumphed over error, but a place where Roman valor alone would overcome trenches and ramparts. They killed everyone, those who resisted and those who fled, the armed and unarmed, freemen and slaves, young and old, men and cattle. Not a single thing alive would have escaped if the consuls had not given the signal for retreat, using commands and threats to get the bloodthirsty soldiers out of the camp. The soldiers were furious at being stopped in the sweetness of their revenge, but the consuls immediately addressed them. Their decision to stop was not that they meant to stop the soldiers in their hatred of the enemy. On the contrary, the consuls, themselves, would have led the way to exact vengeance, but they had to consider the six hundred horsemen who were held as hostages in Luceria. They didn't want the enemy, in their desperation, to harm them. The soldiers applauded this decision. They were glad that their anger had been checked. They agreed that they should endure anything, rather than put the safety of so many distinguished Roman youths at risk.

9.15 After the assembly was dismissed, a discussion took place by the Roman leaders. The question was whether they should continue the siege of Luceria with all their forces, or if one of the commanders and his army should test the loyalty of the Apulians, a neighboring nation whose allegiance was uncertain. Consul Publilius decided to tour Apulia. During this campaign, he either forcefully subdued or formed alliances with a significant number of the population. Papirius, who stayed behind to continue the siege of Luceria, soon found success. All the routes used to transport supplies from Samnium were blocked. The Samnite garrison stationed in Luceria was so weakened by hunger that they sent envoys to the Roman consul. In exchange for lifting the siege, they said, they were prepared to return the cavalry who were the cause of the war. Papirius responded by saying that they should consult Pontius, son of Herennius, under whose authority they had sent the Romans under the yoke, what he thought the defeated should suffer. However, since the enemy preferred to have terms set by their enemies rather than to propose one themselves, the Consul ordered a message to be sent to Luceria that they were to instruct the troops to leave their weapons, baggage, beasts of burden, and all non-combatants within the city walls. He would send the soldiers under the yoke wearing only a single garment and avenge an indignity inflicted, not inflict a new one. The terms were accepted. Seven thousand soldiers were sent under the yoke. A vast amount of loot was seized in Luceria, including all the standards and arms they had lost at Caudium. And, what surpassed all the joys, they also recovered the cavalry that the Samnites had sent to Luceria as peace hostages. This victory was one of the most notable for the Romans due to the sudden change in their fortunes. It's especially true if, as some records suggest, Pontius, son of Herennius, the Samnite general, was sent under the yoke with the others to make up for the humiliation of the consuls. But I'm not as surprised that the fate of the enemy commander, whether he was surrendered and sent under the yoke, remains uncertain. What surprises me is that it is disputed whether it was Lucius Cornelius, acting as Dictator, with Lucius Papirius Cursor as Master of the Horse, who achieved these victories at Caudium and later at Luceria. And whether he, as the sole avenger of the Romans' disgrace, earned perhaps the most deserved Triumph, second only to that of Furius Camillus, or whether the honor belonged to the consuls, especially Papirius. This error is followed by another error about whether Lucius Papirius Cursor was immediately re-elected consul for the third time in the next elections with his colleague, Quintus Aulius Ceretanus, for the second time, for their successful performance at Luceria. Or, it might have been Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, with an error in recording the surname.

9.16 From this point forward, it's clear that the other wars were concluded by the consuls. Aulius, through one victorious battle, completely defeated the Ferentani. The city itself, where the army had dispersed, surrendered after Aulius had demanded hostages. The other consul had similar success against the people of Satricum. These were Roman citizens who, after the defeat at Caudium, had defected to the Samnites and allowed a Samnite garrison into their city. However, when the Roman army neared their city walls of Satricum, they sent representatives to plead for peace. The Consul responded harshly, telling them that unless they either put to death, or delivered up, the Samnite garrison, they were not to return to him. Such a demand caused more fear among the colonists than the threat of the Roman army. The representatives then asked the Consul several times how they, being few and weak, could use force against a strong, well-armed garrison. He told them to go ask those who told them to allow the garrison to enter in the first place. They left and returned to their fellow citizens, barely obtaining permission from Consul Aulius that they would consult the Satricum senate and bring back their response. The Satricum senate was divided into two factions; one led by those who had caused the defection from the Roman people, and the other made up of citizens who remained loyal. However, both factions wanted to find a way to make peace with the Consul. Unprepared for a siege, the Samnite garrison planned to leave the town the next night. The party that had introduced them into Satricum thought it would be enough to tell the Consul what time of night, which gate, and by which road the enemy would leave. The other faction, who had opposed the defection to the Samnites, even opened one of the city gates for Consul Aulius that night, secretly letting the Roman army into the town. As a result of this double betrayal, the Samnite garrison, having encamped in the wooded places near the road, was unexpectedly overwhelmed and defeated. At the same time, a shout was raised in the city, which was now filled with the Romans. In just one hour, the Samnites were killed, the people of Satricum were taken prisoner, and everything was placed under Consul Aulius' control. After investigating who had caused the revolt, he had them flogged and beheaded, and then disarmed the people of Satricum, placing a strong garrison in the city. Some writers say that Papirius Cursor then went to Rome to celebrate his Triumph, being credited with the retaking of Luceria and the humiliation of the Samnites by sending them under the yoke. Without a doubt, Papirius was a deserving warrior, praised for his mental and physical strength. He was extraordinarily fast, which is how he got his surname (Cursor), surpassing every one of his age in a footrace, whether due to natural strength or intense training. He was also said to be able to consume large amounts of food and wine. Because he himself had an invincible body for labor, no soldier or horseman ever found military service more demanding under any other general, because he wasn't easily worn out. Once, when the cavalry asked to be excused from some of their duties in recognition of their good behavior, he told them, "You can't say that I haven't granted you some relief. I relieve you from rubbing down your horses' backs when you dismount." He also maintained strict command over both his allies and his fellow Romans alike. The praetor of Praeneste, out of fear, had been slow to move his men from the rear reserves to the front line. Papirius, as he was walking in front of his tent, called him out and then ordered the lictor to prepare his axe. The Praenestine stood lifeless, terrified. Papirius then said, "Here, lictor, cut away this stump. It's troublesome to people as they walk." After scaring him with the threat of severe punishment, he reprimanded the Praenestine and let him go. It's certain that during that era, which produced many virtuous men, there was no man who provided more effective support to Roman affairs than Papirius. People even considered him a match for Alexander the Great, should Alexander have turned his attention to Europe after conquering Asia.

9.17 Since I started writing this history, I've tried to avoid straying from the main story more than necessary. I haven't tried to embellish my narrative by adding diversions, creating enjoyable breaks for my readers or for myself. However, the mention of such a great king and commander now brings to light those quiet thoughts about what the outcome of the Roman state would have been if there had been a war with Alexander the Great. It seems that the greatest factors in war are the number and courage of soldiers, the skill of commanders, and Fortune, which governs all human affairs and is particularly powerful in matters of war. Considering these factors individually and as a whole, since they apply not only to other kings and nations but also to Alexander himself, it's clear that the Roman Empire would have prevailed with ease. To begin with the comparison of generals, I don't deny that Alexander was an excellent leader. That said, his fame is magnified by the fact that he was a sole commander, young, and died while his fortunes were still ascending, without ever experiencing a reversal. If we consider other famous kings and generals, great examples of human misfortunes abound. Cyrus, whom the Greeks celebrate with praise, is an example; like Pompey the Great, his long life exposed him to the turning of fortune. Let us turn to the Roman generals – not all from every age, but specifically those consuls or dictators who would have faced Alexander in battle: Marcus Valerius Corvus, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, Gaius Sulpicius, Titus Manlius Torquatus, Quintus Publilius Philo, Lucius Papirius Cursor, Quintus Fabius Maximus, the two Decii, Lucius Volumnius, and Manius Curius. These were the men of the time, and many other great leaders followed them. If Alexander had fought with Carthage in the Punic War before Rome and crossed into Italy as an older man, he would have faced their successors. Each of these generals possessed the same natural courage and intellect as Alexander, but they also benefited from a military tradition passed down since the founding of Rome. This tradition had developed into a systematic discipline with enduring principles. Roman kings waged wars, and, later, the people who expelled the kings, the Junii and Valerii, followed by the Fabii, Quinctii, Cornelii, and finally Furius Camillus – whom the younger men who would have fought Alexander had seen as an old man. Would Alexander have prevailed on the battlefield confronted by Manlius Torquatus or Valerius Corvus, both distinguished soldiers before becoming distinguished commanders? Would he have prevailed against the Decii, who sacrificed themselves and charged at the enemy, or Papirius Cursor, who was physically and mentally strong? Not to mention a single individual, but it's possible that young Alexander could have outsmarted the wisdom of the entire Senate, once called an "assembly of kings" by someone who truly understood what it was. The real danger, instead, would have been that Alexander was more skillful than any of the people I've mentioned at choosing a place for a camp, getting supplies, protecting against ambushes, knowing when to fight, arranging troops, or reinforcing them with reserves properly. Alexander's victories were not against opponents like the Romans. He would have admitted that it was no "Darius" whom he had to deal with, followed by a train of women and eunuchs, weighed down by the trappings of gold and purple; a man resembling a prize more than an enemy. He defeated Darius without losing any blood and his only achievement was showing the right attitude by boldly despising what was vain. Italy would have been entirely different than India, through which he marched as the head of a drunken procession of revelers, as he would look upon the forests of Apulia and the mountains of Lucania, seeing traces – still fresh – of his family's misfortunes where his uncle, King Alexander of Epirus, had been killed.

9.18 We're discussing Alexander before he was corrupted by success, a temptation he wasn't good at resisting. If we judge him based on his behavior after his victories, he would have entered Italy more like Darius than Alexander. He would have brought an army that had forgotten its Macedonian heritage and was adopting degenerate Persian customs. It's hard to mention that so great a king began wearing such an arrogant clothing or that he demanded excessive flattery from those prostrated before him, offensive even to conquered Macedonians, let alone the victorious ones. It's also hard to mention his cruel punishments, the murder of his friends during feasts and drinking bouts, and the vanity of fabricating his own noble ancestry. What would have happened if his love for wine and his uncontrollable anger had grown? I report what we writers agree, these aren't qualities of a good leader. Yet, some Greeks, who like to praise even the Parthians at the expense of the Romans, argue that the Romans would have been intimidated by Alexander's reputation. However, I believe the Romans didn't even know about him, even by reputation. In Athens, a city weakened by Macedonian forces, while the ruins of Thebes were still smoking before their eyes, men dared to speak freely criticizing Alexander openly. This is clear from the records of the speeches. It's hard to believe that, among the many Roman leaders, no one would have ever spoken against him. No matter how great he is thought of, Alexander's greatness was that of one man, condensed into a period of a little more ten years. He is often compared to the Roman people who were not defeated in any war, but were defeated in several battles. Alexander was not defeated in any battle. Hence, such a comparison is unfair. It contrasts the actions of one young man in a few years against a nation which has been at war for nearly four hundred years. Why should we marvel at Alexander, whose career spanned only thirteen years, against the Romans, who count their good fortune over centuries. Why not compare one man's success with another man, or one general's success with another general? There are many Roman commanders who never lost a battle. One can glance through the pages of the annals and the official records of magistrates, listing consuls and dictators whose virtue and fortune never, on any day, gave the Roman people cause for regret. Such leaders are more admirable than Alexander or any king because some held the dictatorship for merely ten or twenty days, and no one held the consulship for more than a year. Their drafts were often obstructed by the plebeian tribunes. They were delayed going to war, then had to leave the battlefield early for elections. Often, the year went by while they were still in the midst of their endeavors. At times, the recklessness or corruption of a colleague hindered or harmed them; others had to succeed to commands after defeats; and sometimes they inherited an ill-disciplined army from a predecessor. But, by Hercules, kings, on the other hand, are not only free from such obstacles but can command all events and timing; they control everything by their own designs, instead of reacting to them. So, Alexander, undefeated, would have waged wars against undefeated Roman commanders. The risk would have been greater for his side because the Macedonians only had one Alexander, who was prone to taking risks, even exposing himself to them. On the other hand, the Romans had many leaders equal to Alexander in glory and greatness in their affairs. The death or survival of any one of them wouldn't have significantly affected the general public.

9.19 We must compare the forces either in terms of their numbers, or the type of soldiers, or in the number of auxiliaries. At that time, according to the census, there were two hundred and fifty thousand men liable for military service. This meant that during every revolt of the Latin allies, ten legions were almost entirely drafted from the City. During those years, it was common for four or five armies to be employed simultaneously, waging war in the Etruscan territory, in Umbria against the Gauls, in Samnium, and Lucania. Then consider all of Latium, with the Sabines, and the Volscians, the Aequians, and all of Campania; part of Umbria and the Etruscan territory, and the Picentii, Marsi, Paeligni, Vestini, and the Apulians. We can also add the entire Greek coastal region of the lower sea, from Thurii to Neapolis and Cumae, and from there as far as Antium and Ostia. All of these would have been either powerful allies to the Romans or enemies already broken by war into submission. Alexander would have had to cross the sea with his veteran Macedonians, totaling no more than thirty thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry, mostly Thessalians. This was the entirety of his strength. If he had brought Persians and Indians, and other nations, it would have been more of a burden than a support. The Romans, being on home territory, would have had recruits readily available. Alexander, waging war in a foreign country, would have found his army worn out with long service, as happened to Hannibal later. As for weapons, they had a clipeus [large, round shield] and sarissa [thirteen to twenty-foot-long spear]; the Romans had a scutum [long rectangular shield], which covered the body more effectively, and a pilum [a six-foot throwing javelin], a much more powerful weapon than the spear, either in throwing or thrusting. The soldiers, on both sides, were used to steady combat, and to maintain their ranks. But the Macedonian phalanx was immobile and composed of only one kind of soldier. The Roman line, less compact and consisting of diverse units, was easily divided and moved as needed, and just as easily joined together. Now in work, who is equal to the Roman soldier in the construction of fortifications? Who is better suited to endure labor? If Alexander had been defeated in one battle, he would have been defeated in the entire war. What battle line could have broken the Romans, who were not broken by Caudium or Cannae? In truth, even if events had been favorable to him at first, in fighting the Romans, Alexander would have often wished for the Persians, the Indians, and the unwarlike tribes of Asia as opponents and declared that his wars in the past had been waged with women. This is what King Alexander of Epirus is said to have remarked after receiving his fatal wound, when comparing the fortunes of the wars Alexander fought in Asia with those he himself had waged. Indeed, when I consider that, in the first Punic war, the Romans maintained a contest with the Poeni [Carthaginians] at sea for twenty-four years, I can hardly believe that the life of Alexander would have been long enough to finish one war. And perhaps, if the Carthaginian power was united to the Roman power by ancient treaties, and as similar fears might arm these two nations against a common enemy, both powerful in men and arms, Alexander would have been overwhelmed simultaneously by the Punic and Roman wars. The Romans have had experience of the boasted prowess of the Macedonians in arms, not under Alexander as their general, or when their power was at its peak, but in the wars against Antiochus, Philip, and his son Perseus; without any losses, not even with any danger to themselves. Let me not offend you by saying this, and let's not mention our civil wars; we were never defeated by an enemy's infantry, never in open fighting, never on equal terms, much less in our own lands. Our soldiers, burdened with heavy arms, may reasonably fear a body of cavalry, or arrows, difficult mountain passages, and places impassable to supply convoys. But the Romans have won, and will continue to win a thousand battles more formidable than those of Alexander and the Macedonians, so long as there is a love of the peace in which we now live and a civic commitment to harmony.

9.20 Marcus Foslius Flaccinator and Lucius Plautius Venox were the next to be elected consuls. During this year, ambassadors from most of the Samnite states arrived to seek a renewal of the treaty. They appealed to the Senate's compassion, prostrating themselves before them. However, when referred to the people, their pleas weren't as effective, and it was denied. After several days of individual appeals, a two-year truce was finally granted. In Apulia, likewise, the people of Teanum and Canusium, worn down by the plundering of their land, surrendered to Consul Plautius, and provided hostages. This year marked the first creation of prefects for Capua under laws given by Lucius Furius, the praetor. They, themselves, requested Roman intervention to address the chaos caused by internal conflicts. In Rome, two additional tribes were established, the Ufentina and Falerna. Once the situation in Apulia calmed down, the Teates of Apulia approached the new consuls, Gaius Junius Bubulcus, and Quintus Aemilius Barbula, seeking a treaty. They pledged themselves as guarantors to maintain peace with the Romans throughout Apulia. By making such a bold pledge, they secured a treaty, though not on equal terms – they had to submit to the rule of the Roman people. With Apulia completely subdued, as Gaius Junius had also taken control of Forentum, a strongly fortified town, the consuls moved into Lucania. There, Consul Aemilius took Nerulum by surprise and captured it. When news of how effectively the Roman institutions had stabilized Capua spread among the allies, even the people of Antium followed suit. They complained about their lack of fixed laws and magistrates, leading the Senate to appoint patrons of the colony to establish a legal code for them. Thus, Roman power extended broadly, not only in arms but also in law.

9.21 At the end of their term, the consuls, Gaius Junius Bubulcus and Quintus Aemilius Barbula, didn't hand over the legions to the new consuls they had elected, Spurius Nautius and Marcus Popillius. Instead, they gave control to Dictator Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus. Dictator Aemilius, along with Lucius Fulvius Curvus as the Master of the Horse, began to lay siege to Saticula. In turn, this action provoked the Samnites to reignite hostilities. As a result, the Roman army faced a double threat. On one side, the Samnites gathered a large force to free their Saticulan allies from the Roman siege and set up their camp not far from the Roman camp. On the other side, the Saticulans suddenly opened their gates and rushed toward the enemy's posts with a great uproar. Thus both forces, each trusting more in the hope of their allies' aid than in their own strength, soon began a pitched battle and pressed hard on the Romans. Although the battle was uncertain, Dictator Aemilius, despite having to fight two enemies simultaneously, managed to protect his line on both fronts. He chose a location that wasn't easily surrounded and posted his standards in different directions, keeping the flanks of his lines secure. Yet he focused more of his efforts on those who had rushed out from the town and, without much resistance, pushed them back within the walls. He then directed all his forces against the Samnites, where he encountered more resistance. But the victory, though it took a long time, was definite and uncontested. The Samnites, forced to retreat into their camp, put out their fires at night and silently departed in formation. Giving up all hope of saving Saticula, the Samnites besieged Plistica, an allies of the Romans, hoping to inflict equal distress on their enemy.

9.22 As the year drew to a close, the war was led by a new dictator, Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus. The new consuls, Lucius Papirius Cursor and Quintus Publilius Philo, both serving for the fourth time, stayed in Rome like their predecessors. Dictator Fabius brought reinforcements to Saticula to take over the army from former dictator Aemilius. The Samnites hadn't stayed at Plistica but had set up camp in the same place as before, calling for more troops from home and trying to draw the Romans into battle to distract them from their siege of Saticula. However, Dictator Fabius focused solely on Saticula's walls with the intent of taking the city. He was indifferent to the Samnites, merely setting up guards to protect his camp. Such an act only emboldened the Samnites. They started aggressively approaching the rampart, not allowing the Romans any rest. And, when they finally came near the gates of the Roman camp, Quintus Aulius Cerretanus, the Master of the Horse, led a cavalry charge without consulting Consul Fabius, and drove them off. At this point, in a type of combat that rarely leads to decisive results – cavalry skirmishes, Fortune stepped in and both sides suffered extraordinary defeats and the distinguished deaths of the commanders, themselves. The Samnite general first, angered at being routed after fiercely charging on his horse, rallied his cavalry and re-engaged in battle. He was easily spotted while rallying his cavalry and was killed by the Master of the Horse, who threw a spear so fiercely that it killed the horse with a single blow and threw the Samnite general off to his death. Instead of being discouraged by their leader's death, the Samnites were enraged. Those nearby hurled their weapons at Aulius, who had recklessly charged through the enemy's troops. The gods gave the Samnite general's brother the honor of avenging his death. He pulled the victorious Master of the Horse from his horse and, full of grief and rage, savagely killed him. The Samnites almost captured Aulius' body, as he had fallen among enemy troops. But the Romans immediately dismounted, forcing the Samnites to do the same. Around the bodies of their fallen commanders, a sudden infantry battle erupted. Inevitably, the Romans were clearly the victors, recovering Aulius' body and carrying it back to their camp with a mixture of grief and triumph. Having lost their commander and having done all that they could do in the cavalry skirmish, the Samnites abandoned Saticula, which they deemed indefensible, and returned to the siege of Plistica. Within a few days, Saticula surrendered to the Romans, while Plistica fell to the Samnites by force.

9.23 The theater of war then shifted; the legions were moved from Samnium and Apulia to Sora, which had defected to the Samnites after murdering the Roman colonists. The first Roman army arrived there by a series of forced marches to avenge the massacre of their colonists and reclaim the colony. They left scouts scattered along the roads who reported, one after the other, that the Samnite legions were following behind and that they were now not far off. The Romans advanced to confront the enemy, and an indecisive battle was fought at Lautulae. There was neither a decisive victory nor a retreat by either side, and nightfall left it unclear whether the Romans or the Samnites had won. I find in some accounts that this battle was a defeat for the Romans and that this battle was when Quintus Aulius, the Master of Horse, fell. In place of Aulius, Gaius Fabius Ambustus was appointed as Master of the Horse and arrived from Rome with a fresh army. After sending messengers ahead to consult with the Dictator about where he should halt, and at what time and from which direction he should attack the enemy, he stopped in secret in a concealed position, carefully gathering intelligence to make plans. For several days after the battle, the Dictator kept his forces within the rampart, behaving more like the besieged than the besieger. Then, suddenly, he gave the signal for battle. Believing it more effective to inspire courage in brave men by leaving them no hope except in themselves, he kept the presence of the new Master of the Horse and his new army a secret from the soldiers. Acting as though their only hope lay in a breakout, Dictator Fabius said: "Soldiers, we are caught in narrow ground, and unless we carve out a path with victory, we have no escape. Our camp is safe enough with its defenses, but famine threatens us. The surrounding areas, from which supplies could have been brought, have been exhausted, and even if people were willing to help, the terrain is against us." "Therefore, I will not tempt you by leaving this camp behind as a place where you might retreat, as you did on the previous day, without achieving victory. Fortifications should be secured by arms, not arms by fortifications. Let those who prefer to prolong the war keep and reclaim their camps; for us, let there be no consideration other than victory. Carry the standards against the enemy; once the column has exited the rampart, those assigned will set the camp ablaze. Soldiers, the spoils from the lands of all the peoples around you who have defected will make up for your losses." The Dictator's speech, which revealed the extreme necessity of the situation, ignited the soldiers' spirits as they charged at the enemy. Even the sight of their burning camp, though the fire had only been set on the nearest tents, as ordered by the dictator, served as a stimulus. Driven almost to madness, they attacked, disrupting the enemy's lines with their first assault. At the right moment, when he saw the burning camp from a distance which had been the agreed signal, the Master of the Horse struck the enemy from behind. The Samnites, now surrounded, fled in all directions wherever they could. A large group of them, huddled together in fear, and too disorganized to flee, were surrounded and killed in the middle of the battlefield. The enemy camp was captured and plundered, and Dictator Fabius led his soldiers, laden with spoils, back to the Roman camp. They were far less joyous over their victory than over the fact that, contrary to expectations, the camp was safe except for a small section damaged by the fire.

9.24 The Romans then returned to Sora, where the new consuls, Marcus Poetelius Libo and Gaius Sulpicius Longus, for the third time, took command from Dictator Fabius. They discharged a significant portion of the veteran soldiers, replacing them with new cohorts as reinforcements. Due to the Sora's difficult terrain, no clear plan of attack could be formulated. Success seemed far off, using either a prolonged siege or a perilous attack. However, a deserter from Sora snuck out of the town at night and, reaching the Roman sentries, demanded to be taken to the consuls at once. When delivered, he promised to help them take the city. His plan seemed feasible, so he convinced the consuls to move the Roman camp, now close to the city walls, to about six miles away. This would make the city's daytime guards and nighttime sentinels less vigilant in their duties. On the following night he asked for some cohorts carrying extra arms to hide in the woods near the town. He led ten chosen soldiers through a steep, almost impassable, road into the citadel, where a large number of weapons had been gathered. There were also stones, some naturally occurring and others piled up by the townspeople for defense. He positioned the Romans here and showed them a steep, narrow path from the town to the citadel. "With this ascent," he said, "even three armed men could hold off a large group from this vantage point. You, though only ten in number, are Roman soldiers, among the bravest of all Romans. Both the terrain and the night will work in your favor, as both magnify fears in the minds of the uncertain. I will spread terror everywhere; you just focus on holding the citadel." He then ran into the town, shouting, "To arms! Help, citizens! The enemy has taken the citadel! Defend it!" The deserter repeated these cries at the doors of the leading citizens and to those who ran out in fear. His voice caused panic throughout the city. Alarmed city officials, sending scouts to the citadel and hearing reports that the citadel was full of armed men in large numbers, gave up hope of retaking it. Panic swept through the city and the gates were forced open by half-asleep, mostly unarmed people fleeing. The Roman troops entered through one of these gates, alerted by the noise, and began killing the frightened inhabitants as they fled through the streets in fear. By morning, Sora was already under Roman control. The consuls arrived and accepted the surrender of the survivors whom Fortune had allowed to survive the night's slaughter and flight. They took two hundred and twenty-five of them, identified as the instigators of both the revolt and the massacre of the colonists, back to Rome in chains. The rest were left in Sora, now protected by a Roman garrison. The prisoners were brought to the Forum in Rome and were publicly beaten with rods and beheaded with axes, much to the delight of the plebeians, who had a vested interest in the safety of the colonists sent to various colonies.

9.25 The consuls, having departed from Sora, directed their military efforts toward the territories and cities of the Ausonians [Auruncians]. After the battle of Lautulae had happened and the Samnites were advancing, everything in the region had been stirred up. Conspiracies formed in various parts of Campania, and even Capua, itself, wasn't free from suspicion. The situation even reached Rome, leading to investigations about some of the City's leading men. However, the Ausonian nation fell under Roman control from the betrayal of their cities, just as Sora had been. The cities were Ausona, Minturnae, and Vescia – from these, twelve young men from prominent families, all having conspired to betray their cities, approached the consuls. They reported that their fellow citizens had long hoped for the arrival of the Samnites and had viewed the Romans as defeated after hearing about the battle at Lautulae. They had even aided the Samnites by providing young men and weapons. Now that the Samnites were driven out of the country, they were in a state of uncertain peace. They wouldn't close their gates to the Romans for fear of provoking an attack, but they were prepared to do so if the Roman army approached. In such a state of uncertainty, they could easily be taken off-guard and overpowered. Following the advice of the men, the Roman camp was moved closer, and soldiers were dispatched to each of the three towns. Some were fully armed and in military dress, hidden near the walls, while others, were dressed in civilian attire with concealed swords under them. The soldiers posing as civilians were to enter the cities when the gates opened at dawn. When dawn came, the gates opened and the disguised men immediately killed the gate guards. Then, they signaled the armed men to rush in from their hiding places. Thus, the gates were captured; the three towns were taken in the same hour using the same strategy. However, because the generals weren't present during the attacks, the resulting slaughter was uncontrolled. The Ausonian nation were wiped out, even though there was hardly any solid evidence that they had rebelled. It looked as if they had fought Rome to the end in a full-scale war of extermination.

9.26 In that same year Luceria, betraying its Roman garrison to the enemy, was captured by the Samnites. But the traitors didn't go unpunished for long. The Roman army was nearby and quickly recaptured the city, which was located on a plain, at first attack. The Lucerians and Samnites were all killed to the point of annihilation. Having had to conquer them twice, Roman anger against Luceria was so intense that when the Senate discussed sending a colony there, many voted for its total destruction instead. The distance also made them reluctant to send their citizens to live so far among hostile nations. Eventually, it was decided that colonists would be sent, and two thousand five hundred people were relocated there. During this year, when many places were turning against the Romans, secret plots among the nobles were forming in Capua and other places. When the Senate was informed, they didn't ignore it. Investigations were ordered, and it was decided that a dictator should be appointed to oversee these investigations. Gaius Maenius was appointed Dictator, and he appointed Marcus Folius [Foslius] Flaccinator as Master of the Horse. The fear of the dictator was immense. Whether it was fear or conscience, Ovius and Novius, two brothers from the Calavius family, were unveiled as the main conspirators. They committed suicide before they could be formally charged. With the main subjects of the investigation in Campania had died down, the focus shifted to Rome. The Senate's order was interpreted to mean that the investigation shouldn't only focus on Capua, but also on anyone, anywhere who had conspired or joined conspiracies against Rome. In addition, conspiracies that were formed for the purpose of obtaining offices were declared to be against the state. Investigations were expanded to include more people and issues. The Dictator didn't hesitate to say that his power to investigate was unlimited. Some nobles were called to account, and even though they sought protection from the tribunes, no one intervened on their behalf no one protected them. The nobles, not just those who were charged but the whole group, collectively denied the charges. Charges didn't apply to nobility who could receive honors if no fraud stood in the way, they said, but only against "new men" [homines novi]. Even the Dictator and Master of the Horse themselves, they said, would be more fit to be defendants than judges in such a case – and they would realize this as soon as their term of office ended. Dictator Maenius, now caring more about his reputation than his authority, then addressed the assembly: “Citizens, you are all witnesses to my life up to this point, and this very honor bestowed upon me is proof of my integrity. I was not chosen as dictator, as is often the case, because the times required someone renowned in war, but because I had lived a life far from these conspiracies and could conduct investigations." "However, certain noblemen joined together to undermine the investigations by attacking the questions, themselves. Why they acted so, I have no idea. Then, when these patricians found they lacked the power to stop the questioning, they refused to answer the questions asked and fled to the protection of their opponents, the plebeian tribunes, invoking the right of appeal to avoid court." "Finally, when even these avenues failed them, they found every other refuge safer than clearing their names and turned their attacks on us. It was no shame for them as private citizens to demand the dictator be tried. So that all gods and men may know that even those who won't take responsibility for their own actions and cannot be tried, I will now meet their accusation head-on and offer myself as a defendant to my enemies. I resign the dictatorship. I ask you, consuls, if the Senate entrusts this matter to you, to begin the investigations with me and Marcus Folius [Foslius], so that it may become clear that it is our innocence, not the authority of our office, that protects us from such charges." Dictator Maenius then abdicated his position. Immediately afterward, Marcus Foslius also gave up his office as Master of the Horse. They were the first to be tried by the consuls, as ordered by the Senate, and they were acquitted of all charges brought by the nobles. Even Publilius Philo, who had held high offices and had done many great services, was brought to trial because he was disliked by the nobility, but he was acquitted. While the investigation remained fresh, other famous names were brought forward but their names were cleared as well. The investigation then began to slide and lost its respectability when it started to target people of lower rank, and it was eventually stopped by the same factions and coalitions it was supposed to investigate.

9.27 The fame of these events, though more the hope of a Campanian defection (which had been the goal of the conspirators), caused the Samnites, now heading toward Apulia, to return back to Caudium. They hoped to seize Capua from the Romans if any unrest provided an opening. The consuls gathered a strong army and met them at Caudium. At first, both armies hesitated, since the road was difficult on both sides. Either army would have been at a disadvantage attacking the other. The Samnites then took a short detour through open country, descended with their column to the Campanian plains, setting up their camp within sight of the enemy. This was the first time the opposing camps saw each other. Both sides began testing their strength in minor skirmishes, more often between the cavalry than the infantry. The Romans were content with the outcomes of the skirmishes and the overall delay prolonging the war. The Samnite generals, on the other hand, felt they were being worn down by the small daily losses from the skirmishes, and their strength seemed to be weakening due to the war being dragged out. Therefore, they decided to take to the battlefield for a general engagement, positioning their cavalry on both wings, with specific instructions to pay more attention to protecting the camp behind them than the battle itself, which they believed the infantry line would be strong enough to hold. On the other side, the consuls took their positions. Sulpicius was on the right wing, Poetelius was on the left. The right wing, where the Samnites stood in thin ranks (either to outflank the enemy or to avoid being outflanked) stood more widely exposed. On the left, they were arranged in a denser formation, so Poetelius strengthened this side by bringing the auxiliary cohorts, usually held back for a prolonged fight, to the front line. Using the infantry, including auxiliaries, all at once, Poetelius attacked the enemy, throwing the Samnite infantry line into chaos at the first charge. Samnite cavalry then moved forward to back them up, but as they moved across the battle lines between the two armies, the Roman cavalry charged at a full gallop, throwing both infantry and cavalry alike into confusion. At that, the entire Samnite left wing broke apart and fled. Aside from Consul Poetelius, Consul Sulpicius was also there rallying the troops. He had ridden over from the right wing, which hadn't yet engaged, when he heard the initial battle cry. When Sulpicius saw victory was certain on the left side, he returned to his position on the right, taking twelve hundred men with him. On the other side, Sulpicius found the situation quite different, with the Romans being driven from their ground and the triumphant Samnites pressing forward their standards against the shaken Romans. However, the Consul's arrival quickly turned things around. The sight of their leader revived the soldiers' morale, and the bravery of the men who came with him were a bigger strength than their number suggested. The news of the success on the left wing, first heard and then seen, reignited the fight. From then on, the Romans were victorious across the entire line. The Samnites, conceding defeat, were either killed or captured, except for those who fled to Maleventum, now known as the city of Beneventum. It's said that thirty thousand Samnites were killed or captured.

9.28 After their significant victory, the consuls led the legions to besiege Bovianum. They stayed there for the winter until the new consuls were chosen, Lucius Papirius Cursor for the fifth time, and Gaius Junius Bubulcus for the second time. Gaius Poetelius was then appointed as Dictator, with Marcus Folius [Foslius] as Master of the Horse, and they took command of the army. Upon hearing that the Samnites had taken the citadel of Fregellae, Dictator Poetelius left Bovianum and marched to Fregellae. He regained control of the city without any fight, as the Samnites had fled, abandoning it during the night. After leaving a strong garrison in Fregellae, the Dictator then returned to Campania, focusing mainly on reclaiming Nola. Both the entire Samnite population and the Nola peasants sought refuge within the walls of Nola as the Dictator approached. After assessing the situation, the Dictator ordered all buildings around the outside walls to be burned so that the approach to the walls would be more open.  These areas had been heavily populated. Shortly after, Nola was captured, either by Dictator Poetelius or Consul Gaius Junius, as both accounts are given. Those who credit Consul Junius with capturing Nola also say that he took Atina and Calatia, and that Poetelius was made Dictator due to a pestilence outbreak; his job solely was to drive the nail into the wall of Jupiter Maximus for protection. The colonies of Suessa and Pontiae were established that year. Suessa had been part of the Auruncians' territory, while the Volscians had occupied Pontiae, an island visible from their coast. The Senate also decreed that Interamna Sucasina would be a new colony. However, it wasn't until the next consuls took office, Marcus Valerius and Publius Decius, who created triumvirs to lead the four thousand colonists who were sent.

9.29 The war with the Samnites was almost over, but before the Roman Senate could be freed from that concern, news of a potential war with the Etruscans emerged. At that time, there was no nation, aside the Gallic uprisings, whose weapons were more terrifying than the Etruscans'. Their territory was nearby and they had a large population of men. While Consul Valerius continued to fight the remaining Samnites, Consul Decius, who was gravely ill, stayed in Rome and, following the Senate's instructions, appointed Gaius Sulpicius Longus as dictator with Gaius Junius Bubulcus as Master of the Horse. The Dictator, understanding the gravity of the situation, drafted all young able-bodied men under oath, and, with the utmost energy,  prepared weapons, and gathered supplies that were required. However, as well prepared as he was, he decided not to attack unless provoked by the Etruscans. The Etruscans had a similar strategy in preparing for war and then waiting, and neither side crossed their borders. That same year, the censorship of Appius Claudius Caecus and Gaius Plautius gained distinction. Appius is more well-known in posterity, though, because he built the road named after him, the Appian Way, and the first aqueduct, Aqua Appia, to bring water into the city. He completed these projects alone because his colleague, embarrassed by conducting a scandalous and widely criticized revision of the Senate list, resigned from office. Appius, displaying the stubbornness long ingrained in his family, continued the duties of his censorship alone. Under Appius' direction, the Potitii family, who were hereditary priests at the Ara Maxima altar of Hercules, instructed public slaves in the rites of the sacred service, delegating the responsibilities to them. It is said that by removing this from its sacred state it led to a strange event. Although there were twelve families of the Potitii at the time, with around thirty adult males, all of them died within the year, along with their children. Not only did the Potitii name vanish, but Appius, too, was punished by the gods' wrath and lost his sight a few years later for changing the tradition of the sacred rites.

9.30 The following year saw Gaius Junius Bubulcus serving as consul for the third time, and Quintus Aemilius Barbula for the second time. At the start of their term, the consuls voiced their dissatisfaction to the people about the inappropriate selection of Senate members. The Senate had been dishonored, they felt. Several more suitable individuals had been overlooked in favor of those who were chosen. They wouldn't respect such a selection because it was conducted without proper consideration of right or wrong, and was done merely to satisfy political favor and lust for power. The consuls then proceeded to call out the list of the Senate in the same order as it had been before the censorship of Appius Claudius and Gaius Plautius. Two public positions related to military matters were made available to the people that year. The first was a decree that sixteen of the military tribunes for four legions should be elected by the people. Previously, only a few positions had been left to popular election with most being rewards granted by the dictators and consuls. This decree was proposed by Lucius Atilius and Gaius Marcius, plebeian tribunes. The second was that the people should also appoint two naval duumvirs, or magistrates responsible for equipping and maintaining the fleet. This order was introduced by Marcus Decius, another plebeian tribune. Another event of that year, which might seem insignificant but had religious implications, involved the pipers [tibicines]. They were upset because the previous censors had banned them from having meals in the Temple of Jupiter, a tradition that had been in place since ancient times. In protest, they all left for Tibur, leaving no one in the City to play at the sacrifices. The religious implications of the pipers leaving caused great concern in the Senate, and envoys were sent to Tibur to persuade the musicians to return to Rome. The people of Tibur agreed to help. They gave the pipers a friendly reception, first inviting them to their senate-house where they urged them to return to Rome. When persuading them failed, they resorted to a ruse that was quite appropriate to the character of the men they were dealing with. On the festival day, they invited the pipers under the pretense of celebrating with song, feasting and wine, for which that sort are almost always excessively fond. They overloaded them with food and wine which put them to sleep, and while they were unconscious, they threw them into carts and transported them back to Rome. The musicians didn't notice what had happened until the wagons had stopped in the Forum, and they were surprised by the daylight, still in a drunken stupor. The people gathered around them, and after some persuasion, they agreed to stay. They were granted the privilege to roam the city for three days each year, in full festive dress, playing music, with the same freedom that is now traditional. They were also allowed to eat in the temple again, as performers of the sacred rites. All these events took place while the public was preoccupied with two major wars.

9.31 The consuls divided the provinces between themselves by lot. The Samnites were assigned to Consul Junius, while the new war in Etruscan territory was given to Consul Aemilius. In Samnium, the Samnites had surrounded the city of Cluviae and by siege had starved the Roman garrison of Cluviae, as they couldn't capture it by force. When the garrison finally surrendered, the Samnites brutally tortured them by whipping them to death.  Enraged by this cruelty, Junius decided that nothing was more important than a siege of Cluviae. On the first day he attacked the walls and captured the town by force, killing all the adult men of military age. From there, the victorious troops were led to Bovianum, the capital of the Pentri tribe of Samnites. This city was the wealthiest and most powerful in terms of men and arms. The soldiers, more motivated by the prospect of loot than anger, quickly took control of the town. They were less harsh with the enemy since, instead, they focused on gathering the most loot as possible, an amount which ended up being greater than the spoils from all Samnium combined. All of it was generously distributed to the soldiers. When the Romans' military superiority became too much for any army, any camp, or any city, the Samnite leaders began to look for a chance to ambush the Roman army, perhaps when they were distracted by plundering and could be surprised and surrounded. Peasant deserters and prisoners, some arriving by accident and some deliberately sent, all reported to the consul (which was true, in fact) that a large number of cattle had been driven into a remote wooded pasture. These reports persuaded the consul to send the lightly armed legions there to loot. However, a large Samnite army had dug in there, hidden from the roads. When they saw the Romans enter the forest, they suddenly sprang up with shouts, attacking the unwary soldiers. The surprise caused some confusion among the Romans, but they quickly armed themselves and piled their baggage in the middle. When everyone had freed themselves from their baggage and armed themselves, they began rallying at their standards. Each soldier took his place and the lines of battle formed by themselves, according to the familiar ranks of the traditional military discipline, without any command from anyone. The Consul rode to the most dangerous part of the battle, leapt from his horse, and called on Jupiter, Mars, and the other gods to witness that he had come there not for his own glory, but to get plunder for his soldiers. The only thing he could be blamed for, he told them, was wanting to enrich his soldiers at the enemy's expense and only the soldiers' bravery could save him from this disgrace. Let them attack the enemy, who had already been defeated in battle, stripped of their camps, stripped of their cities, and were now, as their last hope, using the stealth of an ambush relying on position, not on arms. He reminded them of the citadel of Fregellae, and that of Sora, and many other places where they had overcome difficult terrain. Energized by these words, the soldiers ignored the difficulties and advanced toward the enemy line above them. There was some struggle while the army climbed the steep slope, but as soon as the first leading standards reached the top and stood on level ground, the enemy was thrown into panic. They dropped their weapons and, unarmed, tried to flee to the same hiding places they had used before. But the difficult terrain, which they had hoped would trap the Romans, now trapped them. As a result, very few escaped. Twenty thousand men were killed, and the victorious Romans quickly moved to secure the plunder of cattle that the enemy had left behind.

9.32 While these events were going on in Samnium, nearly all the Etruscans, except for the people of Arretium, had armed themselves and started a great war by attacking Sutrium, a city allied to the Romans which acted as a protective barrier against the Etruscans. Consul Aemilius set out to Sutrium with his army to free it from the siege. As the Romans began arriving, the Sutrians generously brought a large amount of provisions into their camp, set up outside the city. On the other side, the Etruscans spent the first day deciding whether they should speed up or slow down the war. The next day, the faster plan over the safer one was chosen to please the generals. As soon as the sun rose, the signal for battle was given and they marched out to the field. When Consul Aemilius heard this, he immediately ordered the signal to be given for the soldiers to eat their meal, and once strengthened by food, they were to arm themselves. The order was followed. Consul Aemilius, seeing his men armed and ready, ordered the standards to be carried out beyond the ramparts. He lined up his men up a short distance from the enemy. Both sides stood for a long time, each waiting for the other to start the battle. The sun had passed its highest point at noon before either side threw a weapon. Then, rather than leave without doing anything, the Etruscans gave the battle cry, sounded the trumpets, and their standards advanced. The Romans met the challenge with equal eagerness and the battle began in earnest. Both sides rushed into the fight with intense hostility. The enemy had more soldiers, but the Romans were more courageous. The battle was hard-fought, and many were killed on both sides – especially the bravest men. Victory didn't show itself until the Romans' second line came to the front to replace the tired first line. The Etruscans, who didn't have any fresh reserves to support their front line, were overwhelmed and those in the front ranks and around the standards fell in battle. In no other battle was there seen less of a desire to flee or more bloodshed. The obstinate resolve of the Etruscans to die fighting prolonged the combat until nightfall, shielding them from complete destruction. So, the victors, not the defeated, were the first to stop fighting. After the sun set, the signal to retreat was given, and both sides returned to their camps during the night. For the rest of the year, nothing significant happened at Sutrium. The enemy's entire first line had been destroyed in one battle, leaving only the reserves, who were so few they barely had enough to guard the camp. As for the Romans, they suffered so many wounds that more men died from their injuries after the battle than had been killed in the field.

9.33 Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus, for the second time, was chosen as consul for the upcoming year and took over the leadership of the army at Sutrium. Appointed as his colleague was Gaius Marcius Rutilus. Consul Fabius brought reinforcements from Rome, while the Etruscans summoned a new army from home to support them. For many years, there had been no conflicts between the patrician magistrates and plebeian tribunes. However, a dispute arose from the family that seemed destined to oppose the tribunes and plebeians as if by fate: the Claudii. Appius Claudius Caecus, serving as censor, refused to step down from his position after the eighteen months (as stipulated by the Lex Aemilia) had passed. He couldn't be forced to resign by any means, although his colleague, Gaius Plautius, had already resigned. A plebeian tribune, Publius Sempronius, attempted to enforce a legal process to end the censorship within the lawful time. This move was as popular as it was fair, and it pleased the general public as much as it did the city's respected individuals. Sempronius repeatedly recited the Lex Aemilia praising Mamercus Aemilius Mamercinus, a former dictator who had reduced the censorship's term of five years to the span of a year and a half, which was passed by the Comita Tributa. Confronting Appius Claudius directly, Sempronius asked, "Tell me, Appius Claudius, what would you have done if you had been censor at the time that Gaius Furius and Marcus Geganius  were censors?" Appius argued that the tribune's question wasn't relevant to his situation. While the Lex Aemilia might apply to those particular censors for their term in office when it was passed, he claimed, it couldn't bind him, or any subsequent censors appointed after that. The older law took precedence over the newer law and it wasn't continued. He maintained that the law could not retroactively apply to him or any of his successors.

9.34 But Appius Claudius' weak arguments didn't convince anyone. "Behold, Quirites," Sempronius said, "This is the descendant of the same Appius Claudius who was elected decemvir for one year, declared himself re-elected as decemvir for a second year and, although a private citizen without being appointed by anyone, held supreme power for a third year, keeping the fasces and the power. He didn't stop with this power-grab until he was overwhelmed by his ill-gotten, ill-conducted and ill-retained foul government." "This is the same family, Quirites, whose force and injustice drove you to leave your City and take refuge on the Sacred Mount in exile from your homeland. The same family that you had to protect yourselves from by appointing plebeian tribunes. The same family that caused two of your armies to position themselves on the Aventine Hill. The same family that fought against laws to control interest rates and land distribution. The same family that blocked marriages between patricians and plebeians and blocked plebeians from holding curule offices. This family is a bigger threat to your freedom than the Tarquins ever were. Isn't that so, Appius Claudius?" "It has been a hundred years since Mamercus Aemilius was Dictator. Have none of the many highly respected and capable censors read the Twelve Tables during that time? Did they not know that the most recent order of the people is law? Of course they did, and that is why they followed the Lex Aemilia instead of the old law that first created the censors." "When two laws contradict each other, the newer one always replaces the older one. Are you saying, Appius, that the people aren't bound by the Lex Aemilia? Or that everyone else is bound by it, but you aren't?" "The Aemilian Law bound the aggressive censors, Gaius Furius and Marcus Geganius, who showed how much evil this magistrate could do in the Republic. And in, anger at the reduction of their power, they imposed a fine on Mamercus Aemilius, a man foremost of his time in war and in peace who had proposed the law. The law bound all the censors for the next hundred years. It bound Gaius Plautius, your colleague, who was created under the same auspices by the same law. Did the people not give him the same full privileges that they gave to any censor? Or is your case special and unique?" "If you create someone as king of the sacrifices, will they claim that they were given the same full privileges as any king ever created in Rome? Who, then, would ever be satisfied with a dictatorship of six months? Who would be satisfied with being interrex for five days? Whom would you boldly create as dictator for the purpose of driving the nail or hosting games? How foolish and stupid does Appius think those people are who resigned their dictatorship within twenty days after performing important services, or who resigned their office because of a flaw in their election?" "Why should I bring up examples from the past? Just within the last ten years, Gaius Maenius, as dictator, conducted investigations so thoroughly that it threatened some powerful men. His enemies then accused him of the very crime he was investigating. Maenius resigned his dictatorship so he could defend himself as a private citizen. I don't expect you to be so moderate, lest you betray your family, the most domineering and arrogant of all families. You won't resign your office a day or even an hour before you are required to, provided you don't exceed the time limit established by law. Is it enough to add either a day or a month to the censorship? Yet Appius says he'll hold the censorship, and hold it alone, three years and six months longer than the Lex Aemilia allows. This is like having the power of a king." "Or will you fill the vacancy with another colleague, which isn't allowed even when a censor dies? And don't you regret that you, a religious censor, have degraded a most ancient and solemn ceremony, which was instituted by the very god it honors and entrusted to the noblest of priests, by reducing it to the service of mere slaves? You aren't satisfied that a family older than the city itself, which had a relationship with the immortal gods, has been completely wiped out within a year because of you and your censorship?" "You want to involve the whole state in a terrible crime that I'm horrified to even think about. The city was captured in the lustrum when Lucius Papirius Cursor, after the death of his colleague Gaius Julius, appointed Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis as censor rather than resign his office. But his ambition was much more moderate than yours, Appius! Lucius Papirius didn't hold the censorship alone or beyond the time allowed by law. But still, no one followed his example. All the censors who came after him resigned their office if their colleague died. But neither the law nor shame stops you from ignoring the end of your term, nor the resignation of your colleague. You think courage is pride, boldness, and contempt for gods and men." "Appius Claudius, out of respect for the dignity and decorum of the office which you have held, I wouldn't want to use violence against you or even speak to you harshly. But your pride and stubbornness have forced me to say what I've said. And now, unless you obey the Lex Aemilia, I'll order you to be taken to prison. And since our ancestors decreed that in censorial elections, unless two candidates each receive the required legal votes, the result is not valid. Elections must be postponed if either one is not elected. I will not allow you, who could not even be elected sole censor, to continue on and hold the censorship alone." After saying this, he ordered the censor to be arrested and taken to prison. But even though six of the other nine tribunes approved of their colleague's actions, three tribunes protected Appius when he appealed to them. As such, Appius Claudius held the censorship alone, which upset people of all ranks.

9.35 While these events were taking place in Rome, the Etruscans had begun a siege on Sutrium. Consul Fabius was on the way, leading his troops along the foot of the mountains to relive the allies and, if practical, attack enemy fortifications. During the journey, he encountered the Etruscan army already lined up, ready for battle. Seeing the vastness of their forces spread across the wide plain, Fabius decided to use the terrain to his advantage due to his smaller number of troops. He slightly altered their march and headed toward the hills, rough and strewn with stones, and then turned standards to face the enemy. The Etruscans, relying solely on their large numbers and forgetting everything else, initiated the battle with such haste and fervor that they discarded their javelins and drew their swords to engage the enemy in hand-to-hand combat more quickly. In response, the Romans hurled down javelins and stones on them, which were plentiful in that area. The repeated impact on their shields and helmets disoriented the Etruscans, even those who weren't injured. Unable to approach closely for hand-to-hand combat or to retaliate with javelins at a distance, since they had abandoned them earlier, the Etruscans found themselves exposed and vulnerable to Roman assault. With no protection against the blows, some Etruscans began to retreat, causing their line to waver and become unstable. With a loud cry, the Roman hastati and principes, reinvigorated by the enemy's retreat, charged at them with drawn swords. The Etruscans couldn't withstand this assault; their standards turned around and they returned to their camp in scattered flight. However, the Roman cavalry, having ridden ahead and having cut across the slopes of the plain, threw themselves in the path of the fugitives, forcing the Etruscans to abandon the route to the camp and flee toward the mountains. From there, the Etruscans, now largely unarmed and weakened by wounds, escaped into the Cimini Forest. The Romans, having killed thousands of Etruscans and having captured forty-two military standards, also seized their camp and a vast amount of spoils. They then began to discuss pursuing the fleeing enemy further.

9.36 In those days, the Ciminian Forest was considered just as impenetrable and terrifying as the German forests have been in more recent times. Up to that day no one, not even traders, ventured to enter it. Few aside from the Consul, himself, had the courage to enter it, as the memory of the disaster at the Caudine Forks still lingered. Then, of those who were present, Marcus Fabius, the consul's brother (some say his name was Caeso, others Gaius Claudius, said to have had the same mother as the consul), volunteered to survey the area and provide a detailed report. Marcus Fabius had been educated at Caere, where he had lived with friends, was educated in Etruscan literature, and was fluent in the Etruscan language. It has been suggested that, during those times, Roman youth were often taught Etruscan learning, similar to how they're now taught Greek. However, it's more likely that this individual was exceptional in his daring impersonation and ability to mix with the enemy. It's said that his only companion was a slave who had grown up with him and was therefore also familiar with the language. They received no instructions upon departure aside from a brief description of the country they were to pass through, along with the names of the leading men in the various states, to prevent them from being discovered due to any hesitation in their conversation. They left dressed as shepherds, armed with rustic weapons, sickles and two short javelins each. However, their knowledge of the local language, their attire and their weapons didn't hide them as effectively as the unbelievable fact of that a foreigner would dare enter the Ciminian Forest. They reportedly reached as far as the Camertes-Umbri people. There, the Romans admitted their identity and, after being introduced to their senate, negotiated on behalf of the Consul for an alliance and friendship. After being treated with gracious hospitality, they announced to the Romans that supplies had been ordered to be ready for their army in thirty days, if they entered their lands, and that the young men of the Camertes-Umbri would be ready in arms to follow them in the future. When this news was reported to Consul Fabius, he immediately sent the baggage train ahead at the first watch, ordering the legions to follow it. He, himself, stayed behind with the cavalry and, at dawn, rode against the enemy's outposts which were arranged outside the forest. After keeping the enemy occupied there for a sufficient amount of time, he returned to his camp and, leaving through the opposite gate, caught up with the main army by nightfall. At dawn the next day, he had reached first ridge of the Mount Ciminius. From there, he could see the rich fields of the Etruscan territory and allowed his soldiers to descend upon it. When a large amount of loot had been taken, some hastily assembled Etruscan militia, gathered by the area's leading residents, confronted the Romans. However, they were so disorganized that they nearly became spoils themselves. After these peasants were killed or driven away, and the land was extensively ravaged, the victorious Romans returned to their camp, rich with spoils. By chance, five ambassadors and two plebeian tribunes had arrived on behalf of the Senate to instruct Consul Fabius not to try to cross the Ciminian Forest. However, they were relieved to find that they had arrived too late to stop the campaign. Instead, they returned to Rome as messengers of victory.

9.37 The Consul's campaign didn't help to end the war; it expanded it. The devastation at the foot of Mount Ciminius was felt throughout the region and sparked so much outrage that the neighboring Umbria took up arms with the Etruscans. As such, an army gathered at Sutrium that was larger than had ever been assembled before. They were so eager to engage in battle with the Romans that they moved their camp outside the forest and marched down to the open plains as quickly as possible to challenge them. The enemy troops stood their ground for a while in the open air, leaving enough space for the Romans to form a battle line opposite them. However, when they noticed the Romans weren't eager to fight, they advanced toward the rampart. Even the Roman outposts had retreated from their posts to inside the fortification. A sudden outcry arose among the Etruscan leaders for their generals to bring them food; they would stay armed and attack the enemy's camp either that night or at dawn. The Roman troops were equally eager for battle but were held back by the general's orders. Around the tenth hour, the consul ordered his men to eat.  He then ordered them to be armed and ready for action at any hour, day or night, when he gives the signal for battle. He then spoke to them briefly, praising the wars of the Samnites and belittling the Etruscans. This enemy, he said, could not compare to the previous foes they had faced, neither in terms of their quality as soldiers nor their numbers. The Consul hinted at a secret plan to outmaneuver the enemy, saying that they would learn of it at the proper time but for now, silence was necessary. With these ambiguous remarks, he pretended the enemy were being betrayed, aiming to restore the morale of the troops which had been shaken by the size of the enemy forces. Given that the enemy had encamped near the rampart without fortifications, this deception seemed all the more plausible. Refreshed with food, the soldiers rested. They were quietly woken around the fourth watch and armed themselves quietly. Servants were given pickaxes to level the rampart and fill in the trench. The lines of battle were formed within the fortifications, and select cohorts were stationed near the exits of the gates. Then, the signal was given, just before dawn, the quietest time of sleepy summer nights. Roman lines exploded outward, destroying the rampart and charging in every direction to attack the sleeping enemy. Some were killed before they could react, others while they were still half-asleep in their beds. A greater number were frozen, trembling in fear, and were slaughtered. A few had time to arm themselves. The Romans, following no certain signal, no leader, pursued the fleeing enemy. The enemy scattered in different directions, some toward the camp and some to the forest. The forest provided a safer refuge, as the camp, located on an open plain, was captured on that same day. Then Consul Fabius ordered all gold and silver to be brought to him, while the rest of the spoils were given to the soldiers. That day, around sixty thousand of the enemy were killed or captured. Some say this famous battle took place on the other side of the Ciminian Forest, at Perusia, and that the city was in great fear that the army might be trapped in such a dangerous pass and overwhelmed on all sides by the Etruscans and Umbrians. Regardless of where the battle took place, it's clear that the Romans were victorious. As a result, ambassadors from Perusia, Cortona, and Arretium, which were then among the chief cities of the Etruscans, sought peace and a treaty with the Romans and secured a truce for thirty years.

9.38 During these events in the Etruscan territory, the other consul, Gaius Marcius Rutilus, took Allifae from the Samnites by force. Many of their forts and smaller towns were either ruthlessly destroyed or were taken, intact, into Roman power. At the same time, the Roman fleet, led by Publius Cornelius, whom the Senate had placed in charge of the seacoast, sailed for Campania and docked at Pompeii. Upon landing, the sailors and soldiers set out to raid the territory of Nuceria. They quickly devastated the nearest areas and could have safely returned to the ships. However, as is the custom, the sweet lure of more plunder led them to venture too far into the territory, provoking the enemy. They encountered no resistance while they roamed the countryside, even though they could have been easily slaughtered. As they returned, however, moving in an unwary formation, the local farmers attacked them not far from their ships. They stripped them of their spoils and killed many of them. The remaining panic-stricken survivors, fleeing the slaughter, were driven back to the ships in disarray. Consul Quintus Fabius' journey through the Ciminian Forest had caused great fear in Rome, but the report of the Roman army being trapped and surrounded brought joy to the Samnites. They recalled the Caudine Forks as showing what their defeat would be like. They said that the Romans, always eager for more conquests, were now stuck in a difficult situation,  having been led into inaccessible forests, trapped not so much by their enemies but by the difficult terrain. Their joy was mixed with a certain envy because they thought the glory of ending the Roman war had been given to the Etruscans instead of the Samnites. So, they quickly gathered their forces to attack Consul Gaius Marcius. If he didn't give them a chance to fight, they planned to march through the lands of the Marsians and Sabines into Etruscan territory. Consul Marcius met them, and a fierce battle ensued with uncertain outcome on both sides. Although both sides suffered heavy losses, the Romans were seen as the losers because several men of the equestrian order, some military tribunes, and a legate were killed. Even more notable, the Consul himself was injured. The news, exaggerated as usual, greatly alarmed the Senate, and they decided to appoint a dictator. Everyone expected the choice to be Lucius Papirius Cursor, under whom the chief direction of military affairs was placed. But they were unsure if they could safely send a message into Samnium, where the situation was hostile, or if Consul Marcius was still alive. The other consul, Fabius, had a personal grudge against Papirius. To prevent his private biases from interfering with the public good, the Senate decided to send representatives from the former consuls to persuade Fabius to put aside his personal feelings for the sake of the City not just by their own authority, but by the authority of the state. The former consuls set out and delivered the Senate's decree to Fabius adding a suitable speech of their own, in accordance with the orders. Consul Fabius lowered his eyes to the ground, and silently walked away, leaving them unsure of his intentions. Then, in the quiet of the night, in silence as is his custom, he followed tradition and appointed Lucius Papirius as Dictator. When the former consuls thanked him for his remarkable self-restraint and noble spirit, he remained obstinately silent and dismissed them without any answer or mention of what he had done. It was clear that his deep resentment was being suppressed by his strong will. Dictator Papirius Cursor then chose Gaius Junius Bubulcus as Master of the Horse. As he was preparing to get approval for the army command at a meeting of the Curiae, a bad omen forced him to postpone it. The first Curia to vote was the Faucian, which was known for two disasters: the capture of the City and the Caudine Peace. These events had occurred in the years when this Curia had voted first. Licinius Macer believes this Curia is also unlucky because of a third disaster, the defeat at the Cremera, making the curia even more detested.

9.39 The following day, the Dictator, after fresh auspices were taken, was invested with his official powers. He then took command of the newly formed legions, raised due to the alarm caused by the army crossing the Ciminian Forest, and led them to Longula. Here, the Dictator took command of the veteran troops of Consul Marcius and then led his forces into formation. The enemy appeared ready to fight. The two armies faced each other, fully armed and in formation. They remained that way until nightfall, with neither side choosing to initiate the conflict. After this, they remained encamped near each other for a significant period, neither doubting their own strength nor underestimating their opponent. Meanwhile, the Etruscans raised a huge army in accordance with their sacred law where each man is responsible for bringing another to join. As the Etruscan army was now larger than any previously raised, their morale was also the highest it had ever been. The battle was fought with such ferocity that no missiles were thrown by either side; only swords were used. The intensity of the combatants was further fueled by the prolonged fight, making it seem to the Romans as if they were fighting, not with the Etruscans whom they had defeated many times before, but with a new race. There was no sign of retreat from any side. The first lines fell. To prevent the standards from being left undefended, the second lines took their place. Eventually, even the men forming the last reserves were called into action. The situation had become so dire that the Roman cavalry dismounted and pushed through piles of weapons and bodies to reach the front lines of the infantry. The cavalrymen, appearing like a fresh army among the now exhausted men, disrupted the standards of the Etruscans. Despite their weakened state, the Romans supported their attack and finally broke through the enemy standards. Etruscan determination then began to wane and some of the Etruscan maniples started to turn away. Once they showed their backs, the rest likewise took flight. That day broke, for the first time, the power of the Etruscans who had old and abundant resources and had long flourished in prosperity. The best of their men were killed in the battle, and their camp was captured and looted in the same attack.

9.40 The campaign against the Samnites continued immediately afterward. It was faced with equal danger and an equally glorious conclusion. The Samnites, in addition to their many preparations for battle, made their army shine with new decorations on their armor. Their troops were divided into two groups, one with shields embossed with gold, the other embossed with silver. The shields were designed to cover the chest and shoulders, with a wide flat top and a wedge-shaped bottom for easy mobility. A sponge covered the chest, and the left leg was protected by a metal shinguard. Their crested helmets were adorned with plumes to make them appear taller. Soldiers with gold-armored shields wore tunics of various colors, while those with silver-armored shields wore white linen. Those with silver shields had silver scabbards and silver belts. Those with gold shields had gilded scabbards and golden belts; their horses had gilded saddlecloths. These soldiers were assigned to the right wing, while the silver-adorned soldiers were positioned on the left. The Romans were aware familiar with such displays of ornamental arms. Roman leaders taught them that a soldier should look fearsome, not relying on gold and silver, but on steel and courage. In truth, such decorations were more like spoils of war than armor. They shined before battle but quickly lost all their beauty in the midst of blood and wounds. A soldier's honor lies in his valor. All those fine ornaments follow after victory. A wealthy enemy is merely the reward to a victorious soldier, however poor. While the soldiers were energized by these words, the Dictator led them into battle. He positioned himself on the right wing and gave command of the left to the Master of the Horse. All at once, there was a great rush. The battle between the two armies was fierce, as was the competition between Dictator Cursor and the Master of the Horse to see which wing would achieve victory first. Master of the Horse Junius, with his left wing, was the first to attack the Samnites' right wing. These Samnite soldiers were consecrated in the Samnite manner to Orcus, the underworld god of broken oaths, and were distinguished by their white clothing and shining white armor. Junius declared that he would sacrifice these to Orcus and brought the standards forward, disrupting their ranks and making a noticeable impact on their line. Seeing this, the Dictator exclaimed, "Shall the victory begin on the left wing? Shall the right wing, the Dictator's own troops, follow the lead of another, and not claim the greatest share of the victory?" This spurred on the soldiers. The cavalry was just as valiant as the infantry, and the legates were as eager as the generals. Marcus Valerius for the right wing and Publius Decius for the left wing, both men of consular rank, rode out to the cavalry positioned at either end of the line, and rallied them to join in the pursuit of glory. They then led a charge across the enemy flanks. When this new danger surrounded the enemy's line on both side, the Roman legions noticed the Samnites' terror and renewed their battle cry, rushing forward and causing the Samnites to start retreating. The plains were soon filled with heaps of slain bodies. their shining armor, and their standards. At first, the terrified Samnites found refuge in their camp, but they didn't hold onto it for long. Before nightfall, it had been captured, looted, and burned. Dictator Papirius Cursor celebrated a Triumph, as decreed by the Senate. The most impressive sight in his procession was the captured arms. The shields inlaid with gold were so magnificent that they were distributed to the owners of the moneychanger's booths to be used to decorate the Forum. This, it's said, started the tradition of the aediles decorating the Forum during religious processions whenever sacred carriages carrying divine images [tensae] moved through it. The Romans used these extraordinary ornate arms to honor the gods. The Campanians, out of pride and their hatred for the Samnites, dressed their gladiators, who furnished them entertainment at their feasts, in the same manner. They addressed them by the name of Samnite. During this year, Consul Fabius fought a battle with the remnants of the Etruscans near Perusia, a city that had also broken the truce, and won an easy and decisive victory. He would have captured the city itself, as he marched right up to the walls, if the ambassadors had not come out and surrendered the city. After placing a garrison at Perusia and sending the Etruscan ambassadors to the Roman Senate to request friendship ahead of him, Consul Fabius rode into the City in Triumph, with a victory even more celebrated than that of the Dictator. In addition, much of the credit for defeating the Samnites was given to the legates, Publius Decius and Marcius Valerius. At the next election, the people unanimously elected Publius Decius as consul and Marcius Valerius as praetor.

9.41 Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus was granted a continued consulship for the third time due to his outstanding success in the conquest of the Etruscans. Publius Decius Mus was chosen as his colleague for the second time. Valerius was made praetor for the fourth time. The consuls divided the provinces. The Etruscans went to Consul Decius, and Samnium to Consul Fabius. Fabius set out for Nuceria Alfaterna. When its people asked for peace, he rejected the plea, as they had previously refused it. Instead, he forced them to surrender by besieging their city. Next, Fabius fought in a pitched battle with the Samnites. It was won without much difficulty. The only reason this battle is remembered is because it was the first time the Marsi fought against the Romans. The Peligni, following the Marsi's lead, met the same fate. Decius, the other consul, also had great success. He intimidated the Tarquinians to provide his army with grain and to ask for a forty-year truce. He then captured several forts from the Volsinians, some of which he destroyed to prevent them from being used by the enemy. His widespread operations created such terror that the entire Etruscan nation asked the consul for a treaty. They were denied the treaty, but were granted a one-year truce. The enemy provided the pay for the Roman army that year, and two tunics for each soldier were demanded from them; this was the price they paid for the truce. The peace established among the Etruscans was disrupted by a sudden uprising of the Umbrians, a nation that hadn't been harmed by the war, except for the inconvenience of having an army pass through their territory. They built such a large army, by recruiting their own young men along with Etruscans willing to take up arms again. The army was so large that they spoke magnificently of themselves and contemptuously of the Romans, boasting about how they would leave Decius behind them in Etruscan territory and march off to do a direct assault on Rome. When Consul Decius heard of their plan, he left the Etruscan territory and moved his forces toward the City by long marches. He settled in the land of the Pupinian tribe, ready to act based on the information he received about the enemy. The Umbrians' uprising was taken seriously in Rome. Their bold threats caused fear among the people, who remembered the suffering caused by the Gauls and knew how vulnerable their city was. As a result, envoys were sent to Consul Fabius with instructions to lead his army into Umbria as quickly as possible if he had a break from the Samnite war. Fabius followed the order and by forced marches quickly moved to Mevania, where the Umbrian forces were located. The unexpected arrival of Consul Fabius, whom they thought was busy in Samnium and occupied by another war, scared the Umbrians so much that some argued for retreating to their fortified towns, while others suggested abandoning the war entirely. However, one group, called the Materina by the Umbrians themselves, not only held their ground but immediately forced the others to fight. The Umbrians attacked Fabius while the soldiers were fortifying their camp with a rampart. When Consul Fabius saw them recklessly charging toward the rampart, he called the men from their work and arranged them in the best possible formation, given the circumstances. He rallied them by reminding them of the glory they had earned against the Etruscans in Tuscany and the Samnites. End this minor addition to the Etruscan war, he told them, and punish these people for their disrespectful threats to attack Rome. The soldiers were so eager that they interrupted the general's speech with a shout. Without waiting for orders, to the blare of trumpets and horns, they hurled themselves at the enemy. What happened next was noteworthy: they fought, not as if they were fighting armed men, but as if facing an unarmed opponent. It's wonderful to recount. At first, they were snatching enemy standards from the hands that held them, then dragging the standard-bearers themselves to the Consul. Then, they pulled armed Umbrian soldiers over into the Roman lines. Wherever there was any resistance, the fighting carried on more with shields rather than swords. The enemy was routed with blows from the bosses of their shields and by the charges from the wings. More prisoners were taken than killed, and the Umbrians throughout the line called on each other to lay down their arms. Thus, the first instigators of the war surrendered in the middle of the battle, and in the following days, other Umbrian states also surrendered. The people of Ocriculum, an Umbrian city, were allowed to enter into a treaty of friendship after providing pledges of loyalty.

9.42 Consul Quintus Fabius, who had been victorious in a province not originally his, returned his army to his own province in Samnium. The previous year, the people had re-elected him to the consulship in recognition of his successful service. Now, the Senate, for the same reason, extended his command for the following year, despite strong opposition from Appius Claudius. This happened during the time when Appius Claudius and Lucius Volumnius were consuls. Some historical records suggest that Appius, while still holding the position of censor, ran for the consulship. His election was halted by a protest from Lucius Furius, a plebeian tribune, who refused to let him stand until he resigned from the censorship. After his election to the consulship, the new war with the Sallentini enemies was assigned to his colleague, Consul Volumnius. Appius stayed in Rome, choosing instead to focus on building influence at home through political maneuvering, since the glory of war would belong to someone else. Volumnius had no regrets with his province. He fought many successful battles and captured several cities. He was generous with plunder, and, combined with his courteous behavior and natural kindness, it made his soldiers both grateful and eager to endure hardship and danger. Meanwhile, Quintus Fabius, acting as proconsul, fought a decisive battle with the Samnites near the city of Allifae. The victory was total. The enemy was driven from the field and chased to their camp. They would have lost their camp too, had the day not been almost over. The Romans surrounded it before nightfall and watched until morning to prevent anyone from escaping. At dawn, the Samnites offered to surrender. It was agreed that those who were natives of Samnium would be allowed to leave with only their clothes. All of these were sent under the yoke. The Samnite allies were not given any terms. They were sold at auction, totaling seven thousand. Those who claimed to be subjects of the Hernicians, who had been allied with Rome, were kept separately and held in custody. Fabius sent these Hernicians to the Senate in Rome. After being questioned about whether they had fought against the Romans as a result of a public draft or as volunteers, they were sent to the Latin states to be held in custody. It was ordered that the new consuls, Publius Cornelius Arvina and Quintus Marcius Tremulus, who had been elected by this time, should present this matter to the Senate. The decision to keep Hernicians in custody greatly offended the Hernicians. At a meeting of all the Hernician states, convened by the Anagnini in the circus which they call the Maritime Circus. All the Hernician states, except Aletrium, Ferentinum, and Verulae, declared war on the Roman people.

9.43 Now that Fabius left, new conflicts emerged in Samnium. Calatia and Sora, along with the Roman garrisons stationed there, were captured and brutally mistreated. Accordingly, Consul Publius Cornelius was sent there with an army to address the situation. Consul Quintus Marcius was given command against the new enemy, as war had now been declared against the people of Anagnia and the rest of the Hernicians. At first, the enemy blocked all the strategic positions between the consuls' camps, making it impossible for any messenger traveling light to travel quickly from one camp to the other. Each consul carried on for several days in uncertainty and in anxious suspense about the other's situation. The situation escalated such that panic even reached Rome, leading to the draft of all younger citizens and the formation of two regular armies in preparation for any sudden emergency. However, the Hernician war was far less dangerous than the initial fear and their historic reputation suggested. There is nothing else worth mentioning. Within a few days, they were driven from their three camps. They agreed to a 30-day truce on condition they would send representatives to the Senate in Rome and provide two months' pay, grain, and a tunic for every soldier. The Senate referred them back to Consul Marcius, to whom authority over the Hernicians had been granted by a Senate decree. Marcius accepted the surrender of the Hernician people under these terms. In Samnium, Consul Publius Cornelius, despite having a stronger force, was in a difficult position. The enemy had blocked all the roads and taken control of the passable forests, making it impossible to transport supplies. The consul couldn't provoke them into a battle, despite bringing the standards forward every day to challenge them. It was quite evident that neither the Samnites could handle an immediate fight, nor the Romans endure a delay in the war. The arrival of Consul Marcius, who had rushed to aid his colleague after defeating the Hernicians, forced the enemy to fight. Since the Samnites had not considered themselves strong enough to battle with even one army, once the two consular armies united, there would be no hope for them. Therefore, they decided to attack Marcius as he was approaching with a disorganized column. The Romans hastily threw down their baggage in the center, and the line was formed as best as time allowed. The shout that could be heard and the dust that could be seen from a distance caused a stir in Cornelius' camp. He ordered his men to arm themselves and led them quickly out into line to attack the enemy's flank, which was already engaged in another fight, shouting that it would be shameful if they let Marcius' army take all the credit for both victories and didn't claim a victory of their own. Cornelius broke through the center of the Samnite line, pushed into the enemy's camp, captured it, and set it on fire. When Marcius' soldiers saw the flames, and the Samnites turned to look back in panic, chaos prevailed and the Samnites fled in all directions. But they couldn't escape; they met death everywhere and there was no safe haven. After killing thirty thousand of the enemy, the consuls signaled for retreat and began gathering their forces together, taking turns to congratulate each other, when suddenly they saw new enemy cohorts in the distance which had been drafted as reinforcements. This sight led to a renewal of the slaughter. The victors rushed at these Samnites, neither by command of the consuls nor by receiving a signal, shouting that they would make them pay dearly for their bad training. The consuls allowed the legions' enthusiasm, knowing that the enemy's inexperienced troops, mixed with veterans disheartened by defeat, wouldn't even attempt to fight. They were right: all the Samnites, old and new, fled to the nearest mountains. The Roman army followed them, ensuring that no place was safe for the defeated. They were driven off even from the mountain peaks they had seized. Finally, with one voice, they all begged for peace. They were ordered to provide grain for three months, pay the soldiers' salary for a year, and provide a tunic for each soldier. They also sent representatives to the Senate to ask for peace. Consul Publius Cornelius Arvina stayed in Samnium. Consul Quintus Marcius Tremulus returned to the city in Triumph after his victory over the Hernicians, and a decree was passed to erect an equestrian statue of him in the Forum, which was placed in front of the Temple of Castor. The three states of the Hernician peoples, Aletrium, Ferentinum, and Verulae, had their own laws restored because they preferred them rather than becoming Roman citizens. They were allowed to intermarry among these three towns, a privilege that only the Hernicians enjoyed for a long time. The Anagnians and the others who had waged war against the Romans were granted citizenship, but without the right to vote. They weren't allowed to hold public assemblies or intermarry, and their magistrates were prohibited from acting except in religious matters. During this year, Gaius Junius Bubulcus, the censor, contracted for the construction of a Temple to Salus, which he had vowed during his time as consul in the war with the Samnites. He and his colleague, Marcus Valerius Maximus, built public roads through the fields at state expense. In addition, a treaty with the Carthaginians was renewed for the third time that year, and generous gifts were given to their ambassadors as a gesture of goodwill.

9.44 This year, Publius Cornelius Scipio served as Dictator, with Publius Decius Mus as Master of the Horse. They were responsible for the election of consuls, as this was the task for which they were appointed; the consuls couldn't leave their armies. The elected consuls were Lucius Postumius Megellus and Titus Minucius Augurinus. Piso suggests that the consuls were Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius, skipping the two years I recorded with Claudius and Volumnius, and Cornelius and Marcius as consuls. It's unclear whether this was an oversight in his records or if he intentionally ignored these two consulships, considering them false. During this year, the Samnites invaded the Plain of Stella in the Campanian territory. Consequently, both consuls were dispatched to Samnium, each to a different region: Consul Postumius marched to Tifernum, while Consul Minucius marched to Bovianum. The first battle took place at Tifernum, under Postumius' command. Some say the Samnites were thoroughly defeated, with twenty thousand captured. Others claim the armies separated without a clear victor and Consul Postumius, pretending to be afraid, secretly withdrew his forces at night and moved to the mountains, and that two thousand of the enemy followed and encamped two miles away in fortified places. So that it would appear that he was seeking a safe and well-supplied place for camp, which he was, Consul Postumius left behind the camp after fortifying and stocking it with supplies, leaving behind a strong garrison. At the third watch, the earliest it could be done, he left with his lightly armed legions to join his colleague, Minucius, who was facing another enemy force. Upon Postumius' advice, Minucius brought up his standards and engaged the enemy. The resulting battle remained undecided for most of the day. Then Postumius launched a surprise attack with his fresh legions on the Samnites, who were by now exhausted. Accordingly, when fatigue and wounds prevented them from even fleeing, the enemy were all killed, and twenty-one Samnite standards were captured. Minucius then moved the army to Postumius' location, where the two victorious armies attacked the enemy, who had already been demoralized by the news of the previous battle. They routed and scattered them, capturing twenty-six military standards. The Samnite general Statius Gellius and many others were captured; both enemy camps were taken. The next day, Bovianum was besieged and soon captured. Both consuls were honored with a Triumph for their excellent leadership. Some writers claim that Consul Minucius was severely wounded and brought back to the camp where he died. They say Marcus Fulvius Curvus Paetinus replaced him as consul and took command of Minucius' army, capturing Bovianum. In the same year, Sora, Arpinum, and Caesennia were retaken from the Samnites. A great statue of Hercules was erected on the Capitoline Hill and dedicated.

9.45 The following year, when Publius Sulpicius Saverrius and Publius Sempronius Sophus were consuls, the Samnites, whether seeking an end or merely a delay of the war, sent ambassadors to Rome to negotiate peace. The response to their humble pleas was this: if the Samnites hadn't repeatedly asked for peace while preparing for war, negotiations could have been conducted sincerely through mutual discussion. However, since words had proven empty, actions would now guide decisions. They were told that Consul Sempronius would soon be in Samnium with an army and wouldn't be fooled in determining whether their intentions were peaceful or warlike. He would provide the Senate with detailed information, and that the ambassadors could follow the Consul back from Samnium. That year, when the Roman army marched through all parts of peaceful Samnium, receiving generous supplies, the old treaty was renewed with the Samnites. The Roman forces then turned against the Aequians, their long-time adversaries who had been quiet for many years under a deceptive peace. This was because the Aequians, in partnership with the prosperous Hernicians, had often aided the Samnites. After the Hernicians were defeated, nearly the entire Aequian nation openly sided with the Samnites. When fetial priests were sent to demand satisfaction following the treaty with the Samnites in Rome, the Aequians responded that they believed this was a test to see if they would become Roman citizens out of fear. They had learned from the Hernicians that being a Roman citizen wasn't desirable when they could choose their own laws over Roman citizenship. For people who wanted the freedom to choose what they thought was best, becoming a Roman citizen would be a punishment. Angered by these public statements, widely spread in public assemblies, the Roman people declared war on the Aequians. Both consuls left the city to carry out this new mission, setting up camp four miles from the enemy. The Aequian troops, like those not having waged war for many years in their own name, lacked leadership and organization, and without a commander they felt panic setting in. Some suggested going out to battle, others suggested defending the camp. Most were worried about their lands being ravaged and their cities, with weak defenses, being destroyed. Amidst various suggestions, one suggestion was made that everyone should focus on their own interests. It was proposed that they should leave the camp at the first watch and take different routes to bring all their belongings into their cities and defend them behind the walls. This was unanimously agreed upon. At dawn, when the enemy had scattered across the countryside, the Romans lined up with their standards drawn up for battle, but there was no one to meet them. They marched at full speed to the camp of the enemy. When they reached the enemy's camp, they found no one at their posts nor anyone at the gates. There was no one on the rampart, nor the usual noise of the camp. They halted in the unusual silence, moved by the fear of an ambush. Then, after crossing the rampart, where they found everything deserted, they continued to follow the tracks of the enemy. The tracks, however, led in all directions due to the Aequians' scattered retreat. This caused confusion at first, but once the Roman scouts discovered the enemy's intentions, the consuls launched a campaign marching against each individual city. Within fifty days, they forcefully captured thirty-one towns, most of which were ransacked and then burned, nearly wiping out the name of the Aequi to the point of extinction. A Triumph was declared over the Aequians. Their destruction served as a warning to others. The Marrucini, Marsi, Peligni, and Frentani, learning from these disasters, sent ambassadors to Rome to ask for peace and friendship. A treaty was granted to these peoples who asked for it.

9.46 In the same year, Gnaeus Flavius, son of Gnaeus, was a scribe born of a freedman father of humble circumstances. He was nevertheless a clever and eloquent man and he became a curule aedile. Some annals suggest that when it appeared that he was to be elected aedile by his tribe, his name wasn't accepted because he was a scribe. When he found this out, he then gave up his tablet and swore not to continue in that profession. However, Licinius Macer argues that he had quit being a scribe long before, having already served as a tribune and as a triumvir, one conducted at night and the other for establishing a colony. Moreover, Flavius defiantly stood firm against the nobles who looked down on him because of his humble background. He publicly displayed the rules of civil law, which had previously been kept secret by the pontiffs, by publishing the fasti [legal calendar] on white tablets around the Forum so everyone would know on which days court business could be conducted. Despite the nobles' indignation, he dedicated the Temple of Concord in the area of Vulcan's Temple. The Pontifex Maximus, Cornelius Barbatus, was forced by the people to recite the dedication prayers, despite arguing that according to ancestral custom, only a consul or a commander could dedicate a temple. Accordingly, the Senate, with the authority of the people, passed a law that no one could dedicate a temple or altar without approval from the Senate or a majority of the plebeian tribunes. I relate this matter, not memorable by itself, but to show the freedom of the plebeians prevailing against the arrogance of the nobles. Flavius once visited his sick colleague and when the young nobles didn't stand up to greet him, he ordered his curule chair to be brought in and enjoyed their envy from his seat of honor. Flavius was made an aedile by the urban party that had gained power through the censorship of Appius Claudius. Appius was the first to defile the Senate by enrolling the sons of freedmen into it. When this election wasn't recognized as valid, and he failed to gain the influence he sought in the Senate, he resorted to corrupting the assemblies of both the Forum and the Campus Martius by distributing men of the lowest order among all the tribes. This caused such outrage at Flavius' election that most of the nobles stopped wearing their gold rings and medals . From then on, the state was divided into two factions. On one side were the men of integrity, who favored and cherished right principles, and the other side were the rabble of the marketplace. This division lasted until Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were made censors. Fabius, for the sake of unity and to prevent the elections from being controlled by the lowest of the people, divided the marketplace mob into four tribes which and gave them the name Urban. This move was so well received that he earned the surname Maximus, which he hadn't obtained through his many victories but received from his reorganization of societal ranks. It's also said that he instituted the annual parade of the cavalry on the fifteenth of July.

10.1 During the consulship of Lucius Genucius Aventinensis and Servius Cornelius Lentulus, there was a general relief from foreign wars. Colonies were established in Sora and Alba. Six thousand colonists were sent to Alba, located in the Aequian territory. Sora, which was once part of the Volscian territory but had been taken over by the Samnites, received four thousand men. This year, the people of Arpinum and Trebula were granted citizenship. The Frusinati were penalized by confiscating a third of their land because they were found to have incited the Hernicians to rebel. The leaders of this conspiracy were tried before the consuls, following a decree of the Senate, and were whipped with rods and beheaded. Nevertheless, in order not to go a complete year without war, a small campaign was launched into Umbria. Reports had come in that armed men were raiding neighboring fields, based out of a certain cave. The troops entered this dark cave with their standards and suffered many injuries, mainly from thrown stones. Eventually, they found a second opening to the cave. They blocked both entrances with wood and set them on fire. About two thousand men died from the smoke and heat. Many of them, in a desperate attempt to escape, tried to run through the flames. Marcus Livius Denter and Marcus Aemilius Paullus took over the consulship and war with the Aequians was renewed. The Aequians were upset about the colony established in their territory, as if it were a fortress placed on its borders, and tried to seize it with their entire force. Instead, they were pushed back by the colonists, themselves. It caused a panic in Rome, as it was hard to fathom that the Aequians, who had been weakened to the point of extinction, would dare to start a war on their own. Gaius Junius Bubulcus Brutus was appointed Dictator to suppress this uprising. Marching out with Marcus Titinius, the Master of the Horse, they defeated the Aequians in the first engagement. On the eighth day, the Dictator returned to the City in Triumph and dedicated the Temple of Salus, which he had vowed to do when he was consul and had arranged for the construction when he was censor.

10.2 During this year, a Greek fleet led by Cleonymus of Lacedaemon [Sparta, or Laconia], arrived on the coast of Italy and captured Thuria, a city in the Sallentini territory. Consul Aemilius was sent to fight this enemy. In a single engagement, he routed the enemy completely, forcing them to retreat to their ships. Thuria was then returned to its original inhabitants, and peace was restored in the Sallentini region. I find in some historical records that suggest that Junius Bubulcus was sent as Dictator against the Sallentini, and that Cleonymus left Italy without engaging in battle with the Romans. Cleonymus then sailed around the Brundisium promontory and, driven by the winds into middle of the Gulf of the Adriatic Sea, he found the left shore had a lack of harbors while the right shore was inhabited by Illyrians, Liburnians, and Histrians. These tribes were savage, infamous at sea for their piracy, and they terrified him. He continued to the top of the gulf to the shores of the Veneti. Here, he sent a small group to scout the land. They reported back about a narrow strip of beach, behind which were marshes flooded by tides of the sea. They could see nearby fields, and they could see hills in the distance. There was an opening to a very deep river, the Meduacus, which could allow some ships to sail upriver and could possibly provide a safe harbor. Cleonymus ordered his fleet to sail up this river against the current. The larger ships couldn't navigate the narrow channel, so the armed troops transferred to smaller vessels, leaving a light guard in the ships. They arrived at the cultivated fields occupied by the tribes of the Patavini who lived in three villages along the riverbank. Then, they attacked these villages, set fire to the houses, and took many people and livestock as spoils. With the sweetness of their plunder, they proceeded further inland, straying even farther from the ships. The news of this attack reached Patavium, where the residents were always ready for battle due to the Gallic presence nearby. They divided their young men into two groups. One group was sent to the region where the scattered marauders who were pillaging were reported. The other group, to prevent the marauders from returning to their ships, took a different route to the fleet at anchor which was fourteen miles away from the town. The latter group attacked the small ships, killing the guards, and forced the terrified sailors to move their ships to the other side of the river. The other group's attack on the scattered marauders was also successful. The Greeks, trying to return to their ships, were blocked by the Veneti. Thus, they were surrounded in the middle and killed; some Greeks who were captured revealed that their leader, Cleonymus, and his fleet were only three miles away. The captives were sent to the nearest village under guard. Some soldiers boarded the flat-bottomed vessels, which were designed to navigate the shallow waters easily, while others, armed, boarded the ships they had recently captured from the enemy. They sailed down the river and surrounded the large, cumbersome immobile Greek ships, which were more afraid of the unknown sands and flats than the Romans. The Greeks fled toward the open sea and the Veneti pursued them more fiercely than the Greeks fought back. They followed them as far as the river's mouth, then captured and burned part of the fleet that had run aground in the chaos. Back to Patavium they returned, victorious. Cleonymus, having failed in all regions of the Adriatic Sea, left with barely a fifth of his navy unscathed. Many people alive today have seen the prows of the Spartan ships and the spoils of the Laconians hanging in the old Temple of Juno at Patavium.  Every year, to commemorate the naval victory, a solemn contest of ships is carried out in the middle of the river that flows through the town.

10.3 This year, a treaty of friendship was established in Rome with the Vestini, who sought an alliance. Then, multiple threats arose. Reports came in that the Etruscans were rebelling, sparked by seditions among the Arretines. There, the Cilnii family had become rich and powerful, and a group, envious of their wealth, tried to drive them out using military force. It was also reported that the Marsi had forcefully taken over the lands of the colony of Carseoli where four thousand enlisted men had been sent. Due to these disturbances, Marcus Valerius Maximus Corvus was appointed as Dictator, and he selected Marcus Aemilius Paullus as his Master of the Horse. I'm more inclined to believe this than the idea that Quintus Fabius, given his age and the many honors he had received, was put in a position subordinate to Valerius. However, I suspect the confusion may have arisen from the surname Maximus. Dictator Valerius, set out with his army, defeated the Marsi in a single engagement and pushed them back into their fortified towns. Within a few days, he captured Milionia, Plestina, and Fresilia. He then restored the treaty with the Marsi, fining them a portion of their lands. The war then shifted toward the Etruscans. When the Dictator returned to Rome to renew the auspices, the Master of the Horse, while out foraging, was outwitted by an ambush and shamefully forced to retreat in disgrace to his camp. He lost several standards and many of his men. It's highly unlikely that Fabius would have suffered such a defeat, not only because he fully lived up to his surname, Maximus ["The Great"], in his abilities as a commander, but also because, remembering Papirius' strictness, he would never have been tempted to engage in battle without the Dictator's orders.

10.4 The news of this defeat caused a greater fear in Rome than the situation warranted. It was as if the entire army had been wiped out. A state of emergency was declared, all legal business was suspended, guards were stationed at the city gates, and there were nightly vigils on every street. Armor, weapons and ammunition were gathered and piled up on the city walls. All young citizens were forced to enlist, and Dictator Valerius was sent back to the army. Upon his arrival, the Dictator found the situation more stable than he had anticipated, thanks to the efforts of the Master of the Horse. The camp had been moved to a safer location. He found the cohorts that had lost their standards were left outside the ramparts without tents, as punishment. The troops were eager for battle, driven by the desire to erase their previous humiliation as soon as possible. He immediately moved his camp into the territory of Rusellae. The enemy also followed him there, and although the enemy had great confidence in their strength as shown by their recent victory in open combat, they tried to trick the Romans with a strategy that had worked before. Near the Roman camp stood the half-ruined roofs of houses in a village that had been burned during the devastation of the surrounding fields. The enemy hid a group of soldiers there and drove some cattle within sight of a Roman garrison, led by Legate Gnaeus Fulvius. When none of the Romans were lured by this bait to leave their posts, one of the "shepherds" approached close to the Roman fortifications and shouted to the others, who were hesitantly driving their cattle away from the ruins of the village, why they delayed when they could safely drive the cattle right through the middle of the Roman camp. This was translated to the Legate by some Caeretan interpreters and indignation spread through all the ranks of soldiers. They were eager to act but didn't dare to move without orders. Fulvius ordered some who were familiar with the language to carefully observe whether the shepherd's dialect resembled that of country folk or city dwellers.  When they reported that the sound of the herdsmen's speech, his appearance, and his neatness were more refined than typical shepherds, Fulvius said, "Go, then, and tell them to abandon their useless ambushes. The Romans know everything and can no more be caught by deception than they can be defeated in battle.”  Upon receiving this message, the enemy soldiers lying in ambush emerged from their hiding places and marched into the open plain, where they were visible on all sides with their standards displayed. The Legate realized that his small force was no match for the enemy's strength. He quickly sent a message to Dictator Valerius asking for reinforcements; meanwhile, he held off the enemy's attack.

10.5 Upon receiving the message, the Dictator commanded the standards to advance and the soldiers to follow, armed. But everything was done almost faster than he commanded; the standards and weapons were hurriedly taken up, and the soldiers had to be restrained from rushing forward at full speed. They burned to avenge their indignation, and the shouts from the ongoing battle of Legate Fulvius made them even more excited. They emboldened each other, and urged the standard-bearers to speed up. The more the Dictator saw them hurrying, the more he tried to restrain the column and ordered them to advance slowly. Meanwhile, the Etruscans, excited at the beginning of the battle, arrived with their full force. Multiple messengers from Fulvius reported to the Dictator that all Etruscan legions had joined the battle, and his men could no longer hold them off. From his vantage point, the Dictator could see the precarious situation the garrison was in. However, he was confident that the Legate could still hold his ground and knew that he, himself, was ready to step in if necessary. He would let the enemy tire themselves out so that he could attack them with his fresh troops when they were exhausted. Although the Romans advanced slowly, they were now at the right distance for the cavalry to charge. The first standards of the legions marched in front to avoid arousing suspicion of any covert or unexpected movements. With this, gaps were left in the infantry ranks wide enough to allow the horses to gallop through. Simultaneously, the entire Roman line shouted and the cavalry launched at full speed, overwhelming the enemy and causing widespread panic. After this, the surrounded party, who had received help just in time, were allowed to rest and the fresh troops took over the fight. The battle was neither long nor uncertain. The defeated enemy fled to their camp, yielding to the advancing Roman standards and retreating to the farthest part of the camp. Their escape was hindered by the narrow passages of the gates, and many climbed onto the rampart and the wall, hoping to defend themselves from a higher place or climb over to escape. By chance, a section of the rampart was badly compacted by the weight of the multitude and collapsed, falling into the trench. Believing that the gods had provided them a way out, they escaped, leaving most of their weapons behind. This battle effectively crushed the Etruscans' power for the second time. They agreed to provide a year's pay and two months' supply of grain. With the Dictator's permission, they sent ambassadors to Rome to negotiate peace. Their request was denied, but a two-year truce was granted. Dictator Valerius returned to the city in Triumph. Some authorities believe that the Dictator restored peace in Etruscan territory without a significant battle, simply by resolving the disputes of the Arretians and reconciling the Cilnii family with the plebeians. Marcus Valerius was elected consul after his dictatorship ended. Many believe this happened without his request and while he was away, with the election held by an interrex. Everyone agrees that he served as consul alongside Quintus Appuleius Pansa.

10.6 During the consulship of Marcus Valerius Corvus for the fifth time, and Quintus Appuleius Pansa, things abroad were fairly peaceful. The Etruscans were kept quiet due to their failures in war and by the truce. The Samnites, who had suffered many years of defeats, were content with their new treaty. In Rome, the plebeians were calmed by the relocation of a large number of them to colonies. However, not everything was peaceful. A conflict arose between the leading figures in the City, the patricians on one side and the plebeians on the other. It was instigated by two plebeian tribunes, Quintus Ogulnius and Gnaeus Ogulnius. The two tribunes sought every opportunity to criticize the patricians in front of the plebeians. After many attempts failed, they did something that would not only incite the lower classes of the plebeians, but would also inflame the leaders of the plebeians, the same ones who had been consuls and had been given triumphs. The only thing missing from their honors were the priesthood offices, which weren't yet open to them. The two men proposed a law [Lex Ogulnia] that since there were now four augurs and four pontiffs, the number of priests should be increased by adding four additional pontiffs and five augurs, and they should all be co-opted from the plebeians. Since it is a known principle that the number of augurs must be odd, the fact that the augurs were reduced to four must be that two of them had died. The odd number is so that the three ancient tribes, Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres, each have their own augur, or, if more are needed, the priests should be increased in equal numbers. This was the case when five were added to the existing four, making nine in total, with three assigned to each tribe. However, because the roles would be co-opted from plebeians, the patricians resented this as bitterly as they had when the consulship was opened to the plebeians. They pretended that this was more a matter for the gods, rather than for themselves; the gods would see to it that their own sacred rites would not be contaminated. They only wished that no harm would come to the state. In the end, they put up less resistance, as they were now used to losing such disputes. They saw their opponents were not seeking, as they once scarcely hoped for in the past, to obtain higher offices, since they already possessed all the advantages they had fought for, including multiple consulships, censorships, and triumphs.

10.7 There was a large debate over supporting or opposing the law, it is said, in which Appius Claudius and Publius Decius Mus were the principal speakers. They both argued about the rights of patricians and plebeians, similar to the arguments used in the past for and against the Licinian Law which allowed plebeians to become consuls. Decius is said to have recalled a vivid picture of his own father, that many in the assembly had seen, dressed in the Gabine cincture, standing on a spear, in the pose he had taken when he devoted or sacrificed himself for the Roman people and the legions. Publius Decius the consul was considered by the immortal gods to be a pure and pious consul, and his offering was just as if his colleague, Titus Manlius, had been the one sacrificed. And yet, was this same Publius Decius, who had performed the sacred public rites of the Roman people, now to be deemed unfit by law to conduct them properly? Was there a risk that the gods would pay less attention to his prayers than to those of Appius Claudius? Did Claudius worship the gods more devoutly or with a purer mind than he did? Who could find fault with the vows made on behalf of the state by so many plebeian consuls and dictators, either when they were leaving for their armies or in the heat of battle? Let them count the commanders from the years when affairs began to be conducted under plebeian leadership and auspices; let them count the triumphs: by now, even plebeians themselves no longer regret their own nobility. In fact, they were fully convinced that if a war suddenly broke out, the Senate and people of Rome would have as much confidence in plebeian commanders as in patrician ones. "Given this," he said, "what god or man can think it wrong if those whom you have already honored with curule chairs, the toga praetexta, the palm-fringed tunic, the painted toga, and the triumphal crown and laurel wreath, whose houses you have made stand out by attaching to them the spoils of defeated enemies,  among others, couldn't also be awarded the insignia of pontiffs or augurs? A man who, adorned with the symbols of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, has ridden through the city in a golden chariot, and has ascended the Capitoline Hill, what is wrong with him being seen with a cup and staff of an augur, or with a veiled head as he sacrifices a victim, or takes an augury from the citadel?" "When the titles of consul, censor, and Triumph are read without offense on a person's statue, will people be upset at the addition of the title of augur or pontiff? In truth, and I say this with respect to the gods, I believe that we, thanks to the kindness of the Roman people, are qualified in such a way that we would bring as much honor to the priesthood as we would receive from it. We could ask, more for the sake of the gods than for ourselves, that those whom we worship privately we may also worship publicly."

10.8 "But why do I continue as if the cause of the patricians concerning the priesthoods remains unchallenged? Have we not already claimed one high-ranking religious office? We see plebeians serving as decemvirs for performing the sacred rites, interpreting the Sibylline prophecies, and determining the nation's destiny. They also preside over the sacred rites of Apollo and other religious ceremonies. No injustice was done to the patricians when additional duumvirs for performing the sacred rites were appointed in favor of the plebeians. Nor is there any injustice now, when a brave and active tribune wants to add five augur positions and four pontiff positions for plebeians." "This isn't to oust you, Appius, but to allow plebeians to assist you in managing divine affairs, just as they assist you, to the best of their ability, in other human affairs. Don't be ashamed, Appius, to have a colleague in the priesthood who could also be your colleague in the censorship or consulship. You could serve as his Master of the Horse when he's Dictator, and as Dictator when he's Master of the Horse. Those ancient patricians, where your nobility originated, welcomed into their ranks a Sabine newcomer, either Attius Clausus or Appius Claudius, if you prefer. So, don't disdain to admit us into the priesthood. We bring with us many honors, indeed, all of the same honors which have made you proud. Lucius Sextius was the first plebeian consul; Gaius Licinius Stolo, the first plebeian Master of the Horse; Gaius Marcius Rutilus, the first plebeian Dictator and censor; and Quintus Publilius Philo, the first plebeian praetor." "The same arguments have always been heard that you alone have the right to auspices, that you alone have ancestral rights, that you alone were legally entitled to supreme command and auspices in both peace and war. The plebeian and patrician classes have been equally prosperous to this day and will continue to be. Have you ever heard it said, by the way, that the first patricians were created from nothing, as if they were sent down from heaven? They were simply men who could name their fathers, meaning nothing more than that they were freeborn. I can now name a consul as my father, and soon my son will be able to name a consul as his grandfather." "There is nothing else in the matter, Quirites, except that we may now obtain everything that's been denied to us. The patricians only want a dispute, regardless of the outcome. For my part, I consider this law to be beneficial, auspicious, and prosperous for you and the Republic. I believe this law should be enacted as proposed."

10.9 The people demanded that the tribes be called immediately to vote, and it seemed likely that the law would be approved. However, a veto by a plebeian tribune delayed it for a day. The next day, after the tribunes had been intimidated, the law was passed with overwhelming approval of a large majority. The newly appointed pontiffs included Publius Decius Mus, who advocated for the law, Publius Sempronius Sophus, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, and Marcus Livius Denter. The five augurs, who were also plebeians, were Gaius Genucius, Publius Aelius Paetus, Marcus Minucius Faesus, Gaius Marcius, and Titus Publilius. This increased the number of pontiffs to eight and the number of augurs to nine. In the same year, Consul Marcus Valerius passed a law on the right of a citizen to appeal, making it more strictly safeguarded. This was the third time this law had been passed since the kings were expelled, always by a member of the same family. The reason for its frequent reintroduction, I believe, was to counter the influence of a few powerful individuals over the freedom of the plebeians. The Porcian Law, which imposed a harsh penalty on anyone who beat or killed a Roman citizen, seems to have been the only one that was designed to protect a citizen's personal safety. In contrast, the Valerian Law, which prohibited beating and beheading a person who had appealed, merely added that anyone who violated this law would be deemed to have committed a "wicked deed". This was considered a strong enough deterrent in those days, when people had a strong sense of shame. Now hardly anyone takes it seriously. The Aequians rebelled, and Consul Valerius led the war against them again. However, no significant events occurred during this war, as the Aequians had nothing left from their former prosperity aside from fierce spirits. The other consul, Quintus Appuleius, besieged the town of Nequinum in Umbria. The town, located on steep and precipitous terrain on one side, where Narnia is now, was impregnable to attack or siege. This task was left unfinished and passed on to the next consuls, Marcus Fulvius Paetinus and Titus Manlius Torquatus. Despite not running for office, all the centuries named Quintus Fabius as consul for that year. Macer Licinius and Quintus Aelius Tubero report that he suggested delaying his consulship until a year when there would be more need for military action. He said that he could be more useful to the state in a city magistracy during the current year. As a result, he was appointed curule aedile with Lucius Papirius Cursor without directly applying for it. Lest I should take this for granted, however, Piso, an older writer of the annals, disputes this, claiming that the curule aediles that year were Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus, son of Gnaeus, and Spurius Carvilius Maximus, son of Quintus. I believe that confusion over the surname of Maximus led to a mistake about the aediles, and a story that combined the elections of the aediles and the consuls created the error. That year, the lustrum was conducted by Publius Sempronius Sophus and Publius Sulpicius Saverrio as censors, and two tribes were added, the Aniensis and the Terentina. These were the events in Rome that year.

10.10 Meanwhile, as time was being wasted in a sluggish siege of Nequinum, two townspeople, whose homes were attached to the city wall, created a secret underground passage. Using this passage, they reached the Roman guards and were taken to Consul Fulvius, where they offered to let a group of armed soldiers into the city through the passage. The Consul considered the offer carefully. He didn't want to reject it outright but also did not want to accept it without caution. One of the men was kept as a hostage while the other led two scouts through the secret passage. Once the spies confirmed the information, three hundred armed men, led by the townsman, entered the city. They took control of the nearest gate during the night, breaking it open. The Consul and his army then entered the city without any resistance. This is how Nequinum came under the control of the Roman people. A colony was sent there to act as a barrier against the Umbrians and the city was renamed Narnia, after the Nar River. The troops returned to Rome with a lot of spoils. In that same year, the Etruscans were preparing for war, breaking their truce with Rome. However, a vast army of Gauls invaded their land, causing them to delay their plans. The Etruscans, relying on the wealth which had made them powerful, tried to turn the Gauls from enemies into allies. They had hoped to combine their armies to attack the Romans. The Gauls did not refuse the alliance; the question was about the payment. Once the price was agreed upon and paid, and everything was ready for the war, the Etruscans ordered the Gauls to join them to march against Rome. The Gauls refused. They had agreed to a price, but it was payment for not ravaging Etruscan territory and attacking farmers with weapons. They said they would still be willing to go to war, if the Etruscans wished, but only if they were given a share of the Etruscan land and a permanent place to live. Many meetings were held by the Etruscans to discuss this but they couldn't come to a decision. They weren't so much against giving up some of their land as they were afraid of having such a savage people living so close to them. So, the Gauls were sent away, taking with them a large amount of money that they had earned without any labor or danger. In addition to the Etruscan war, news of a possible uprising of the Gauls caused a lot of worry in Rome. They quickly agreed to a treaty with the Picentes without hesitation because of this.

10.11 The Etruscans were assigned to Consul Titus Manlius Torquatus. He had barely entered enemy territory when he was thrown from his horse and nearly died on the spot. Torquatus was drilling with the cavalry and turned his horse sharply at a rapid gallop. He died three days later. The Etruscans saw this as an omen of their future success in the war, believing that the gods had started the fight on their behalf, and it renewed their courage. In Rome, the news of Manlius' death caused great sorrow due to the loss of a great man, but also the unfortunate timing. The Senate wanted to order the election of a dictator to replace the consul. With the advice of the leading men, though, they were dissuaded from doing so. Instead, all the centuries unanimously declared Marcus Valerius Corvus as consul for the sixth time. This was the very same man which the Senate had been about to appoint as dictator. Immediately, the Consul was ordered to march into Etruscan territory to join the legions. His arrival deflated the Etruscans so much that they didn't dare leave their trenches; their fear was similar to as if they were under siege. Despite the new consul's efforts to draw them out by destroying their fields and burning the roofs of their homes, even burning isolated farms and a number of villages, and even with the smoke from fires burning everywhere, they refused to engage in battle. While the war progressed slower than expected, news came of another conflict far more alarming due to the mutual devastation that occurred in the past. The Picentes, new allies of Rome, reported that the Samnites were preparing for war and had tried to recruit them to join their rebellion. The Senate thanked the Picentes for their loyalty and shifted their focus from the Etruscans to the impending Samnite conflict. At the same time, the City was also struggling with a grain shortage. Severe famine would have been imminent had Fabius Maximus, the curule aedile that year, not managed the food supplies with the same diligence that he had done when he had saved Rome many times in war. He ensured that the grain was quickly imported and fairly distributed. There was an interregnum this year, but the reason wasn't mentioned. Appius Claudius was the interrex first and then Publius Sulpicius served as interrex. Sulpicius held an election for consuls and chose Lucius Cornelius Scipio Barbatus and Gnaeus Fulvius Maximus Centumalus. At the start of this year, ambassadors from Lucania came to the new consuls to complain that the Samnites had invaded their land with a hostile army, ravaged their land, and were now forcing them into war because they refused to form an alliance with them. They acknowledged that they had previously made mistakes against Rome but were now resolute: they would rather endure anything than ever again break faith with the Romans. They pleaded with the Senate to accept them under Roman protection and to defend them from Samnite aggression. Despite the fact that their past actions had forced them to make an alliance with Samnites, loyalty to Rome was now a matter of necessity and they were willing to give hostages to prove their loyalty to Rome.

10.12 The discussion was brief. They unanimously agreed that a treaty should be made with the Lucanians, and that a demand for restitution should be made upon the Samnites. As a result, a positive response was given to the Lucanians, and the alliance was established. Fetials were then dispatched to demand that the Samnites leave the territory of their allies and remove their troops from Lucanian land. These fetials were met by representatives from the Samnites, who warned them that if they appeared at any assembly in Samnium, they would not leave unscathed. Upon hearing this in Rome, the Senate voted, and the people decided that war should be declared against the Samnites.  The consuls then divided the provinces between them, with the Etruscans going to Consul Cornelius Scipio and the Samnites to Consul Gnaeus Fulvius. They each set out on different paths, each against their assigned enemy. Consul Scipio, expecting a long campaign similar to the previous year, was met near Volaterra by the Etruscans, armed and ready for battle. The battle lasted for most of the day, with heavy slaughter on both sides. It was unclear who was winning when night fell. However, the next morning revealed the victor and the vanquished, as the Etruscans had left their camp in the silence of the night. The Romans, intending to resume the battle, saw their victory acknowledged by the enemy's departure. They advanced to the enemy's camp and, finding it abandoned, took possession of it and seized a large amount of Etruscan plunder, as the camp had been a permanent camp and it was abandoned quickly. Consul Scipio then led his forces back into the Faliscan territory, left his baggage with a small garrison at Falerii, and set out with his lightly equipped troops to ravage the enemy's territory. They destroyed everything in their path with fire and sword, took plunder from all sides, and left the land barren for the enemy. They also set fire to the enemy's forts and small towns but refrained from attacking the cities where the Etruscans had sought refuge. Consul Fulvius fought a notable battle in Samnium, near Bovianum, with a clear victory. He then attacked Bovianum and Aufidena shortly after, capturing them by storm.

10.13 That year, a colony was established in Carseoli, in the territory of the Aequians. Consul Fulvius celebrated his victory over the Samnites with a Triumph. As the time for the consular elections approached, rumors spread that the Etruscans and Samnites were amassing large armies. The Etruscan leaders were openly criticized by all their councils for not securing the support of the Gauls under any condition, while the Samnite magistrates were reprimanded for misdirecting their forces against the Lucanians instead of the Romans. The enemy was rising from its own strength as well as that of their allies; the war would by no means be conducted on equal terms. Despite the presence of distinguished candidates for the consulship, the alarming news shifted everyone's attention to Quintus Fabius Maximus. Initially, he didn't seek the position and even declined it when he realized their intentions. "Why," he asked, "would you burden me with such a challenging task at my advanced age, now old and spent, after a lifetime of service and reward? Neither my physical nor my mental vigor remains the same, and I fear that my good fortune might seem excessive to the gods beyond what human affairs typically allow. I grew up in the glory of my elders and now take great pleasure in seeing new leaders rising up to their own glory. Rome has brave men worthy of great honors, and great honors never lack brave men. His modesty only intensified the pressure. So, he felt that their eagerness would need to be tempered by respect for the law. He ordered a law read aloud stating that it was illegal for the same person to be re-elected consul within ten years. The law was barely heard over the uproar, and the plebeian tribunes declared that it would be no hindrance; they would propose an order to exempt him from this law. Despite this, Fabius continued to resist, arguing, "What's the point of passing laws if the very people who enact them then undermine them? It's the laws that should rule, not the people ruling over the laws." Nevertheless, the people voted, and as each century was called in, they undoubtedly declared Fabius as consul. Overwhelmed by the unanimous desire of the state, he finally accepted. "May the gods approve of what you have done and what you are about to do, Quirites. However, since you are determined to have me as your consul, I ask that you grant me a colleague of my choice. I ask you to make as consul with me Publius Decius, a man who has worked harmoniously with me and who is worthy of you and worthy of his father." His recommendation was well received, and the remaining centuries voted Quintus Fabius Maximus and Publius Decius Mus as consuls. That year, many citizens were prosecuted by the aediles for possessing more land than was legally allowed; scarcely anyone was acquitted and a heavy restriction was imposed for unrestrained greed.

10.14 The new consuls, Quintus Fabius Maximus for the fourth time, and Publius Decius Mus for the third time, planned between themselves as to which of them should take the Samnites and which should take the Etruscans. They had been determining the number of troops needed for each province and who would be the more suitable commander for each war when ambassadors from Sutrium, Nepete, and Falerii arrived reporting that the council leaders of the Etruscan states were considering suing for peace. The consuls immediately ended their planning and directed all their military efforts toward Samnium. To ensure a steady supply of provisions and to keep the enemy guessing about where the war would be waged, the consuls set out on separate routes to Samnium. Fabius led his legions through Sora's territory, while Decius led his legions through Sidicini's territory. Upon reaching enemy borders, they each led their forces in a widespread formation, plundering as they went. They scouted widely and noticed that the enemy was gathered in a hidden valley near Tifernum, ready to attack from higher ground when the Romans entered. Fabius sent the baggage to a safe place, placing a small garrison there to protect it, and told the soldiers that a battle was imminent. He then led his troops in a tight, square formation to the enemy's hiding place. The Samnites, unable to launch a surprise attack, decided to engage in a pitched battle. They marched out into the open field, relying more on their courage than their hopes, and left their fate to chance. Despite the odds, the Samnites, whether it was because they had gathered their forces from all the Samnite peoples, or because they thought their very existence as a nation depended on this battle, succeeded in alarming Roman ranks and putting up a strong fight. Fabius, seeing that the enemy was holding their ground, called over his son Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges and Marcus Valerius, who were military tribunes with whom he had advanced to the front line, and ordered them to go to the cavalry and tell them, if ever the Roman Republic had been aided by cavalry before, they should strive today to maintain the glory of its order as unconquered. The infantry's efforts, the Consul said, weren't enough to break the enemy's line. Their only hope was in the shock of the cavalry's charge. He personally addressed the young men by name, treating each with equal courtesy, overwhelming them with praises and promising rewards. Since it was conceivable that the cavalry charge might fail, Fabius also had a backup plan. He ordered Scipio, his legate, to withdraw the hastati of the first legion from the battle and, as secretly as he could, lead them by a roundabout route to the nearest mountains. Then, by a climb hidden from view, they were to move the column up into the hills, and when the enemy's back was turned, launch a surprise attack on the Samnite's rear. Meanwhile, the cavalry, led by the two young military tribunes, charged forward before the standards and their sudden appearance caused almost as much confusion among their own men as among the enemy. The Samnite line stood firm against the cavalry's galloping onslaught and couldn't be driven back or broken through on any side. Since the attempt had been in vain, the cavalry retreated behind the standards and withdrew from the battle. From this, the Samnites grew more courageous. The Roman front could not have sustained the prolonged contest, as they were met by a resistance which was becoming more stubborn as its confidence rose, had not the consul ordered the second line to relieve the first. These fresh troops halted the Samnites, who were now charging forward. Just then, Roman standards appeared on the hills, along with a fearsome shout from the ranks. The Samnites were overwhelmingly alarmed, though it was a mistake for them to be so concerned. Consul Fabius cried out that Consul Decius was approaching. The soldiers, wild with joy, shouted that the other consul was coming with his legions. The Samnites' mistake worked in the Romans' favor. The Samnites, now exhausted, began to panic since they were afraid that they would be overwhelmed by a fresh, uninjured army. They fled, scattering in all directions, and fewer of them were killed than expected from such a great victory. The Romans killed three thousand four hundred Samnites, and about eight hundred and thirty were taken prisoner. They also captured twenty-three military standards.

10.15 The Apulians had planned to unite with the Samnites before the battle. However, Consul Decius set up camp against them near Maleventum and, after drawing them out to fight, he defeated them. There, too, the battle resulted in more flight than slaughter. Two thousand Apulians were killed. Decius, holding them in contempt as a weak enemy, led his legions into Samnium. There, the two consular armies, moving in different directions, ravaged the country for a period of five months, leaving it in ruins. The consuls set up their camps in numerous locations in Samnium. Consul Decius camped in forty-five places, and Consul Fabius had eighty-six different camps. They not only left behind physical signs of their presence, such as the remains of ramparts and trenches, but also widespread devastation and depopulated areas of the surrounding country. Fabius also captured the city of Cimetra, taking two thousand nine hundred armed men prisoner and killing about nine hundred and thirty fighting men in the assault. After this, he returned to Rome to oversee the elections. The centuries who voted first all voted for Quintus Fabius. Among the candidates was the energetic and ambitious Appius Claudius. While he wanted to attain the honor for himself, he also wanted to restore both consul positions to the patricians. He used all his influence and the strength of the entire nobility to try to convince them to appoint him consul alongside Quintus Fabius. Fabius objected, citing the same reasons he had given the previous year. All the patricians surrounded his chair, pleading with him to elevate the consulship from the mire of the plebeians and restore its former majesty with honor to the patrician rank. Once silence was restored, Fabius calmed the enthusiasm of the people with a speech. He would have accepted two patrician names if he had seen someone other than himself chosen for the consulship. However, he would not set a bad example by including his own name among the candidates, as it was against the laws. As a result, Appius Claudius Caecus and Lucius Volumnius Flamma Violens, a plebeian, were elected consuls, the same partnering as in their previous consulship. The nobility criticized Fabius for refusing to work with Appius Claudius, who was clearly superior in eloquence and political skills.

10.16 After the elections were concluded, the previous consuls were instructed to continue their command for six more months and carry on the war in Samnium. In the following year, under the consulship of Lucius Volumnius and Appius Claudius, Publius Decius continued as proconsul, having been left (as consul) in Samnium by his colleague. He relentlessly wreaked havoc throughout the region and finally drove the Samnite army, which never dared to confront him directly, completely out of their territory. Now forced from their own homeland, the Samnites redirected their path toward Etruscan territory. Unsuccessful diplomatic efforts might now bear fruit, they thought, given the strength of their armed forces and the fear which they could instill. They demanded a council of the Etruscan leaders and, in the meeting, recounted the many years they had been at war with the Romans in the name of freedom. They had tried everything to see if, by their own strength, they could bear the heavy burden of fighting the war on their own. They had even sought the help of neighboring nations, which proved to be of little help. When they could no longer sustain the fight, they pleaded with the Roman people for peace. However, they had to take up arms again because they found peace under servitude more unbearable than war as free men. Their only remaining hope was in the Etruscans. They acknowledged that this nation was the richest in Italy in arms, men, and money. The Etruscans had the Gauls as their immediate neighbors, who were born amidst war and weapons. So fierce was Gallic courage that the Gauls bragged about how they had captured and ransomed the Romans for gold. It was a boast which they did not make in vain. Nothing was lacking, they said, if only the Etruscans possessed the spirit which had once belonged to Porsena and their forefathers, to drive the Romans out of all the land on this side of the Tiber and force them to fight for their own survival instead of maintain their oppressive rule over Italy. The Samnites assured the Etruscans that their army was prepared for battle, equipped with weapons, well-funded, and willing to follow them immediately, even if it meant attacking the City of Rome itself.

10.17 While the Samnites were boasting about this and attempting to plot war with Etruscan help, the Roman army, busy in the Samnite territory, were getting irritated. Publius Decius, upon learning from his scouts about the complete departure of the Samnite army from their territory, called together a council: "Why are we wandering through the countryside, waging war from village to village?" he asked, "Why not attack the cities and fortified areas? There is no army guarding Samnium now. They have abandoned their city and have chosen to go into exile." Decius' proposal was widely accepted. He led an attack on Murgantia, a city of significant strength. The soldiers' enthusiasm, fueled by their loyalty to their leader and the prospect of greater riches than could be found in the rural areas, was so high that they captured the city in a single day by force. There, two thousand Samnites and a hundred others who fought were surrounded and captured, plus an immense amount of booty was seized. Decius, did not want the troops to be burdened with heavy baggage during their march, so he gathered them together and spoke: "Do you want to be content with this single victory and this loot? Or do you want to have hopes that match your courage? All the cities of the Samnites, as well as the property left in them, are yours. After repeatedly defeating their legions, you have finally driven them out of the country. Sell the items you have. Entice merchants, with the promise of profit, to follow you on your march, ready to buy more. I'll periodically provide you with goods to sell. Let's move on to the city of Romulea, where less work, but more reward awaits you." After selling the loot, they, themselves, urged the commander to march on Romulea. There, too, without any preparation or siege engines, as soon as the standards arrived, the soldiers, undeterred by any resistance, quickly placed the ladders wherever was most convenient for each of them and climbed the walls. The town was captured and looted. About two thousand three hundred men were killed and six thousand people were captured. The soldiers obtained an immense amount of loot. They were required to sell this in the same way as before; and, although they weren't allowed any rest, they moved on to Ferentinum with great enthusiasm. But here they encountered more difficulty and danger. The city was fiercely defended, and the place was strongly defended by both nature and fortifications. However, the soldiers, now accustomed to looting, overcame every obstacle. About three thousand of the enemy were killed around the walls, and the loot was given to the troops. In some records, the main credit for capturing these cities is given to Fabius Maximus. They say that Murgantia was captured by Decius, while Romulea and Ferentinum was taken by Fabius. Some attribute this honor to the new consuls: others claim not to both, but to one of them, Lucius Volumnius, since the province of Samnium had fallen to him.

10.18 While the Romans were carrying out operations throughout Samnium under the leadership and auspices of whomever was in command, a great war was being prepared against the Romans in Etruria, by many nations at once. The main instigator was Gellius Egnatius, a Samnite. Almost all the Etruscans voted to wage war. The contagion spread to the neighboring states of Umbria. They even hired auxiliaries from the Gauls. All these forces gathered at the Samnites' camp. News of the sudden uprising reached Rome after Consul Lucius Volumnius had already left for Samnium with the second and third legions, and fifteen thousand allies. Instead, it was decided, Appius Claudius should go to the Etruscan territory as soon as possible. Two Roman legions, the first and fourth, and twelve thousand allies followed him. Their camp was set up a short distance from the enemy. Some Etruscan states were watching and waiting to see what happened. Appius Claudius' early arrival had the advantage of keeping them in check. It wasn't because of anything done there with sufficient skill or success under the Consul's leadership; they were scared of the Roman name. Consul Claudius' generalship was characterized neither by ability, nor by good fortune. He fought in unfavorable places, had poor timing, and his incompetence allowed the enemy's confidence to grow daily and become more formidable. The situation became so bad that the soldiers had no confidence in the general, nor did the general have confidence in the soldiers. According to three different historians, I find that Consul Claudius sent a letter to recall Consul Volumnius from Samnium. However, I cannot say for sure, since there was later a dispute between the two consuls, now serving together in the same office for a second time, on this very issue. Appius Claudius denied sending any letters, while Volumnius claimed he was summoned by a letter from Appius requesting his assistance. Volumnius had already captured three forts in Samnium, killing about three thousand of the enemy and taking about half that number as prisoners. He had also quelled a sedition among the Lucanians, instigated by the impoverished plebeians and their leaders, to the great satisfaction of the nobles. He did this by sending Quintus Fabius as proconsul, with his own veteran army. Volumnius then left the task of ravaging the enemy's land to Decius, while he marched his troops to the Etruscan territory to join his colleague. Upon his arrival, he was greeted enthusiastically by the troops. I believe that Appius Claudius' true feelings were known only to his conscience. If Appius didn't write the letter requesting help, he had a valid reason to be upset. However, if he did need help and was now denying it, it showed a lack of generosity and an ungrateful spirit. When they met, after barely exchanging greetings, Claudius demanded, "Is everything alright, Lucius Volumnius? How are things in Samnium? Why did you leave your province?" Volumnius replied that things in Samnium were going well and that he had come in response to Appius' letter; if the letter was fake and his presence in the Etruscan territory wasn't needed, he would immediately turn the standards around and march back. "You can leave!" replied Claudius. "No one is stopping you! It's completely illogical that you, who may not be able to handle your own war, should boast about coming here to help others." "By Hercules, may everything turn out well," said Volumnius. It was better to have undertaken an effort in vain, he felt, than to have suffered a loss in a situation where one consular army wasn't enough for the Etruscans.

10.19 As the consuls were departing, the legates and tribunes of Appius's army gathered around them. Some pleaded with their own general, Appius, not to refuse the help voluntarily offered by his colleague, which should have been sought from the start. Many stopped Volumnius as he was leaving, protesting that he shouldn't abandon the Republic's interests due to a personal rivalry with his colleague. They warned him that if anything went wrong, the deserter would be blamed not the deserted; success or failure in the Etruscan territory, honorable or disgraceful, would be attributed to Lucius Volumnius. No one would inquire what words Appius had spoken, they would inquire what the fate of the army was. Though Appius was dismissing him, they argued that the Republic and the army needed him to stay and urged him to gauge the soldiers' feelings. With such pleas and warnings, they practically dragged the resistant consuls to an assembly. There, lengthy speeches were made, with the same effect as those previously made in front of a smaller audience. Volumnius, who had the stronger argument, proved himself a capable speaker, despite his colleague's exceptional eloquence. Appius sarcastically remarked that he should be credited for making Volumnius, once mute and tongue-tied, into a consul who could now speak well. In the previous consulship, certainly in the first months, he had not been able to utter a word, but now he was already making populist speeches. Volumnius responded, "I would rather you had learned from me how to act courageously instead of me learning from you how to speak eloquently." Volumnius proposed that the decision should not be based on who was the better speaker, as the Republic didn't ask for that, but who was the better commander. He suggested that they choose between the Etruscan territory and Samnium, and invited Appius to choose first whichever he preferred, and he would handle the affairs in the other. The soldiers loudly demanded that they jointly conduct the war in Etruscan territory. Volumnius, realizing this was the general wish, said, "Since I made a mistake in interpreting my colleague's intentions, I will make sure there was no misunderstanding about your wishes. Signify with a shout if you want me to stay or go." The resulting shout was so loud that it drew the enemy out of their camp, grabbing their weapons and descending into battle. Volumnius also ordered the signal for battle and the standards to be brought up to the camp. It's said that Appius hesitated, knowing that regardless of whether he fought or remained idle, Volumnius would be victorious. Eventually, fearing that his own legions would follow Volumnius, he also gave the signal for battle at his men's insistence. Neither side was well-prepared for battle. The Samnite general, Gellius Egnatius, had left with a few cohorts to go foraging, and his men entered the fight impulsively rather than from any direction or command of anyone. The Roman armies didn't march out together and didn't have enough time to form properly. Volumnius began to fight before Appius reached the enemy, resulting in an uneven front line. By a reversal of fate, the Etruscans, accustomed to facing Samnites, now fought against Volumnius, while the Samnites, after some delay due to their general's absence, ended up fighting against Appius. It is said that during the heat of the battle, Appius, so that he might be seen standing among the foremost standards, raised his hands to heaven and prayed, "Bellona, ​​if you give us victory today, I will build a temple to you." Having prayed this, it was as if the goddess were prompting him, and he matched the courage of his colleague, and the troops matched the courage of the commander. Both leaders fulfilled their duties as generals, and their armies fought with determination, each hoping to be the first to achieve victory. Thus they routed and scattered the enemy, who weren't used to such overwhelming numbers, as they were used to fighting hand-to-hand. The Romans continued to pursue the them, driving them into their camp. There, with the intervention of Gellius and his Sabellian cohorts, the battle heated up for a short time. When this fighting dispersed, the camp was attacked by the victors. While Volumnius led standards to the camp gates, Appius, repeatedly invoking Bellona the Victorious to inspire his soldiers, they forcefully broke in over the ramparts and through the trenches. The camp was captured and looted, and an immense amount of spoils was taken and then given to the soldiers. Seven thousand eight hundred of the enemy were killed, and two thousand one hundred and twenty were captured.

10.20 While the two consuls and the whole Roman military force were primarily focused on the war in Etruria, a new army emerged in Samnium and traversed the borders into Roman territory. They crossed over by way of Vescia into Campania and the territory of Falerna, gathering immense spoils. Volumnius, who was returning by forced marches to Samnium due to the nearing end of the extended command of Fabius and Decius, heard about this Samnite army and the destruction they had caused in Campania. He decided to change his course to protect the allies. When he reached the Calenum district, Volumnius could see evidence of the recent destruction. The Calenians reported that the enemy had been dragging so much loot that their march had been slowed down by the sheer weight of it. The enemy told their leaders that they must immediately go to Samnium, leave their loot there, and then return back to the campaign. They didn't want to risk a battle with such a heavily burdened army. These reports seemed credible enough, but Volumnius wanted to confirm it. He sent out the cavalry to capture some of the straggling plunderers roaming about through the fields. Upon making inquiries, he learned that the enemy was camped by the Volturnus River and planned to move toward Samnium at the third watch of the night. When these reports had been investigated and Volumnius was satisfied that they were true, he set out and camped at such a distance from the enemy that his approach could not be detected by being too close, but would allow him to overwhelm them as they left their camp. A little before dawn, he approached the Samnite camp and sent agents who spoke the Oscan language to gather intelligence. Mingling with the enemy, which was easy in the confusion of the night, they discovered that the standards had left with only a few armed men as escorts, and that those with the plunder and its guards were just now leaving. The main Samnite column, however, was sluggish, nearly motionless, with each person focused on their own tasks, and there was a lack of coordination and sufficient command. Volumnius decided this was the best time to attack. As daylight approached, he ordered the trumpets to be sounded and his troops to charge the enemy column. The Samnites, burdened with their loot and with few armed men, were caught off guard. Some increased their pace and carried the booty before them, some stood still, uncertain whether it would be safer to advance or to return to the camp. As they hesitated, they were struck down; the Romans had already crossed the enemy's rampart, filling their camp with chaos and death. The Samnite column, already confused by the Roman assault, was further disturbed by a sudden uprising of their prisoners. Some prisoners managed to free themselves and released others from their bonds. Others grabbed weapons tied up in the baggage and attacked their captors. The resulting disorder was more terrible than the battle itself. Then they committed a memorable deed; the freed captives captured the Samnite general, Staius Minatius, as he rode through the ranks encouraging his troops. They drove off the cavalry who were with him, surrounded him as he sat on his horse, and taking him prisoner, they carried him to the Roman consul. The confusion in the Samnite ranks caused their front standards to turn back to try to restore their lines and resume the battle. However, it was too late and the Samnites couldn't hold out any longer. About six thousand Samnites were killed, and two thousand five hundred were captured, including their four military tribunes. They captured thirty standards. Most importantly, seven thousand four hundred prisoners were recovered as well as a vast amount of booty belonging to the allies. A proclamation was issued for the owners to claim their property on an appointed day. Any unclaimed items were given to the soldiers, who were required to sell them so they could focus solely on their duty to fight.

10.21 This raid on the Campanian countryside sparked significant alarm in Rome. Around the same time, news arrived that the Etruscan army had taken up arms following the departure of Volumnius' army. Gellius Egnatius, the Samnite leader, was rallying the Umbrians to join the rebellion and enticing the Gauls with lucrative offers. This news terrified the Senate. They ordered a cessation of business, then called for a draft of men from all walks of life. Not only were free-born men and youths required to enlist, but older men were also formed into cohorts, and the freedmen were incorporated into the centuries. The city's defense plans were drawn up, and the praetor, Publius Sempronius, was given the primary command. However, letters from Consul Volumnius relieved the Senate of their worry. In them, Volumnius said that the enemy that had devastated Campania had been defeated and routed. Immediately, the Senate declared a public thanksgiving for the consul's successful campaign. The cessation of business which had lasted eighteen days was lifted, and the thanksgiving was celebrated with great joy. Next, they considered how to protect the region laid waste by the Samnites, resolving to provide two colonies would be established on the borders of the Vescinian and Falernian territories. One would be at the mouth of the Liris river, named Minturnae, and the other would be in the Vescinian Forest, bordering the Falernian territory. This location was said to be the site of Sinope, a Greek city, which had been renamed Sinuessa by the Roman colonists. The plebeian tribunes were tasked with obtaining a plebiscite [an order from the plebeians], directing Publius Sempronius, the praetor, to appoint three triumviri to oversee the colonization efforts. However, people were hesitant to volunteer, as they felt they were being sent to a perpetual garrison in a hostile region, and not to fertile fields. The Senate's attention was soon diverted by the worsening war in Etruria, with repeated letters from Appius Claudius urging them not to ignore the growing unrest in that region. He reported that four major nations, the Etruscans, the Samnites, the Umbrians, and the Gauls, were now joining forces. Their armies had become so large that they had to establish two separate camps, since a single location could not contain such a large amount of people. Given these grave developments, and with the time for elections approaching, the Senate recalled Consul Volumnius to Rome to conduct the vote. But before calling the centuries to a vote, Volumnius addressed the people in an assembly. The scale of the Etruscan war was immense, he said, as even when he and his colleague had fought there previously, the war had already been too large for a single general or army to handle. Since that time, the situation had worsened by adding the Umbrians and a massive force of Gauls. On this day, he told the people, they would be electing consuls to face not one but four enemy nations as generals. If he had not been certain that the man chosen as consul would be unquestionably the greatest general of the time, he would have immediately proposed appointing a dictator instead.

10.22 There was no doubt that Quintus Fabius would be elected for the fifth time with the unanimous support of the people. As expected, the cavalry centuries and all first-class centuries declared him consul along with Lucius Volumnius. Fabius' speech resembled the one he had given two years earlier. Since his election was certain, he shifted his focus to asking for Publius Decius as his colleague, arguing that this would serve as support for his old age. He recalled that, during his censorship and the two consulships they had previously shared, he had learned that nothing was more vital for the Republic than a harmonious partnership between consuls. His aging mind would struggle to adjust to an unfamiliar colleague but could easily coordinate with someone whose character and methods he already knew. Consul Volumnius endorsed this appeal, praising Publius Decius and emphasizing the benefits of harmony between consuls while warning of the dangers of discord in the administration of military affairs. He reminded them how recent disputes between himself and his colleague had nearly brought Rome to disaster. He then emphasized that Decius and Fabius lived with one mind and one heart. Moreover, said Volumnius, Decius and Fabius were men born for war, great in action, but inexperienced in the battle of words and eloquence. They did, however, have all the qualifications of a consul. On the other hand, those who were clever and skillful lawyers and orators, such as Appius Claudius, they should be kept at home to preside over the City and the Forum; and to be appointed praetors for the administration of justice. The day was spent in these proceedings. On the following day, the elections for both consuls and praetor were held, guided by the consul's recommendations. Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were chosen as consuls, Appius Claudius returned as praetor, and all of them were elected in their absence. By a decree of the Senate, confirmed by a plebiscite, Lucius Volumnius was granted a one-year extension of his command.

10.23 That year was marked by numerous strange occurrences. To counteract these, the Senate ordered supplications for two days to please the gods. The public funded the wine and incense for the sacrifices, and large groups of men and women attended the event. A notable incident during this prayer event was a dispute among the matrons in the Temple of Patrician Chastity located in the Boarium Forum near the round Temple of Hercules. The conflict centered on Verginia, a patrician by birth and daughter of Aulus, who married Consul Volumnius, a plebeian. She was barred from participating in the sacred rites by the patrician matrons because she had married a plebeian, outside the patrician order. What started as a brief verbal dispute arising from feminine anger soon escalated into a full-blown argument in a conflict of minds. Virginia rightfully claimed that she was entitled to enter the Temple of Patrician Chastity due to her patrician birth, and her chastity. She was a virgin when she first entered the temple, and was married to a single husband, to whom she was betrothed as a virgin. She proudly proclaimed that she had no complaints about her husband, his achievements, or his honors. To emphasize her strong words, she performed a significant act. She partitioned part of her house on Long Street, where she lived, to create a small chapel from the part of the building that was large enough for it and erected an altar there. She then gathered the plebeian matrons and, after expressing her grievances about the unfair treatment from the patrician women, she declared, "I dedicate this altar to Plebeian Chastity. I urge you to maintain the same level of competition among the women of this state for chastity as the men have for bravery. I also ask that you do your best to ensure that this altar is revered for its greater sanctity and is attended by more virtuous women than the other, if possible." The rites performed at this altar were similar to those at the older altar. Only matrons of proven chastity who were married to one husband had the right to sacrifice. However, this shrine became popular due to the inclusion of immoral women and not just matrons only, but women of all sorts and it finally passed into oblivion. That year Gnaeus and Quintus Olgulnius, who were curule aediles, prosecuted several moneylenders, bringing them to trial. The fines imposed on them generated a significant sum of money which was redirected to public works. From the funds, the following were provided: bronze thresholds were installed on the Capitoline Hill; silver vessels were provided for the three silver tables in the inner chapel of Jupiter; a statue of Jupiter in a four-horse chariot was placed on the temple roof; and statues were placed of the City's founders as infants under the wolf's teats at the Ruminal fig-tree. They also paved the roads from the Capuan Gate to the Temple of Mars with square stones. And from the money collected as fines by the plebeian aediles, Lucius Aelius Paetus and Gaius Fulvius Curvus, who prosecuted convicted cattle-grazers, games were held and golden bowls were placed in the Temple of Ceres.

10.24 Quintus Fabius then entered his fifth term as consul, and Publius Decius his fourth. They had served together three times as consuls and once as censors and they were known not only for their impressive military accomplishments, but also for their unity in governing. This year, their unity was disrupted, not by themselves, but by a disagreement between the patricians and plebeians. The patricians wanted Fabius to govern the Etruscan territory without drawing lots, while the plebeians insisted that Decius should settle the matter in the usual way: by lot. A dispute broke out in the Senate, and, since Fabius had more support there, the issue was brought before the people. The debate was brief among these military men who valued actions over words. Fabius argued that it was unfair for him to lay the groundwork in the Etruscan territory only for someone else to reap the benefits. He compared it to someone harvesting fruit; if a man plants a tree, should he not be able to gather the fruit from it? It was he who had opened the Ciminian Forest and made a road through the winding groves for the Roman forces in previously inaccessible areas. Why they had disturbed him at this stage of his life to be consul if they intended to give the war's management to someone else? He then took a more reproachful tone. It was clear that he had been chosen as a rival rather than a partner in command, and Decius, it seemed, had begrudged the three consulships which they shared in harmony. If they thought him capable of commanding in the province, they should send him there. Regardless, he would be at the discretion of the Senate and would obey the people. Publius Decius, on the other hand, accused the Senate of injustice. The patricians, he claimed, had tried to keep the plebeians from reaching higher offices for as long as possible. Now that merit had proven to be a powerful force, it shouldn't be dishonored in any class of men. How had not only the votes of the people but also the decisions of fate been cancelled to benefit a select few? He pointed out that all previous consuls were assigned provinces by lots, but now the Senate was giving a province to Fabius without lots. If this was intended as an honor, then Fabius had earned so much from him and from the Republic that he would gladly welcome the glory of Quintus Fabius, though that glory now seemed to shine at the cost of Decius' own disgrace. Who can doubt, when there is one war that's harsh and difficult and it is entrusted to one of them by lot, that the other consul would be considered superfluous and useless? Let Fabius boast of what he had achieved in the Etruscan war; Publius Decius wanted to boast as well. Perhaps he might be able to completely extinguish the fire that Fabius had left smoldering, which often reignited in sudden bursts. He was willing to concede honors and rewards to Fabius out of respect for his age and majesty, but he would not back down when faced with danger or a tough fight with an enemy. If he learned nothing else from this contest, he said, he had learned this: what belongs to the people, the people should command. The Senate should not reward their favorites. He prayed to Jupiter Optimus Maximus and all the immortal gods, that they would grant him and his colleague an equal lot, provided that they also grant the same ability and success in conducting the war.  Surely this was naturally fair and useful, and belonged to the reputation of the Roman people, that the consuls should be men who could each, individually, be trusted to lead the Etruscan war successfully. Fabius asked the Roman people that, if nothing else, they listen to the letters of the praetor Appius Claudius which were sent from the Etruscan territory before the tribes were called inside to vote. He then left the Comitium. With the unanimous support of both the people and the Senate, Fabius was granted the province of the Etruscan territory without drawing lots.

10.25 Almost all the younger citizens quickly gathered around Consul Fabius, each giving his own name, so great was the desire to serve under his leadership. As the large crowd surrounded him, he announced, "My plan is to enlist only four thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry. Those of you who give their names today and tomorrow, I'll take with me. I'm more concerned with bringing all my soldiers back wealthy, than with having a large army." Next, he set out with a suitable number of men, who were more hopeful and confident because a large army wasn't needed, and marched toward the town of Aharna, not far from the enemy, to the camp of Appius Claudius, the praetor. When they were a few miles away from camp, they encountered men sent to gather wood, accompanied by a guard. Recognizing the lictors leading the Consul and learning who he was, they offered thanks to the gods and to the Roman people for having sent him as their leader. The men saluted to show their respect and Fabius asked where they were headed. When they said they were going to get wood, he asked, "Really? Don't you have a rampart around your camp?" To this they exclaimed that there was indeed a rampart, two of them, and a ditch. But they were still afraid for their lives. He said, "Then you have enough wood.  Go back and tear down the rampart." They returned to the camp and began leveling the rampart, creating panic among the soldiers as well as Appius himself. But then each of them passed the word along to the others that they were acting on the orders of the consul, Quintus Fabius. The next day, the camp was removed and the praetor, Appius Claudius, was sent back to Rome. From then on, the Romans didn't have a fixed camp anywhere. The consul argued that it was harmful for an army to stay in one place and that frequent marches and changes of location made it healthier as far as the winter would permit. As spring began, he left the second legion near Clusium, formerly known as Camars, and gave command of the camp to Lucius Scipio, as propraetor. Fabius then returned to Rome to plan for the war, either because he realized it was more serious than he had thought, or because he was summoned by a decree of the Senate. Both opinions are found in historical sources. Some believe that he was forced back because Appius Claudius, the praetor, had exaggerated the danger of the Etruscan war in the Senate and among the people, something he had constantly done by his letters, arguing that one general or one army would not be enough to oppose four nations. Praetor Claudius said there was danger regardless of whether they attacked as a combined unit or fought separately on multiple fronts; one man wouldn't be able to do everything at once. Claudius pointed out that Fabius had left only two Roman legions in the Etruscan territory and had arrived in Rome with fewer than 5,000 infantry and cavalry. Consul Decius, he said, should depart for the Etruscan territory as soon as possible to support his colleague. Lucius Volumnius should be given command of Samnium. If Decius preferred to command his own province, then Volumnius should be sent to the Etruscan territory with a fully equipped consular army. Since many in the Senate were persuaded by Claudius' speech, Consul Decius proposed that all decisions regarding the war should remain in Consul Fabius' hands until Fabius himself could return to Rome for consultation, if it was in the Republic's best interest. Alternatively, Fabius could send a legate to inform the Senate of the true extent of the war with the Etruscans and decide how many forces were needed and how many commanders should be assigned.

10.26 Upon his return to Rome, Fabius spoke in the Senate and to the people in a way that neither exaggerated nor downplayed any aspect of the war. The agreement to share command with another general, he emphasized, was more about easing the fears of others than protecting himself or the Republic. Moreover, if they were to give him a helper in the war, and a partner in command, how could he forget Consul Publius Decius, whom he had worked with many times before? There was no one else he would rather share command with. With Publius Decius, he would have enough forces, and never too many enemies. However, if his colleague preferred a different role, then they should give him Lucius Volumnius as an assistant. The people, the Senate, and even his colleague, Decius, left all decisions to Fabius. Then Decius announced that he was ready to go to either the Etruscan territory or Samnium, whichever was required.  There was such widespread gladness and congratulations that it felt like they were celebrating a victory, not preparing for war. Some historians say that Fabius and Decius left for the Etruscan territory as soon as they took office, without any mention of drawing lots for provinces or the disputes I've described. Others, not content with just describing these disputes, have added accusations of misconduct made before the people by Claudius against Fabius, who was absent at the time. They also describe a stubborn resistance by the praetor against the consul when he was present. And they added another disagreement between the colleagues, with Decius insisting that each consul should manage his own separate province by lot. However, the facts start to become clear once both consuls leave for the campaign. Before the consuls arrived in the Etruscan territory, the Senone Gauls came with a great multitude to Clusium intending to attack the Roman legion and the camp. Scipio, the camp commander, tried to compensate for his lack of troops by taking a strategic position on a hill which was between the city and the camp. However, in his haste, he failed to scout the area properly and found the enemy already at the top of the hill which they had approached from the opposite side. Thus, the legion was cut down from the rear and the middle was surrounded with the enemy pressing in on every side. Some historians say that the legion was destroyed there, so that no news of it survived. Nor was the news of the defeat conveyed to the consuls, who weren't far from Clusium, before they saw the cavalry of the Gauls in the distance carrying the severed heads of the slain hanging from their horses' chests and impaled on their lances, chanting their customary songs of victory. Others claim that the defeat was at the hands of the Umbrians, not the Gauls, and that the losses weren't as severe. They say that a group of foragers led by Lucius Manlius Torquatus, a legate, were cut off by the Umbrians, and that Scipio, the propraetor, brought reinforcements and renewed the battle, defeating the victorious Umbrians and taking their prisoners and spoils. However, it's more likely that the defeat was at the hands of the Gauls rather than the Umbrians because the fear of a major war with the Gauls, which had often troubled the Romans, were in that year particularly alarming. The Roman government took extraordinary measures to prevent it. Therefore, both consuls, Fabius and Decius, were sent to the Etruscan territory with a large army, consisting of: four legions, a large strong Roman cavalry, one thousand elite Campanian cavalry specially chosen for this war, and a large army of allies and Latins, larger than even the Roman army themselves. Two additional armies were stationed not far from Rome to guard against a potential attack from the Etruscans. One was positioned in the territory of the Falerii, the other was stationed in the Vatican field. Two propraetors, Gnaeus Fulvius and Lucius Postumius Megellus, were ordered to hold those positions as permanent camps.

10.27 The consuls crossed the Apennines and encountered the enemy in the territory of Sentinum, where they set up camp about four miles away. The enemy held several meetings and decided on their strategy: they agreed that they should not all be mixed in one camp or go into battle together. The Gauls were paired with the Samnites, and the Umbrians with the Etruscans. They set a date for the battle. The Samnites and Gauls were tasked with maintaining the fight, while the Etruscans and Umbrians were instructed to attack the Roman camp during the height of the battle. Unexpectedly, the enemy's plan was thwarted by three Clusian deserters who came to Fabius at night. Having revealed the enemy's plans, deserters were sent back with gifts so that, from time to time, they would uncover and report any new strategies. The consuls then wrote to Flavius and Postumius instructing them to move their armies from the Falerii and the Vatican regions toward Clusium, and to start ravaging enemy territory with utmost force. The reports of these attacks drew the Etruscans away from Sentinum to defend their own land. In their absence, the consuls tried various tactics to provoke a battle. For two days, they made several attempts to incite the enemy to fight, but nothing significant happened. A few soldiers fell on each side in minor skirmishes, but this only heightened the tension, making both sides eager for a decisive battle. On the third day, both sides brought their entire forces to the field. As the lines were drawn up, a deer, fleeing a wolf from the mountains, ran straight across the plain between the two lines. From there, the animals split off in different directions, with the deer heading toward the Gauls and the wolf toward the Romans. The wolf was given a path between the Roman ranks, while the Gauls killed the deer with their javelins. A Roman soldier in the front line said, "On the enemy's side, you see the animal sacred to Diana lying dead; flight and carnage begins there. On our side, an animal sacred to Mars, left safe and untouched, reminds us of our Founder and our divine lineage from Mars." The Gauls were positioned on the right wing and the Samnites on the left. Facing them, Fabius lined up the first and third Roman legions against the Samnites on his right wing, while Decius led the fifth and sixth Roman legions against the Gauls on the left wing. The second and fourth legions were engaged in the war in Samnium, under the command of proconsul Lucius Volumnius. In the initial clash, the forces on both sides were so evenly matched that if the Etruscans and Umbrians had been present, either in the field or at the camp, the Romans would have been defeated, regardless of where the Etruscans and Umbrians deployed their forces.

10.28 Even though the outcome of the battle was still uncertain, with luck not favoring either side, the strategies of the right and left wings weren't the same. The Romans, led by Fabius, focused more on defense than offense. The battle lasted until late in the day because Fabius knew that both the Samnites and Gauls were most aggressive at the start of the fight. He knew that if his Roman troops could withstand the initial attack, they would have the advantage. It was also known that, in a long battle, the Samnites' morale would decrease and the Gauls, who weren't well-suited for hard work and a heat wave, would become weak. In their first efforts, they were stronger than men, but in their last, they were weaker than women. Therefore, Fabius tried to preserve his men's strength as much as possible until the enemy was more likely to be defeated. Decius, who was in the prime of his life and full of energy, used all his strength in the first encounter. The infantry fight was too slow, so he brought the cavalry into the fight. Then, he personally joined the strongest group of brave young men, appealing to their leaders to accompany him in charging the enemy, They would have double the glory, he promised them, if the victory started on the left wing and from the cavalry. As such, he forced the Gauls' cavalry to retreat twice. During the second charge, they advanced further and were engaged in the middle of the ranks of the Gallic infantry when they were thrown into confusion by a new method of fighting. The enemy, standing atop two-wheeled war-chariots and four-wheeled baggage-wagons, fully armed, charged forward with a loud clattering of hooves and roar of rolling wheels. The sound terrified the Roman horses, unaccustomed to such unusual noise. As a result, the once-victorious cavalry frantically scattered in panic and fear, trampling over their own in their rush to escape. The chaos also caused the standards of the Roman legions to become confused; many in the first line were trampled or crushed to death as horses and chariots swept through their ranks. The Gallic infantry pursued the advantage as soon as they saw the Romans in confusion, not giving them time to recover. Decius began shouting, asking where they were running  to and what hope they could have in escape. He tried to stop them from retreating, and called back those who were routed. When he couldn't convince them to stay in their positions because they were so frightened, he called out to his father, Publius Decius by name, saying, "Why do I delay the fate that is destined for my family? It's our destiny to serve as sacrifices to avert public danger. I'll now offer the enemy's legions and myself as a sacrifice to Mother Earth and to the spirits of the dead." Having said this, he then ordered Marcus Livius, the pontiff whom he had instructed not to leave his side when he went to the battle line, to dictate the words he should say to devote himself and the enemy's legions to the salvation of the army of the Roman people, the Quirites. He then made the same pledge and dressed himself in the same manner as his father Publius Decius had commanded to be used when he devoted himself at the Veseris River in the Latin war. After the solemn pledge he added that he would bring fear and flight, slaughter and blood, the wrath of the gods of heaven and the underworld, upon the enemy. That he would contaminate the enemy's standards, weapons, and arms with deadly funeral horrors, and that the battlefield would be the place of his own destruction and that of the Gauls and Samnites. After uttering his curses upon himself and upon the enemy, he spurred his horse forward where the line of Gauls was thickest and met his death by rushing onto the enemy's weapons.

10.29 Immediately, the battle escalated to an intensity that was almost superhuman. Losing a general typically causes extreme fear. In this case, the Romans halted their retreat, turned,  and reengaged in battle. The Gauls, particularly those who had surrounded the Consul's body, started throwing their javelins aimlessly and without effect, as if they had lost their senses. Some were so stunned that they were paralyzed; unable to fight, unable to flee. On the Roman side, Livius, the pontiff to whom Decius had given his lictors and ordered to act as propraetor, announced loudly that the Romans would be given the victory due to the sacrifice of their Consul. The Gauls and Samnites were now the victims of Mother Earth and the gods of the deceased [Terra and Di Manes]. Decius was drawing toward himself the army he had consecrated, where everything about the enemy was full of fury and fear. As the soldiers worked to renew the fight, Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Gaius Marcius arrived with reinforcements from the rear line, sent by order of Consul Quintus Fabius to support his colleague. Here, they learned of Decius' fate. It was a major encouragement to dare anything for the Republic. And so, since the Gauls stood close-packed with their shields drawn up in front of them, there was little hope of success in close combat. The legates ordered the Roman soldiers to pick up the scattered javelins from the ground, which lay spread out between the two battle lines, and hurl them into Gallic testudo formation. Since most of them lodged into the Gallic shields, and the long, pointed ones even into their bodies, their phalanx formation was toppled in such a way that many fell, unharmed, as if they were stunned. The Fortune of the Roman left wing had shifted. On the right wing, Fabius had initially delayed the battle, as previously mentioned, using slow engagements. As soon as he noticed that neither the enemy's shout, nor their charges, nor the weapons they threw retained their former strength, he ordered the cavalry commanders to lead the squadrons around to the Samnite flanks, so that, upon receiving the signal, they would charge at the sides with all possible force. At the same time, he commanded his infantry to gradually advance their standards, keeping the enemy engaged. When he saw that they were unable to resist and that their exhaustion was obvious, he gathered all his reserves, whom he had kept fresh for this occasion, rallied the legions, and gave the cavalry the signal to charge. The Samnites couldn't withstand the charge and fled in a wild dash to their camp, passing by the Gallic line and abandoning them to fight alone. The Gauls stood huddled alone, their tight testudo formation holding firm. Fabius, having learned of his colleague's death, had a plan. He ordered a wing of the Campanian cavalry, numbering about five hundred, to leave the line and ride around to attack the Gallic line from the rear. Then, he ordered the principes of the third legion to follow the cavalry's attack; wherever they saw the enemy column disturbed by the charge of the cavalry, they would press forward and slaughter the panicking Gauls. After vowing a temple and the spoils of the enemy to Jupiter the Victorious, Fabius himself proceeded to the Samnite camp. The Samnite forces had been rushing there in disarray, but the gates couldn't receive such large numbers. Thus, the Samnites who were shut out tried to resist at the foot of the rampart. Here, Gellius Egnatius, the Samnite general, fell. Then the Samnites were driven within the rampart. The camp was taken after a short struggle; and at the same time, the Gauls were surrounded from the rear. That day, twenty-five thousand of the enemy were killed and eight thousand were taken prisoner. The victory wasn't without cost; seven thousand of Publius Decius' army were killed, and one thousand seven hundred of Fabius's army were also killed. Fabius, after sending people to search for his colleague's body, had the enemy spoils gathered into a pile and burned them as an offering to Jupiter the Victorious. The Consul's body couldn't be found that day, as it was hidden under a pile of slain Gauls. The next day, it was found and brought to the camp, amid an outpouring of tears from the soldiers. Fabius, setting aside all other concerns, conducted his colleague's funeral rites in the most honorable manner, praising him for his well-deserved merits.

10.30 During this same time, Gnaeus Fulvius, the propraetor, achieved significant success with the Etruscans. He caused significant damage to the enemy by ravaging their lands. He also fought a battle with remarkable success against the Perusini and Clusini resulting in the death of over three thousand enemy soldiers. He also captured twenty military standards. Meanwhile, a retreating force of Samnites attempted to escape through Peligni territory and were attacked from all sides by the Pelignians. Out of five thousand Samnites, one thousand were killed. The Battle of Sentinum was a famous victory, but some accounts have exaggerated the scale of the battle. These accounts claim that the enemy army consisted of six hundred thousand infantry, forty-six thousand cavalry, and one thousand chariots. They also claimed that it included the Etruscans and Umbrians. To inflate the size of the Roman forces, they added another general, Lucius Volumnius, proconsul, and his army to the legions of the consuls. However, most annals attribute the victory solely to the two consuls. Meanwhile, Volumnius was in Samnium where he forced the Samnite army to retreat to Mount Tifernus and, undeterred by the challenging terrain, he defeated and scattered them. Quintus Fabius, after leaving Decius's army in the garrison in the Etruscan territory and leading his own legions back to the City, celebrated a Triumph over the Gauls, Etruscans, and Samnites. His soldiers followed him in Triumph, celebrating his victory with the usual crude military songs no less than they celebrated the glorious death of Publius Decius. The memory of Decius' father was also honored by such praises of his son, as his son had now matched the fame of his father through his service to Rome. From the spoils of war, each soldier received two portions of eighty aes rude each, along with a military cloak and a tunic. These were considered substantial rewards for service during that era.

10.31 Despite these victories, peace wasn't yet achieved among the Samnites or Etruscans. Even after the consul had led away the army, the Perusians took up arms again and the Samnites raided the territories of Vescia and Formiae, as well as Aesernia and areas near the Vulturnus River. Praetor Appius Claudius was sent to deal with these threats, leading the army previously commanded by Decius. In the Etruscan territory, Fabius killed 4,500 Perusians and captured one thousand seven hundred and forty prisoners, who were ransomed for three hundred and ten aes rude each. The remaining spoils were given to the soldiers. The Samnite legions settled in the Stellate plain. Appius Claudius and proconsul Lucius Volumnius had separately been pursuing them. They all met at Caiatia where Appius and Volumnius joined their camps together. Here, the Samnites fought against the combined forces of Appius and Volumnius in a bitter battle. The Samnites, driven by anger against their persistent enemies, and the Romans, fighting for their last hope.  It resulted in sixteen thousand three hundred Samnites killed and two thousand seven hundred captured. The Roman army lost two thousand seven hundred soldiers. It was a successful year for military affairs, though marred by a serious plague at home and anxiety caused by omens. Reports came in of showers of earth and numerous soldiers in Appius Claudius's army being struck by lightning. As a result, the Sibylline Books were consulted. During this time, Quintus Fabius Gurges, the Consul's son, who was an aedile, brought some matrons to trial before the people on the charge of adultery. He used the fines they were ordered to pay to build the Temple of Venus which stands near the Circus. The wars with the Samnites are still not over, which I have been recounting continuously through four books of history already, and which spanned forty-six years, starting with the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Aulus Cornelius, who first led the Roman army into Samnium. Without recounting the numerous disasters and hardships endured by both nations over so many years, it's worth noting that even in the last year, the Samnites, whose legions were mixed with foreign troops, were defeated by four separate Roman armies under four Roman generals in Sentinum, in Peligni, at Tifernum, and on the Stellate Fields. They lost their most respected general and saw their allies, the Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls, in the same predicament. Despite their losses and lack of allied help, the Samnites didn't stop fighting. They weren't tired of defending their freedom, even if they were unsuccessful. They preferred defeat over not striving for victory. It's exhausting to write or read about such prolonged wars, but the parties involved didn't lose their resolve.

10.32 Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were followed in the consulship by Lucius Postumius Megellus and Marcus Atilius Regulus. Both were assigned to the province of Samnium due to reports that the enemy had assembled three armies. One was to reclaim Etruscan territory, another to resume raiding in Campania, and the third to protect their own borders. Illness kept Postumius in Rome, but Atilius left immediately, planning to catch the enemy in Samnium before they could move beyond their borders, as instructed by the Senate. As if it were prearranged, the Romans encountered the enemy there. The Romans were prevented from invading the Samnite territory, while the Samnites were barred from advancing into the peaceful territories of the Romans and their allies. As their camps faced each other, the Samnites attempted a bold move that even the Romans, their frequent victors, would hardly dare to try. As extreme desperation can inspire recklessness, they decided to attack the Roman camp. Although this audacious attempt didn't fully succeed, it did have an impact. A dense fog lasted for most of the day, blocking the sunlight and making it nearly impossible to see beyond the rampart or even a close view of those who were fighting one another. Relying on this as cover for an ambush, the Samnites, with scarcely enough light and in oppressive darkness, approached a Roman garrison at the gate which was lazily being watched. The guards, caught off guard, lacked the courage and strength to resist. An attack was then launched through the Decuman Gate at the back of the camp. The quaestor's quarters were captured, and the quaestor, Lucius Opimius Pansa, was killed there. This triggered a general call to arms.

10.33 The Consul, stirred by the commotion, ordered two cohorts of the allies, the Lucana and the Suessana, which were closest, to protect the camp headquarters. He then led the maniples of the legions down the main road of the camp. The soldiers rushed into formation, barely taking time to arm themselves. They identified the enemy more by their shouts than by sight, making it impossible to estimate their numbers. Thus, uncertain of their situation, they initially retreated, allowing the enemy to penetrate deeper into the middle of the camp. The Consul saw what was happening and shouted at them. Were they going to allow the Samnites to push them out, beyond their own rampart, only for them to need to attack their own camp later? At that point, the soldiers rallied. With a shout, they stood their ground and advanced, pressing forward against the enemy and forcing them to retreat. Even though they still felt the same fear which they had when they started, they quickly drove them out beyond the gate and the rampart. However, they didn't dare chase them any further due to the poor visibility, fearing an ambush. Satisfied with having cleared the camp, they retreated within the rampart, having killed nearly three hundred of the enemy. Of the Romans, from the first Roman guard-post, and those surprised at the quaestor's quarters, seven hundred and thirty died. The Samnites were not only emboldened by this daring act, which hadn't turned out badly, but it boosted their confidence so much that they not only prevented the Romans from advancing into their territory, but also from foraging in their fields. Foraging parties had to retreat to the peaceful territory of Sora. News of these events, exaggerated beyond the truth, reached Rome, forcing Consul Lucius Postumius, who was barely able to stand, to leave the City for the army. He issued a proclamation for his troops to gather at Sora. Before his departure, however, he dedicated the Temple of Victory, which he had commissioned during his term as a curule aedile using the money from fines that had been collected. After joining the army, he moved from Sora toward Samnium, to his colleague's camp. The Samnites, losing hope of resisting the two armies, retreated. The consuls then separated, taking different paths to ravage the enemy's lands and besiege their towns.

10.34 Postumius tried to take control of Milionia, a Samnite city, initially through a direct attack. When that failed, he approached the city walls by regular means, using siege works and vineae which could be pressed against the walls. Thus, the Romans were able to enter the city using ladders. The battle raged throughout the city from the fourth hour until nearly the eighth hour with the outcome uncertain for a long time. Eventually, the Romans took over the town. They killed three thousand two hundred Samnites and captured four thousand seven hundred, in addition to other spoils of war. From there the legions were led to Feritrum. The inhabitants had quietly left during the night, taking all their belongings that could be carried or driven through the opposite gate. Upon arrival, the consul approached the city walls in such a manner as to prepare for battle and set up just as if they would face the same resistance as they did in Milionia. Noticing the eerie silence and absence of armed men on the towers and walls, he held back the soldiers eager from climbing the deserted fortifications, fearing a trap. He instructed two divisions of the allied Latin cavalry to circle the city walls and investigate. The cavalry, opening one gate and another in the same region, found tracks of the evening's flight of the enemy on their way out. They then rode slowly through the unguarded gates and saw the city entirely accessible by straight roads. Reporting back to the consul, they confirmed that the city had been abandoned, as evidenced by the emptiness, the recent tracks of hasty flight, as well as the scattered belongings abandoned in the terror of the night. Upon hearing this, Consul Postumius led the army around to the side of the city where the cavalry had approached. Stopping not far from the gate, he ordered five horsemen to enter the city, and having advanced a little distance, three will remain in place, and if they appear safe, the other two scouts will return to him after exploring. When the scouts returned, they reported that they had advanced to a vantage point inside and had seen far and wide only silence and desolation. Immediately the consul led some light-armed cohorts into the city while ordering the rest of the troops to set up a camp. When the soldiers entered the city by breaking the doors, they found only a few men, either old or sick, and some things left behind that had been too difficult to move. These were taken as loot. The prisoners revealed that several cities in the area had made a common plan to evacuate. Their own people had left at the first watch, and they believed the other cities would be similarly deserted. The prisoners' information proved accurate, and Consul Postumius took over the abandoned towns.

10.35 The other consul, Marcus Atilius, didn't find the war as easy. As he was leading his legions toward Luceria, having heard that the Samnites were laying siege, he encountered the enemy at the border of Lucerian territory. On this occasion, the enemy's anger made their strength equal to the Romans. The battle was one of shifting fortunes and doubtful issue. However, the outcome was worse for the Romans. They weren't used to defeat and, as they retreated, they could see how many more wounds and slaughter had happened on their side. Fear spread throughout the Roman camp. If this fear had taken hold during the battle, they would have surely been defeated. As it was, they spent an anxious night, expecting an attack on their camp by the Samnites or a forced battle at dawn. The Samnites had suffered fewer losses than the Romans, but their morale was just as low. At daybreak, they wanted to retreat without further fighting. However, there was only one road, and it passed close to the Roman camp. When they entered this road, it looked as if they were marching straight to attack the Roman camp. Consul Atilius ordered his men to arm themselves and follow him out of the camp. He gave orders to the legates, tribunes, and the prefects of the allies on how he wanted them to act. They all assured him that they would do their best but told him that the soldiers were disheartened. They had spent a sleepless night due to their wounds and the groans of their dying comrades. If the enemy approached the camp before dawn, they warned, panic would be so great that many would desert their standards. They were only held back from fleeing by their shame. Yet, they already saw themselves as defeated. Hearing this, the consul felt it necessary to speak to the soldiers himself. Wherever he went, he scolded those who were hesitating to arm themselves. What was their reluctance to fight? Why were they hesitating? He warned them that if they didn't leave the camp, the enemy would enter it. They would be fighting to defend their tents if they did not fight to defend their rampart. Armed men who fight their enemy always have a chance of victory, but an unarmed man who waits for his enemy can only expect death or slavery. In response to his reprimands, the soldiers said they were too tired from the previous day's battle. They had no strength or blood left, and the enemy seemed more numerous than the day before. Meanwhile, in the middle of this, the enemy column was approaching. As they came closer, the soldiers saw that the Samnites were carrying palisades for a rampart and there was no doubt that they clearly intended to surround the Roman camp. At this, the Consul lost his patience, shouting that it was an outrageous deed that such an insult and disgrace should be endured from the most cowardly enemy: "Should we then sit in camp so that we die of hunger in disgrace rather than, if need be, by the sword with honor? May the gods bring a better fate. Let each man do what he considers worthy of himself. I, Consul Marcus Atilius, will face the enemy alone, if no one else should follow, and would rather die falling among the Samnite standards than see the Roman camp surrounded." This statement of the Consul was approved by the legates, the tribunes, all of the cavalry companies, and the centurions of the first rank. Eventually, the soldiers, shamed into action, reluctantly took up their arms and sluggishly marched out of the camp in a long and broken column. They moved toward the enemy gloomy and almost as if defeated, with no more confidence in hope or spirit. And so, as soon as the Roman standards were seen, a shout was carried from the first Samnite column to the last. The Romans were coming out, as they had feared, to block their retreat. They realized that there was no way to escape from there. They had two choices: either to fall in battle right there or to cut down the enemy and escape over their corpses.

10.36 The Samnites piled their baggage in the center and each soldier, armed for battle, took  their position in the ranks as they formed their line. There was now a small space between the two lines as each stood waiting for the other to give the signal and make the first move. Neither side had any inclination to fight, and they would have gone their separate ways unharmed, but each feared being attacked by the other during retreat. Of its own accord, a sluggish fight began between the unwilling and the hesitant with an uncertain and uneven shout. Not a soul moved from their position. The Roman consul, hoping to stir things up, sent a few squadrons of cavalry to do a charge out of formation. Many were thrown from their horses. Others became disoriented. It led to a rush as soldiers from both the Samnite and Roman lines rushed forward, the former to attack the fallen and the latter to protect their comrades. The battle became a little more heated, but the Samnites were more aggressive and outnumbered the Romans. In the confusion, the panicked Roman cavalry and their frightened horses trampled their own men who had come to help. The ensuing chaos led to a full-scale Roman rout, as their entire line collapsed into flight. The Samnites pressed forward, fighting with the rear of the retreating Romans. Consul Atilius, watching this, rode ahead of his men to the camp gate and positioned a group of cavalry there with orders to treat anyone approaching the rampart, Roman or Samnite, as an enemy. He then positioned himself in the path of his retreating men and threatened them: "Where are you going, soldiers? You'll find men and arms to fight here too. As long as your Consul lives, you won't pass this rampart unless as a victor. Therefore, choose whether you will fight your own countrymen or fight the enemy." As the Consul spoke, the cavalry surrounded him with their spears pointed outward and ordered the infantry to return to the battle. The consul's bravery and good fortune helped him, as the Samnites didn't press their advantage. This gave him space to turn the standards and reform their line from facing the camp to facing the enemy. The soldiers began to encourage each other to return to the battle, while the centurions snatched the standards from the standard-bearers and carried them forward, showing their men that the enemy who were approaching were few in number, and were arriving with their ranks disorganized and scattered. At the same time, Consul Atilius, raising his hands to the sky and speaking loudly enough to be heard from a distance, promised to build a temple to Jupiter Stator if the Roman army stopped their retreat, returned to the battle, and defeated the Samnites. Everyone, all parts of the army, the officers, the soldiers, the infantry and the cavalry, worked together to restore the battle. It seemed as though the gods were favoring the Romans, as the tide of the battle quickly turned. The enemy was pushed back from the camp and was soon driven back to where the battle had started. They were both stopped by the pile of baggage the Samnites had thrown in the middle and they were stuck there. And then, to prevent it from being looted, the Samnites surrounded the baggage with armed men. The Roman infantry pressed on them from the front while the cavalry were driven around and surrounded them from the rear. Trapped between the two, the Samnites were either killed or captured. Seven thousand eight hundred Samnites were taken prisoner, all of whom were sent naked under the yoke, while four thousand eight hundred were killed. The victory wasn't a happy one for the Romans. When the consul counted the losses they suffered from the two days, the number of soldiers lost was reported to be seven thousand eight hundred soldiers. While these things were going on in Apulia, the Samnites joined another together with another army and tried to take Iteramna, a Roman colony on the Latin road, but failed. They ravaged the countryside and took people and cattle as spoils, along with the colonists they had captured. They encountered the victorious Consul Atilius returning from Luceria and not only lost their spoils but were also slaughtered because they were marching in disarray and were heavily burdened. The Consul issued an edict calling the owners to Interamna to reclaim their property and left his army there while he went to Rome to hold the elections. The Consul asked for a Triumph but was denied because he had lost so many soldiers and because he had sent the prisoners under the yoke without negotiating any terms.

10.37 The other consul, Postumius, no longer had military duties in Samnium. He moved his forces to the Etruscan territory and first devastated the lands of the Volsinians. When they came out to defend, he won a decisive victory over them not far from their own walls. Two thousand eight hundred Etruscans were killed; the rest were saved by the closeness of their city. The army then moved to the territory of Rusella, where they not only ravaged the lands but also captured the town. More than two thousand men were taken prisoner, and less than two thousand were killed around the walls. A peace agreement made that year in the Etruscan territory, and it was more glorious and honorable than the war. Three of the most powerful Etruscan cities, Volsinii, Perusia, and Arretium of the Volsinians, sued for peace. They made a pact with the consul to provide clothing and grain for his army, in exchange for being allowed to send ambassadors to Rome where they were granted a truce for forty years. Additionally, each state was fined five hundred thousand aes rude to be paid immediately. Consul Postumius asked the Senate for a Triumph, as his successes were significant, but he did so more out of tradition than expectation. Yet he soon saw that some opposed it because he had left Rome late, while others objected that he had moved the troops from Samnium into Etruria without permission from the Senate. Some were his political enemies, while others were simply supporters of his co-consul, Atilius, who had also been denied a Triumph. Angered by the rejection, Postumius said, "Senators, while respecting your authority, I'll not forget that I'm Consul. With that same authority of command by which I successfully waged wars, with Samnium and the Etruscan territory subdued, and victory and peace achieved, I shall celebrate my Triumph." With these words, he left the Senate. Immediately, the plebeian tribunes began to dispute this. Some said they would protest against his unprecedented Triumph, while others said they would support him in defiance of their colleagues. The matter was eventually brought before the people, and Postumius was called to attend. He pointed out that Marcus Horatius, Lucius Valerius, and his father, Gaius Marcus Rutilus, who was the current censor, had all celebrated Triumphs not by the Senate's direction, but by the command of the people. He would have made his request to the people had he not known that some plebeian tribunes, who were subservient to the nobles, would have blocked the law granting the Triumph. The people's universal approval and goodwill were, and would continue to be, more important than any decree. And on the following day, with the support of three plebeian tribunes and against the opposition of the other seven plebeian tribunes who forbade the proceedings and against the consent of the Senate, Postumius had a Triumph, with the people celebrating the day. The historical records for this year are inconsistent. Claudius Quadrigarius claims that Postumius, after capturing several cities in Samnium, was later defeated and wounded in Apulia. He says that Postumius retreated to Luceria with a few followers, while Atilius led the war in Etruria and celebrated a Triumph. However, Fabius Pictor writes that the two consuls worked together in Samnium and at Luceria. He says that an army was sent to the Etruria, but he doesn't say which consul led it. He also says that many were killed on both sides at Luceria and that during this battle a Temple to Jupiter Stator was vowed there; the same vow that Romulus had made but only the area for the temple had been consecrated. Moreover, in this year at last, after the Republic had been twice bound by the same vow, it became a religious obligation, so the Senate ordered the temple to be built.

10.38 In the following year, we find a distinguished consul, Lucius Papirius Cursor, who is remarkable both for his father's glory and for his own, and a mighty war, with a victory that no one else, aside from his father, had ever won against the Samnites. The Samnites prepared for war with the same effort and equipment they had like before, adorning their soldiers with the most opulent armor and ornate weapons. They also invoked divine assistance, swearing in their soldiers with ancient ceremonial rites, as in an initiation, and recruited troops from all over Samnium under a new law. The law stated that if any young man did not comply with the general's edicts, or departed without permission, his head would be devoted to Jupiter. Following these orders, all were summoned to Aquilonia, where the entire strength of Samnium, forty thousand men, gathered. In the center of the camp, a space was enclosed with fences and boards, covered overhead with linen cloth, and measuring about two hundred feet on each side. There, after reading aloud from an old linen book, sacrifices were conducted by a certain priest, Ovius Paccius. Paccius, an elderly man, held that these rituals were from the ancient Samnite religion, the same used by their ancestors when they secretly planned to take Capua from the Etruscans. After the sacrificial rites were completed, the commander sent a messenger to summon those Samnites of noble birth and distinguished for their military achievements. They were brought into the enclosure one by one. In the middle was a covered enclosure, allowing no view from outside. Each soldier, upon entering, saw various pieces of sacred paraphernalia which filled the mind with the fear of the gods. There was an altar erected in the middle covered on all sides with slaughtered victims around it, and centurions stood with drawn swords. The man would be led to the altar, more like a sacrificial offering than a participant in the rite, and sworn to secrecy about what he saw and heard there. At that point, they would force him to swear a terrifying oath, cursing himself, his family, and his entire lineage if he didn't follow his commanders into battle, or if he fled from the battlefield, or failed to kill any other fleeing soldier. Initially, some refused to take the oath and were beheaded around the altars, their bodies lying among the carrion of the sacrificial victims, serving as a warning to others not to refuse. After the Samnite elite had been bound by this terrible oath, the commander selected ten men, ordering them to each choose another, continuing until sixteen thousand men were gathered. This legion was named the "Linen Legion" after the enclosure's linen covering where the nobility was consecrated. They were given distinctive ornate armor and plumed helmets to set them apart from the rest of the army. They then assembled another force of over twenty thousand men, equal to the sacred Linen Legion in appearance, war reputation, and in the excellence of their equipment. This combined force of thirty-six thousand men, representing the nation's main strength, was stationed at Aquilonia.

10.39 The consuls departed from Rome. The first to go was Spurius Carvilius. He was given command of the veteran legions who had been left in the territory of Interamna by Marcus Atilius, the previous year's consul. Carvilius led them into Samnium territory, where he stormed and captured the town of Amiternum while the enemy was occupied with their religious rituals and secret meetings. He killed about two thousand eight hundred men and took four thousand two hundred and seventy prisoners. The next was Papirius, with a new army raised by a decree of the Senate, who stormed the city of Duronia. He captured fewer prisoners than Carvilius but killed considerably more people. Both places yielded rich spoils. From there, the consuls wandered through the Samnium territory causing severe damage particularly in the area of Atina. Carvilius reached Cominium and Papirius arrived at Aquilonia, where the main Samnite forces were stationed. There, for a while, they neither stayed idle nor fought vigorously. Instead, the days were spent provoking the enemy when they were quiet, retreating when they resisted, and threatening battle more but not actually waging it. Whatever was begun and then abandoned, every result, even of the smallest matters, was reported immediately to the other Roman camp, twenty miles away, as both consuls cooperated in the conduct of all matters. Carvilius was focused more on Aquilonia, where the situation was more critical, than on Cominium, which he was actually besieging. When Consul Papirius was sufficiently prepared for battle, he sent a messenger to Carvilius that he planned to fight Aquilonia the next day, pending positive auspices. If Carvilius could attack Cominium with the greatest force possible at the same time as his attack on Aquilonia, the Samnites would have no opportunity to send reinforcements to help Aquilonia. The messenger spent the day traveling and returned that night reporting that Carvilius approved of the plan. Immediately upon sending the messenger, Papirius held a meeting of his troops. He discussed many things concerning the entire conduct of the war and many things about the enemy's current display of arms and armor. He emphasized that their fancy gear was more for show than for actual combat. Plumes (on the helmets) didn't inflict wounds. Roman javelins could pierce any shield, no matter how painted and gilded, and their white tunics would soon be stained with blood from their swords. He recalled how his father had defeated a Samnite army adorned in gold and silver. The spoils from that battle had been more valuable to Rome than they had been to the Samnites themselves as armor. He suggested that it might be his family's destiny to fight against the Samnites' strongest forces and bring back spoils that were sufficiently splendid for decorating public places in the City. The gods were on his side, he believed, because of the treaties the Samnites had repeatedly asked for and then broken. Gods were likely more hostile to an army that had violated their oaths and performed abhorrent sacrifices involving sacrificial bloodshed, mixing the blood of slaughtered men and beasts. The Samnites were under a two-fold curse from heaven; first, filled with dread at the thought of the gods witnessing the treaties made with Rome, and second, horror-struck at the blasphemous oaths which were uttered to break those treaties, an oath which the soldiers were forced to take and which they recall with loathing. He ended by saying that the Samnites were afraid of their gods, their fellow countrymen, and the Romans all at the same time.

10.40 Consul Papirius shared the details he had learned from Samnite deserters with his soldiers, who were already angry. Filled with confidence from both divine and human support, the soldiers called out in unison to fight. They were confused that the battle was postponed until the next day and hated having to wait a day and a night. In the third watch of the night, after receiving a confirmation letter from Carvilius, Papirius got up in silence and then ordered for the pullularii. There was no class of men in the camp untouched by the desire of battle. Everyone in the camp, from the highest to the lowest, were equally intent. The general observed the soldiers' enthusiasm, and they observed his. This eagerness even spread to those taking the auspices. When the chickens refused to eat, the pullularius lied about the omen. Instead, he told the consul that the corn danced around on the ground as it fell from their greedy beaks. The Consul was pleased and announced that the auspices were excellent; they would act under the guidance of the gods. He then raised the signal for battle. As battle lines were forming, Consul Papirius received news from a deserter that twenty cohorts of Samnites, each consisting of about four hundred soldiers [eight thousand men] had marched toward Cominium. As he wanted his colleague to be aware of this, he instantly sent a messenger, then ordered his own troops to advance more quickly. Papirius had already assigned reinforcements to their respective positions and appointed prefects to lead them. He gave the command of the right wing to Lucius Volumnius, the left wing to Lucius Scipio, and to the cavalry he appointed other legates, Gaius Caedicius and Titus Trebonius. He ordered Spurius Nautius to remove the saddlebags from the mules and quickly lead them, along with three auxiliary cohorts, to a visible hill. There, during the heat of the battle, he was to raise as much dust as possible. While the general was making these arrangements, a disagreement arose among the pullularii about the auspices of the day. The dispute was heard by some Roman cavalry who felt that the matter needed to be told to someone. They informed Spurius Papirius, the consul's nephew, about the uncertainty of the auspices. The young man, born in an era when disrespect for the gods wasn't yet known, was naturally inclined to investigate the matter thoroughly so that he might bring forward nothing unverified before reporting it to the consul. The Consul responded, "I commend your bravery and diligence. However, if the person taking the auspices lied about the results, he brings the predicted misfortune upon himself. But for the Roman people and their army, the favorable auspices reported to me is a good sign." He then ordered the centurions to place the pullularii at the front among the first standards. The Samnites also brought forward their standards, followed by their main body, armed and decorated in such a way that they presented a magnificent spectacle to their enemies. Before the battle cry was raised or the rush to battle began, the pullularius was hit by a stray javelin and fell in front of the standards. When the Consul Papirius heard this, he said, "The gods are present in the battle. The guilty wretch has received his punishment!" As the Consul spoke these words, a crow cawed loudly in front of him. He was delighted by this omen and declared that the gods had never intervened more clearly in human affairs. He then ordered the horns to be sounded and a battle cry to be shouted.

10.41 A fierce battle broke out once joined, but it was fought with different spirits. The Romans, driven by anger, hope, a burning spirit to fight, and eager for the blood of their enemies, were quickly drawn into battle. A large part of the Samnites, on the other hand, unwillingly fought more out of necessity and religious fear, defending rather than attacking. They wouldn't have withstood the first shout and rush of the Romans, having been defeated so many times over the years, had not another, more powerful fear weighing heavily on their hearts kept them from fleeing: the secret rite. They remembered well that preparation of the secret rite, the armed priests, the indiscriminate slaughter of men and animals, the altars sprinkled with sacred and profane blood, the terrifying curses and the dreadful oath designed to bring ruin upon themselves, their families, and race. They were held fast by these bonds which kept them from running, making them more afraid of their own people than of the enemy. The Romans advanced from both corners and in the center, causing great damage to the Samnites, who were paralyzed by their fear of both gods and men. The Samnites put up a weak resistance, as if fear alone kept them from fleeing. The carnage was almost at their standards when a cloud of dust appeared, as if a large army was approaching. It was Spurius Nautius, some say Octavius Maecius, leader of the auxiliary cohorts. The dust raised by these cohorts and their horses with the mules dragging leafy branches behind them made it seem like a larger force was approaching. Arms and standards were at first visible through the murky light, while behind, the higher and denser dust gave the appearance of a force of cavalry pressing forward. This illusion fooled not only the Samnites, but also the Romans as well. Consul Papirius played into this deception by shouting among the first standards, loud enough for the enemy to hear, that Cominium was taken, and his victorious colleague was approaching, urging his men to finish off the enemy quickly, before the other army could claim the glory. Having given these orders from horseback, he then instructed the tribunes and centurions to clear a path for the cavalry. Previously, he had told Trebonius and Caedicius that when they saw him raise his spear, shaking it, they should spur the cavalry into a charge with the greatest force they could against the enemy. Everything went as planned. At a signal, the paths were opened between the ranks, and the cavalry charged through the gaps with spears fiercely raised. They rushed into the middle of the enemy column breaking through their ranks with every charge they made, causing chaos wherever they went. Volumnius and Scipio rushed in behind with their right and left wings taking advantage of the confusion to scatter the terrified. Then, already defeated by the power of the Samnite gods and men, the Linen Legion and the Samnite cohorts scattered, abandoning their posts in total panic, both those who had sworn oaths and those who hadn't, fearing nothing but the enemy. The surviving infantry were driven into the camp or to Aquilonia. Nobility and cavalry fled to Bovianum. The Roman cavalry pursued them while Roman infantry pursued the Samnite infantry. The two Roman wings took different routes: the right wing headed to the Samnite camp, the left wing headed to the city. Volumnius quickly captured the camp. Scipio met more resistance at Aquilonia, not because the defeated troops had regained their courage, but because the city walls were a better defense than a rampart. The Samnites repelled the Romans with stones. Scipio, knowing that they needed to take the city while the Samnites were still panicking, asked his soldiers if they could stand the shame of the other wing having already taken the camp, while they, despite their victories, were being driven back from the city gate. When they all loudly declared that they couldn't, Scipio led the charge to the gate, his shield raised over his head. The rest followed, their shields joined together in a testudo formation, and they broke Aquilonia, scattering the Samnites near the gate and taking the walls. However, they didn't venture further into the city due to their small numbers.

10.42 Consul Papirius was unaware of these events. He was busy sending his troops back to the camp as the sun was setting and the impending night made every location seem risky and threatening, even for the victorious soldiers. After riding a significant distance, he noticed the captured Samnite camp on his right and, on the left, there was a roar from the city and a mingled sound of fighting and cries of fear and panic. This was happening while the battle was taking place at the gate. As he rode closer on horseback, he saw his own soldiers on the city walls and realized that resistance was broken. He was pleased that the rash actions of a few had given him the chance for great achievement. He commanded the soldiers he had sent back to the camp to return and bring the standards into the city. They entered the city from the nearest side, but as night was falling, they remained quiet. During the night the city was deserted by the enemy. On that day, twenty thousand three hundred and forty Samnites were killed at Aquilonia, and three thousand eight hundred and seventy were captured, along with ninety-seven military standards. Historians have noted one particular detail about Papirius: hardly any other general was seen on the battlefield with a more cheerful expression; it was unknown whether this was due to his natural disposition or his confidence in victory. His strong will also meant that he didn't let the dispute about the auspices distract him from the war. In the midst of the battle, as was customary, he made a vow to Jupiter the Victorious. He promised that if he defeated the enemy's legions, he would drink a small cup of honeyed wine before he drank any strong drink himself. This type of vow was well-received by the gods, and they guided the auspices to a successful outcome.

10.43 Consul Carvilius had a similar success at Cominium. He led his forces to the city walls at dawn, surrounding the city and placing strong guards at the gates to prevent any escape. As he was about to give the signal to attack, he received a distressing message from his colleague about the march of twenty Samnite cohorts. The news not only delayed his assault but also forced him to withdraw some of his troops that were in formation and ready to attack. He instructed Decimus Brutus Scaeva, his legate, to take the first legion, ten auxiliary cohorts, and the cavalry to confront the Samnite reinforcements. Stop and detain the enemy wherever they encountered them, he ordered, and engage in battle if the opportunity arose. Above all, they weren't to let these troops get near Cominium. He then ordered the scaling ladders to be brought to all sides of the city walls and advanced toward the gates under the protection of a testudo. At the same time, the gates were being broken open and the city walls were assaulted from all sides. At first, the Samnites, before they saw armed men on the walls, had enough courage to prevent the Romans from entering the city. Now, when the fighting was no longer carried on at a distance with missiles but in face-to-face combat, they faced opponents who had painfully scaled the walls from the plain, and were now in the very place the Samnites had most feared losing. The Samnites fought easily, on equal terms, against an enemy already weakened by the difficult climb. The Samnites abandoned the towers and walls and retreated to their forum. There, they made a final attempt to turn the tide of the battle, but soon they threw away their arms and surrendered to the Consul. A total of eleven thousand four hundred Samnites were captured and four thousand eight hundred and eighty were killed. This was the situation at Cominium and Aquilonia. In the area between the two cities, where a third battle was expected, the enemy was nowhere to be found. They had been called back by their countrymen when they were within seven miles of Cominium and didn't participate in either battle. At nightfall, when they were close to the camp and Aquilonia, the enemy heard shouts of danger from both places and stopped. Then in the region of the camp, which had been set on fire by the Romans, the flames spread out widely preventing them from advancing any further. They took  that as a sign of a more certain defeat. In that very place they spent the night in great anxiety, lying on the ground at random without stopping to remove their arms, barely sleeping, alternately hoping for and fearing the dawn. At first light, while they were still unsure of where to go, they were spotted by Roman cavalry and immediately fled. The cavalry had been pursuing the Samnites who had left the town during the night and saw the unprotected group with neither a rampart nor guards. This same group was also seen from the walls of Aquilonia and now the legionary cohorts joined in the pursuit. The infantry couldn't catch up with them, but the cavalry killed about two hundred and eighty of their rear guard. In their panic, they left behind a large number of arms and eighteen military standards. The rest of the column reached Bovianum unharmed, as safe as could be expected after such a chaotic retreat.

10.44 The overall elation of both Roman armies increased since both sides had been successful. Each consul, with the approval of his colleague, allowed his soldiers to loot the town they had conquered. After the houses were emptied, they were set on fire. As a result, both Aquilonia and Cominium were destroyed on the same day. The consuls then united the legions and their camps with mutual congratulations between each other. In front of both armies, Carvilius rewarded his men with praise and gifts based on their individual merits. Papirius, who had engaged in multiple battles, in the field, around the camp, and around the city, did the same, honoring Spurius Nautius, Spurius Papirius, his nephew, four centurions, and a maniple of hastati with gold bracelets and wreaths of gold. Nautius was rewarded for the campaign where he had terrified the enemy with the great dust cloud. Young Papirius was rewarded for his service with the cavalry both in battle, and during the night when he inflicted heavy losses on the Samnites as they attempted to flee Aquilonia. The centurions and soldiers were rewarded for being the first to take control of the gate and wall of Aquilonia. All the horsemen were rewarded with corniculis, which were small horn-shaped badges, and bracelets of silver for their exceptional performance in many places. A council was then formed to discuss whether it was time to withdraw either one or the other army from Samnium. They decided that now that the Samnite forces were weakened, they should pursue them relentlessly and intensify the war so that Samnium would be completely subdued for the next consuls. When there was no longer any enemy army that seemed ready to fight with their standards raised, the only strategy left was to besiege the cities. By destroying these cities, they could reward their soldiers with the spoils and completely eliminate the enemy fighting for their altars and homes. Therefore, after sending letters to the Senate and people of Rome detailing their achievements, the consuls led their legions in different directions; Papirius went to attack Saepinum, while Carvilius went to Velia.

10.45 The consuls' letters were received with great rejoicing in both the Senate and the assembly of the people. The public rejoiced with a four-day thanksgiving, and by private celebrations. These victories weren't only significant for the Roman people, but they also came at a crucial time. News arrived that the Etruscans were once again preparing for war. People wondered how they could have faced the power of Etruria if things had gone wrong in Samnium. The Etruscans, emboldened by the Samnites' conspiracy and seeing the consuls and the entire Roman force engaged against them, chose this moment to reignite hostilities. Ambassadors from the allies, brought to the Senate by praetor Marcus Atilius, reported that their lands were being ravaged by the neighboring Etruscans because they had refused to turn against the Romans. They pleaded with the Senate to protect them from the violence and injury of their shared enemy. The ambassadors were assured that the Senate would ensure the allies didn't regret their loyalty and that the Etruscans would soon be in the same position as the Samnites. The Etruscan business might have been delayed if it hadn't been for the news that the Faliscans, long-time friends of Rome, had joined forces with the them. The Senate, considering the close proximity of the Faliscans, decided to send fetials to demand restitution. When this was denied, the Senate declared war on the Faliscans, and the consuls were asked to draw lots to decide who would lead an army from Samnium into Etruria. Meanwhile, Consul Carvilius had already captured Velia, Palumbinum, and Herculaneum from the Samnites. Velia was taken after a few days' siege, Palumbinum was taken on the same day he approached its walls. At Herculaneum also, with standards joined in a pitched battle, the consul fought without a clear victory and with more losses on his side than the enemy's. However, after setting up his camp, he enclosed the enemy behind the walls and then besieged the city and captured it. In these three cities, about ten thousand men were either captured or killed, so by a very small margin more were captured. When the consuls drew lots for their provinces, the Etruscan territory was assigned to Carvilius, much to the soldiers' relief, who were struggling with the cold in Samnium. Consul Papirius faced a larger force of resistance at Saepinum. He had to fight often in pitched battles, often on the march, and often around the city walls against enemy attacks. It was not a siege but a war on equal terms, as the Samnites protected themselves not only with walls, but more with men and arms. At last, after much fighting, he forced them to submit to a regular siege. He then took the city by storm with continuous assaults and by using his siege-engines. The Roman soldiers' fury caused the most casualties during the capture of the town; seven thousand four hundred fell by the sword, and less than three thousand men were taken prisoner. The spoils, which were substantial as the Samnites' wealth was concentrated into a few cities, were given to the soldiers.

10.46 The landscape was now completely blanketed in snow, making it impossible to stay outside. As such, Consul Papirius led his troops back to Rome from Samnium. Upon his arrival at Rome, a Triumph was unanimously agreed upon for him. He celebrated this Triumph while still in office, with an exceptional level of grandeur for that era. The cavalry and infantry paraded in the procession, adorned with their decorations. Many civic crowns were seen as well as many that had been won by scaling a rampart or a city wall. The spoils of the Samnites were examined with great interest and compared in terms of splendor and beauty to those captured by the Consul's father, which were frequently displayed as public decorations. Several distinguished prisoners, known for their own achievements and those of their ancestors, were included in the procession. Twenty-one thousand five hundred aes rude and thirty-three thousand aes rude in heavy brass were carried in the procession. This money was reportedly from the sale of the prisoners. From the cities, one thousand eight hundred and thirty pounds of silver were taken. All the silver and brass were stored in the treasury, with no portion given to the soldiers. This rankled the plebeians, along with the fact that a tax was levied on the soldiers' pay. By eliminating the ostentatious display of transporting the spoils to the treasury, they argued, the soldiers could have been rewarded with a portion of the spoils, and the army's pay could have been sourced from these funds. Consul Papirius dedicated the Temple of Quirinus, although no ancient historian mentions it as having been vowed in an actual battle, nor could it have been built it in so short a time. However, vowed by Papirius' father when he was dictator, it was dedicated and adorned with military spoils by the son while he was consul. There were so many spoils that they not only decorated that Temple and the Forum, but some were also distributed among the allies and colonies nearby to adorn their temples and public places. After his Triumph, he led his army into winter quarters in the Vescinian territory, as that region was being troubled by the Samnites. Meanwhile, in Etruria, Consul Carvilius first attacked Troilum, allowing four hundred and seventy of the wealthiest inhabitants to leave after they paid a large sum of money, but he took the rest of the population and the town by force. He then overpowered five forts situated in well-fortified places, killing two thousand four hundred of the enemy and taking just under two thousand prisoners. He granted a year's truce to the Faliscans, who sought peace, on the condition that they provided a hundred thousand aes rude and that year's pay for his army. After completing this task, he returned home to a Triumph. Although his defeat of the Samnites was less illustrious than that of his colleague, it was elevated to the same level by ending the war with the Etruscans. He deposited three hundred and eighty thousand aes rude in heavy brass into the treasury. Then, he used the remaining brass from the spoils to contract for the construction of a Temple to Fortis Fortuna, near the temple dedicated to the same goddess by King Servius Tullius. Unlike his colleague, Carvilius gave each soldier two hundred aes rude from the spoils, and double that amount to the centurions and cavalry. This gift was received with much gratitude, especially considering his colleague's stinginess. Consul Carvilius' popularity also helped protect Lucius Postumius, one of his legates, from prosecution. Marcus Scantius, a plebeian tribune, had started a prosecution against him accusing him of abandoning a diplomatic mission. Postumius avoided judgement before the people, it was said, through being Carvilius' legate.  As a result, the charges against him could only be used as a threat and was not enforced.

10.47 Now that the year was over, the new plebeian tribunes had taken office. Due to some irregularities in two of the appointments, replacements were made within five days. That year a lustrum was completed by the censors, Publius Cornelius Arvina and Gaius Marcius Rutilus. They were the twenty-sixth censors since the first one and this was the nineteenth purification ceremony.  The number of citizens counted was two hundred sixty-two thousand three hundred and twenty-one. In this year, people who had been awarded crowns or garlands for their meritorious behavior in war began to wear them at the Roman Games. For the first time, victors were given palms, a custom borrowed from Greece. And in this same year the curule aediles, who had organized the games, fined several cattle ranchers for illegal grazing.  The fines were used to complete the road paved with stone from the Temple of Mars to Bovillae. Lucius Papirius oversaw the consular elections and announced Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges, son of the famous Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus, and Decius Junius Brutus Scaeva as consuls. Papirius himself was made praetor. Despite many successes, this year was marred by a devastating plague that affected both the city and the countryside, causing a high number of deaths. The disaster was now like a portent. The Sibylline Books were consulted to see what the end was or what remedy the gods would give for this evil. It was found in the Books that Asclepius, the god of healing, must be brought to Rome from Epidaurus. However, no action was taken that year due to the consuls' involvement in the war. The only step taken was a one-day supplication performed to Asclepius.