--- layout: default title: "Beyond Clicktivism" description: "Debarshi Dasgupta examines how social media mobilisation for Anna Hazare's anti-corruption protest in April 2011 moved participants from online engagement to active involvement." categories: [Media mentions] date: 2011-04-08 authors: ["Debarshi Dasgupta"] source: "Outlook India" permalink: /media/beyond-clicktivism-outlook-india/ created: 2026-02-08 --- **Beyond Clicktivism** is an *Outlook India* article published on 8 April 2011. Debarshi Dasgupta analyses the social media campaign supporting Anna Hazare's anti-corruption protest and the online mobilisation that surrounded it. The piece examines how organisers used a "funnel approach" to convert passive online supporters into active participants, drawing on platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and a missed-call campaign. ## Contents 1. [Article Details](#article-details) 2. [Full Text](#full-text) 3. [Context and Background](#context-and-background) 4. [External Link](#external-link) ## Article Details
๐Ÿ“ฐ Published in:
Outlook India
๐Ÿ“… Date:
8 April 2011
๐Ÿ‘ค Author:
Debarshi Dasgupta
๐Ÿ“„ Type:
News Report
๐Ÿ“ฐ Publication Link:
Read Online
## Full Text

"Want to commit sedition against the government?" "Join Dandi March-II." "A Mahatma announces a fast-unto-death." These were some of the clarion calls that organisers of the protest against corruption led by Anna Hazare were making online. And people from all classes responded in massive numbers. Possibly fed up with the scale of the CWG and 2G scams and exasperated by the petty and mundane corruption they encounter daily.

Anna Hazare and Jantar Mantar were among the top 10 global trending topics on Twitter on April 7 afternoon. "Earthquake named Anna Hazare lashes on corrupted Indian Politicians, epicenter India, it measures 1.22 Billion Richter Hearts," said one. A disengaged youngster tweeted: "OK, enough of ignorance...time to read up on Anna Hazare." On the 'India Against Corruption' page on Facebook, people from across the country left posts either announcing their local programme to support Hazare or asking for advice to organise one. Leaflets urged people to give a missed call on a Mumbai landline expressing support. With 6,00,000 missed calls, the organisers were urging more to call in to take that number to over 25 lakh.

Sunil Abraham, executive director of the Bangalore-based Centre for Internet and Society, said the organisers of this social media campaign had adopted a "funnel approach", in which they get people involved gradually. "Clicking on the 'Like' function on Facebook to making a callโ€”they are increasing the action, incrementally getting people to become proper activists from being armchair slacktivists."

{% include back-to-top.html %} ## Context and Background This report captured an early instance of large-scale social media mobilisation in Indian politics. Anna Hazare's April 2011 fast at Jantar Mantar, demanding the establishment of a Lokpal (ombudsman) to address corruption, occurred against the backdrop of major scandals including the Commonwealth Games procurement irregularities and the 2G spectrum allocation controversy. The movement marked a transition in Indian activism, demonstrating how digital platforms could facilitate rapid mobilisation beyond traditional organisational structures. The "funnel approach" described in the article reflected emerging strategies for converting passive online engagement into concrete action, addressing criticisms that social media activism represented mere "slacktivism" or "clicktivism" without tangible impact. The missed-call mechanism proved particularly effective in the Indian context, allowing participation without requiring internet access or incurring call charges. This innovation broadened engagement beyond urban, digitally-connected demographics, though the campaign's social media presence remained concentrated amongst English-speaking, internet-enabled populations. The April 2011 protest succeeded in pressuring the government to agree to joint drafting of anti-corruption legislation, though subsequent negotiations proved contentious. The movement spawned further protests later in 2011 and contributed to broader political mobilisations, demonstrating both the potential and limitations of digitally-enabled civic action. Sunil Abraham's analysis in the article highlighted the strategic dimensions of online mobilisation, recognising that effective campaigns required structured pathways from low-commitment actions (clicking 'like') to higher-investment activities (attending protests, organising local events). This gradual escalation model became influential in subsequent social movement organising. ## External Link - [Read on Outlook India](https://www.outlookindia.com/national/beyond-clicktivism-news-271256)