Natural and political observations mentioned in a following index, and made upon the bills of mortality by John Graunt ... ; with reference to the government, religion, trade, growth, ayre, diseases, and the several changes of the said city.

Natural and Political OBSERVATIONS Mentioned in a following INDEX, and made upon the Bills of Mortality.

By JOHN GRAƲNT, Citizen of LONDON.

With reference to the Government, Religion, Trade, Growth, Ayre, Diſeaſes, and the ſeveral Changes of the ſaid CITY.

—Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, Contentus paucis Lectoribus—

LONDON, Printed by Tho: Roycroft, for John Martin, James Alleſtry, and Tho: Dicas, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's Church-yard, MDCLXII.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE JOHN Lord ROBERTS, Baron of Truro, Lord Privie-Seal, and one of His Majeſtie's moſt Honourable Privie Council. My Lord,

AS the favours I have received from your Lordſhip oblige me to preſent you with ſome token of my gratitude: ſo the eſpecial Honour I have for your Lordſhip hath made me ſollicitous in the choice of the Preſent. For, if I could have given your Lordſhip any choice Excerptions out of the Greek, or Latine Learning, I ſhould (according to our Engliſh Proverb) thereby but carry Coals to Newcaſtle, and but give your Lorſhip Puddle-water, who, by your own eminent Knowledge in thoſe learned Languages, can drink out of the very Fountains your ſelf.

Moreover, to preſent your Lordſhip with tedious Narrations, were but to ſpeak my own Ignorance of the Value, which his Majeſty, and the Publick have of your Lordſhip's Time. And in brief, to offer any thing like what is already in other Books, were but to derogate from your Lordſhip's learning, which the World knows to be univerſal, and unacquainted with few uſefull things contained in any of them.

Now having (I know not by what accident) engaged my thoughts upon the Bills of Mortality, and ſo far ſucceeded therein, as to have reduced ſeveral great confuſed Volumes into a few perſpicuous Tables, and abridged ſuch Obſervations as naturally flowed from them, into a few ſuccinct Paragraphs, without any long Series of multiloquious Deductions, I have preſumed to ſacrifice theſe my ſmall, but firſt publiſh'd, Labours unto your Lordſhip, as unto whoſe benigne acceptance of ſome other of my Papers, even the Birth of theſe is due; hoping (if I may without vanity ſay it) they may be of as much uſe to Perſons in your Lordſhip's place, as they are of little or none to me, which is no more then the faireſt Diamonds are to the Journey-man Jeweller that works them, or the poor Labourer that firſt dig'd them from the Earth. For with all humble ſubmiſsion to your Lordſhip, I conceive, That it doth not ill-become a Peer of the Parliament, or Member of his Majeſtie's Council, to conſider how few ſtarve of the many that beg: That the irreligious Propoſals of ſome, to multiply People by Polygamy, is withall irrational, and fruitleſs: That the troubleſome ſecluſions in the Plague-time is not a remedy to be purchaſed at vaſt inconveniencies: That the greateſt Plagues of the City are equally, and quickly repaired from the Country: That the waſting of Males by Wars, and Colonies do not prejudice the due proportion between them and Females: That the Opinions of Plagues accompanying the Entrance of Kings is falſe, and ſeditious: That London, the Metropolis of England, is perhaps a Head too big for the Body, and poſsibly too ſtrong: That this Head grows three times as faſt as the Body unto which it belongs, that is, It doubles its People in a third part of the time: That our Pariſhes are now grown madly diſproportionable: That our Temples are not ſutable to our Religion: That the Trade, and very City of London removes Weſtward: That the walled City is but a one fifth of the whole Pyle: That the old Streets are unfit for the preſent frequencie of Coaches: That the paſſage of Ludgate is a throat too ſtraight for the Body: That the fighting men about London, are able to make three as great Armies as can be of uſe in this Iſland: That the number of Heads is ſuch, as hath certainly much deceived ſome of our Senatours in their appointments of Polemoney, &c. Now, although your Lordſhip's moſt excellent Diſcourſes have well informed me, That your Lordſhip is no ſtranger to all theſe Poſitions; yet becauſe I knew not that your Lordſhip had ever deduced them from the Bills of Mortality; I hoped it might not be ungratefull to your Lordſhip, to ſee unto how much profit that one Talent might be improved, beſides the many curioſities concerning the waxing, and waning of Diſeaſes, the relation between Healthfull, and fruitfull Seaſons, the difference between the City and Country Air, &c. All which, being new, to the beſt of my knowledge, and the whole Pamphlet, not two hours reading, I did make bold to trouble your Lordſhip with a peruſal of it, and by this humble Dedication of it, let your Lordſhip and the world ſee the Wiſdom of our City, in appointing, and keeping theſe Accompts, and with how much affection and ſucceſs I am

My Lord, Your Lordſhip's moſt obedient, and moſt faithfull Servant, JOHN GRAUNT. Birchen-Lane, 25 January 1661/2.

To the Honourable, Sir ROBERT MORAY, Knight, One of His Majeſtie's Privie-Council for His Kingdom of Scotland, and Preſident of the Royal Society of Philoſophers, meeting at Greſham-College, and to the reſt of that Honourable Society.

THe Obſervations, which I happened to make (for I deſigned them not) upon the Bills of Mortality, have fallen out to be both Political, and Natural, ſome concerning Trade, and Government, others concerning the Air, Countries, Seaſons, Fruitfulneſs, Health, Diſeaſes, Longevity, and the proportions between the Sex, and Ages of Mankinde. All which (becauſe Sr. Francis Bacon reckons his Diſcourſes of Life and Death to be Natural Hiſtory; and becauſe I underſtand your ſelves are alſo appointing means, how to meaſure the Degrees of Heat, Wetneſs, and Windineſs in the ſeveral Parts of His Majeſtie's Dominions) I am humbly bold to think Natural Hiſtory alſo, and conſequently, that I am obliged to caſt in this ſmall Mite into your great Treaſury of that kinde.

His Majeſty being not onely by antient Right ſupremely concerned in matters of Government, and Trade, but alſo by happy accident Prince of Philoſophers, and of Phyſico-Mathematical Learning, not called ſo by Flatterers, and Paraſites, but really ſo, as well by his own perſonal Abilities, as affection concerning thoſe matters, upon which Accompt I ſhould have humbly dedicated both ſorts of my Obſervations unto His moſt Sacred Majeſty; but to be ſhort, I knew neither my Work, nor my Perſon fit to bear His Name, nor to deſerve His Patronage. Nevertheleſs, as I have preſumed to preſent this Pamphlet, ſo far as it relates to Government, and Trade, to one of His Majeſtie's Peers, and eminent Miniſters of State: ſo I do deſire your leave, to preſent the ſame unto You alſo, as it relates to Natural Hiſtory, and as it depends upon the Mathematiques of my Shop-Arithmetique. For You are not onely his Majeſties Privie Council for Philoſophie, but alſo His Great Council. You are the three Eſtates, viz. the Mathematical, Mechanical, and Phyſical. You are his Parliament of Nature, and it is no leſs diſparagement to the meaneſt of your number, to ſay there may be Commoners as well as Peers in Philoſophie amongſt you. For my own part I count it happineſs enough to my ſelf, that there is ſuch a Council of Nature, as your Society is, in being; and I do with as much earneſtneſs enquire after your Expeditious againſt the Impediments of Science, as to know what Armies, and Navies the ſeveral Princes of the World are ſetting forth. I concern my ſelf as much to know who are Curatours of this or the other Experiments, as to know who are Mareſchals of France, or Chancellour of Sweden. I am as well pleaſed to hear you are ſatisfied in a luciferous Experiment, as that a breach hath been made in the Enemy's works: and your ingenious arguings immediately from ſenſe, and fact, are as pleaſant to me as the noiſe of victorious Guns, and Trumpets.

Moreover, as I contend for the Decent Rights, and Ceremonies of the Church, ſo I alſo contend againſt the envious Schiſmaticks of your Society (who think you do nothing, unleſs you preſently tranſmute Mettals, make Butter and Cheeſe without Milk; and (as their own Ballad hath it, make Leather without Hides) by aſſerting the uſefulneſs of even all your preparatory, and luciferous experiments being not the Ceremonies, but the ſubſtance, and principles of uſefull Arts. For, I finde in Trade the want of an univerſal meaſure, and have heard Muſicians wrangle about the juſt, and uniform keeping of time in their Conſorts, and therefore cannot with patience hear, that your Labours about Vibrations, eminently conducing to both, ſhould be ſlighted, nor your Pendula, called Swing-ſwangs with ſcorn. Nor can I better endure that your Exercitations about Air ſhould be termed fit employment onely for Airie Fancies, and not adequate Tasks for the moſt ſolid, and piercing heads: This is my Opinion concerning you, and although I am none of your number, nor have the leaſt ambition to be ſo, otherwiſe then to become able for your ſervice, and worthy of your Truſt: yet I am coveteous to have the right of being repreſented by you: To which end I deſire, that this little Exhibition of mine, may be looked upon as a Free-holder's Vote for the chooſing of Knights and Burgeſſes to ſit in the Parliament of Nature, meaning thereby, that as the Parliament owns a Free-holder, though he hath but fourty ſhillings a year to be one of them; ſo in the ſame manner and degree, I alſo deſire to be owned as one of you, and that no longer, then I continue a faithfull Friend, and Servant of your Deſigns and Perſons,

J. G.

An INDEX of the Poſitions, Obſervations, and Queſtions contained in this Diſcourſe.

1. THe Occaſion of keeping the Accompt of Burials aroſe firſt from the Plague, Anno 1592, page 4

2. Seven Alterations, and Augmentations of the publiſhed Bills, between the years 1592, and 1662, pag. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10

3. Reaſons, why the Accompts of Burials, and Chriſtnings ſhould be kept univerſally, and now called for, and peruſed by the Magiſtrate, p. 12

4. A true Accompt of the Plague cannot be kept, without the Accompt of other Diſeaſes, p. 13

5. The ignorance of the Searchers no impediment to the keeping of ſufficient, and uſefull Accompts, p. 14

6. That about one third of all that were ever quick die under five years old, and about thirty ſix per Centum under ſix, p. 15

7. That two parts of nine die of Acute, and ſeventy of two hundred twenty nine of Chronical Diſeaſes, and four of two hundred twenty nine of outward Griefs, p. 16

8. A Table of the Proportions dying of the moſt notorious, and formidable Diſeaſes, or Caſualties, p. 17

9. That ſeven per Centum die of Age, p. 18

10. That ſome Diſeaſes, and Caſualties keep a conſtant proportion, whereas ſome other are very irregular, p. 18

11. That not above one in four thouſand are Starved, p. 19

12. That it were better to maintain all Beggars at the publick charge, though earning nothing, then to let them beg about the Streets; and that employing them without diſcretion, may do more harm, then good, pag. 20, 21

13. That not one in two thouſand are Murthered in London, with the Reaſons thereof, p. 21

14. That not one in fifteen hundred dies Lunatick, p. 22

15. That few of thoſe, who die of the French-Pox, are ſet down, but coloured under the Conſumption, &c. pag. 23, 24

16. That the Rickets is a new diſeaſe, both as to name, and thing; that from fourteen dying thereof, Anno 1634, it hath gradually encreaſed to above five hundred Anno 1660, p. 24, 25, 26

17 That there is another new Diſeaſe appearing; as A Stopping of the Stomach, which hath encreaſed in twenty years, from ſix, to near three hundred, p. 26

18. That the Riſing of the Lights (ſuppoſed in moſt Caſes to be the Fits of the Mother) have alſo encreaſed in thirty years, from fourty four, to two hundred fourty nine, p. 27

19. That both the Stopping of the Stomach, and Riſing of the Lights, are probably Reliques of, or depending upon the Rickets, p. 28

20. That the Stone decreaſes, and is wearing away, p. 28

21. The Gowt ſtands at a ſtay, p. 29

22. The Scurvie encreaſes, p. 29

23. The Deaths by reaſon of Agues are to thoſe cauſed by Fevers, as one to fourty, p. 29.

24. Abortives, and Stilborn, to thoſe that are Chriſtned are as one to twenty, p. 29

25. That ſince the differences, in Religion the Chriſtnings have been neglected half in half, p. 29

26. That not one Woman in an hundred dies in Child-bed, nor one of two hundred in her Labour, p. 30

27. Three reaſons why the Regiſtring of Children hath been neglected, p. 31

28. There was a confuſion in the Accompts of Chryſoms, Infants, and Convulſions; but rectified in this Diſcourſe, p. 32

29. There hath been in London within this Age four times of great Mortality, viz. Anno 1592, 1603, 1625, and 1636, whereof that of 1603 was the greateſt, p. 33, 34

30 Annis 1603, and 1625, about a fifth part of the whole died, and eight times more then were born, p. 34

31. That a fourth part more die of the Plague then are ſet down, p. 35

32. The Plague Anno 1603 laſted eight years, that in 1636 twelve years, but that in 1625 continued but one ſingle year, p. 36

33. That Alterations in the Air do incomparably more operate as to the Plague, then the Contagion of converſe, p. 36

34. That Purples, ſmall-Pox, and other malignant Diſeaſes fore-run the Plague p. 36

35. A diſpoſition in the Air towards the Plague doth alſo diſpoſe women to Abortions, p. 37

36. That as about ⅕. part of the whole people died in the great Plague-years, ſo two other fifth parts fled, pag. 37, 38, which ſhews the large relation, and intereſt, which the Londoners have in the Country. ibid.

37. That (be the Plague great, or ſmall) the City is fully re-peopled within two years, p. 38

38. The years, 1618, 20, 23, 24, 32, 33, 34, 1649, 52, 54, 56, 58, and 61, were ſickly years, p. 40

39. The more ſickly the year is, the leſs fertile of Births, p. 40

40. That Plagues always come in with King's Reigns is moſt falſe, p. 40

42. The Autumn, or the Fall is the moſt unhealthfull ſeaſon, p. 41

41. That in London there have been twelve Burials for eleven Chriſtnings, p. 41

43. That in the Country there have been, contrary-wiſe, ſixty three Chriſtnings for fifty two Burials, p. 42

44. A ſuppoſition, that the people in, and about London, are a fifteenth part of the people of all England, and Wales, p. 42

45. That there are about ſix Millions, and an half of people in England, and Wales, p. 42

46. That the people in the Country double by Procreation but in two hundred and eighty years, and in London in about ſeventy, as hereafter will be ſhewn; the reaſon whereof is, that many of the breeders leave the Country, and that the breeders of London come from all parts of the Country, ſuch perſons breeding in the Country almoſt onely, as were born there, but in London multitudes of others, p. 42

47. That about 6000 per Annum come up to London out of the Country, p. 43

48. That in London about three die yearly out of eleven Families, p. 43

49. There are about twenty five Millions of acres of Land in England, and Wales, p. 45

50. Why the proportion of breeders in London to the reſt of the people is leſs then in the Country, p. 45

51. That in London are more impediments of breeding, then in the Country, p. 46

52. That there are fourteen Males for thirteen Females in London, and in the Country but fifteen Males for fourteen Females, p. 47

53. Polygamy uſeleſs to the multiplication of Man-kinde, without Caſtrations, p. 48

54. Why Sheep, and Oxen out-breed Foxes, and other Vermin-Animals, p. 48

55. There being fourteen Males to thirteen Females, and Males being prolifique fourty years, and Females but twenty five, it follows, that in effect there be 560 Males to 325 Females, p. 49

56. The ſaid inequality is reduced by the latter marriage of the Males, and their imployment in Wars, Sea-voiage, and Colonies, p. 49

57. Phyſicians have two Women Patients to one Man, and yet more Men die then Women, p 49

58. The great emiſſion of Males into the Wars out of London Anno 1642 was inſtantly ſupplyed, p. 50

59. Caſtration is not uſed onely to meliorate the fleſh of Eatable Animals, but to promote their increaſe alſo, p. 51

60. The true ratio formalis of the evil of Adulteries, and Fornications, p. 51

61. Where Polygamy is allowed, Wives can be no other then Servants, p. 52

62. That ninety ſeven, and ſixteen Pariſhes of London are in twenty years encreaſed from ſeven to twelve, and in fourty years from twenty three to fifty two, p. 53

63. The ſixteen Pariſhes have encreaſed farther then the ninety ſeven, the one having encreaſed but from nine to ten in the ſaid fourty years, p. 53

64. The ten Out-Pariſhes have in fifty four years encreaſed from one to four, p. 54

65. The ninety ſeven, ſixteen, and ten Pariſhes have in fifty four years encreaſed from two to five. p. 54

66. What great Houſes within the Walls have been turned into Tenements, p. 55

67. Cripplegate-Pariſh hath moſt encreaſed, &c. p. 55

68. The City removes Weſtwards, with the reaſons thereof, p. 55

69. Why Ludgate is become too narrow a throat for the City, p. 56

70. That there be ſome Pariſhes in London two hundred times as big as others, p. 56, 57

71. The natural bigneſs, and Figure of a Church for the Reformed Religion, p. 57, 58

62. The City of London, and Suburbs, being equally divided, would make 100 Pariſhes, about the largeneſs of Chriſt-church, Blackfriers, or Colmanſtreet, p. 58

73. There are about 24000 Teeming women in the ninety ſeven, ſixteen, and ten Pariſhes in, and about London, p. 60

74. That about three die yearly out of eleven Families containing each eight perſons, p. 60

75. There are about 12000 Families within the walls of London, p. 61

76. The houſing of the ſixteen and ten Suburb-Pariſhes is thrice as big as that of the ninety ſeven Pariſhes within the walls, p. 61

77. The number of ſouls in the ninety ſeven, ſixteen, and two out-Pariſhes is about 384000 p. 61

78. Whereof 199000 are Males, and 185000 Females p. 61

79. A Table ſhewing of 100 quick conceptions how many die within ſix years, how many the next Decad, and ſo for every Decad till 76, p. 62

80. Tables, whereby may be collected how many there be in London of every Age aſſigned, p. 62

81. That there be in the 97, 16, and ten Pariſhes near 70000 Fighting Men, that is, Men between the Ages of 16, and 56, p. 62

82. That Weſtminſter, Lambeth, Iſlington, Hackney, Redriff, Stepney, Newington, contain as many people as the 97 Pariſhes within the Walls, and are conſequently ⅕. of the whole Pile, p. 62

83. So that in, and about London are about 81000 Fighting Men, and 460000 in all, p. 63

84. Adam and Eve in 5610 years might have, by the ordinary proportion of Procreation, begotten more people, then are now probably upon the face of the earth, p. 63

85. Wherefore the World cannot be older then the Scriptures repreſent it, p. 63

86. That every Wedding one with another produces four Children, p. 64

87. That in ſeveral places the proportion between the Males and Females differ, p. 64

88. That in ninety years there were juſt as many Males as Females Buried within a certain great Pariſh in the Country, p. 64

89. That a Pariſh, conſiſting of about 2700 Inhabitants, had in 90 years but 1059 more Chriſtnings, then Burials, p. 64

90. There come yearly to dwell at London about 6000 ſtrangers out of the Country, which ſwells the Burials about 200 per Annum, p. 65

91. In the Country there have been five Chriſtnings for four Burials, ibid

92. A Confirmation, that the moſt healthfull years are alſo the moſt fruitfull, p. 65

93. The proportion between the greateſt, & leaſt mortalities in the Country are greater then the ſame in the City, p. 67

94. The Country Air more capable of good, and bad impreſſions, then that of the City, p. 68

95. The differences alſo of Births are greater in the Country, then at London, p. 69

96. In the Country but about one of fifty dies yearly, but at London one of thirty, over and above the Plague, p. 69

97. London not ſo healthfull now as heretofore, p. 70

98. It is doubted whether encreaſe of people, or the burning of Sea-coal were the cauſe, or both, p. 70

99. The Art of making of Gold would be neither benefit to the World, or the Artiſt, p. 72

100. The Elements of true Policy are to underſtand throughly the Lands, and hands of any Country, p. 72

101. Ʋpon what conſiderations the intrinſick value of Lands doth depend, p. 73

102. And in what the Accidental, p. 73

103. Some of the few benefits of having a true Accompt of the people, p. 73

104. That but a ſmall part of the whole people are imployed upon neceſſary affairs, p. 74

105. That a true Accompt of people is neceſſary for the Government, and Trade of them, and for their peace, and plenty, p. 74

106. Whether this Accompt ought to be confined to the Chief Governours, p. 74

THE PREFACE.

HAving been born, and bred in the City of London, and having always obſerved, that moſt of them who conſtantly took in the weekly Bills of Mortality, made little other uſe of them, then to look at the foot, how the Burials increaſed, or decreaſed; And, among the Caſualties, what had happened rare, and extraordinary in the week currant: ſo as they might take the ſame as a Text to talk upon, in the next Company; and withall, in the Plague-time, how the Sickneſs increaſed, or decreaſed, that ſo the Rich might judge of the neceſsity of their removall, and Trades-men might conjecture what doings they were like to have in their reſpective dealings:

2. Now, I thought that the Wiſdom of our City had certainly deſigned the laudable practice of takeing, and diſtributing theſe Accompts, for other, and greater uſes then thoſe above-mentioned, or at leaſt, that ſome other uſes might be made of them: And thereupon I caſting mine Eye upon ſo many of the General Bills, as next came to hand, I found encouragement from them, to look out all the Bills I could, and (to be ſhort) to furniſh my ſelf with as much matter of that kind, even as the Hall of the Pariſh-Clerks could afford me; the which, when I had reduced into Tables (the Copies whereof are here inſerted) ſo as to have a view of the whole together, in order to the more ready comparing of one Year, Seaſon, Pariſh, or other Diviſion of the City, with another, in reſpect of all the Burials, and Chriſtnings, and of all the Diſeaſes, and Caſualties happening in each of them reſpectively; I did then begin, not onely to examine the Conceits, Opinions, and Conjectures, which upon view of a few ſcattered Bills I had taken up; but did alſo admit new ones, as I found reaſon, and occaſion from my Tables.

3. Moreover, finding ſome Truths, and not commonly-believed Opinions, to ariſe from my Meditations upon theſe neglected Papers, I proceeded further, to conſider what benefit the knowledge of the ſame would bring to the World; that I might not engage my ſelf in idle, and uſeleſs Speculations, but like thoſe Noble Virtuoſi of Greſham-Colledge (who reduce their ſubtile Diſquiſitions upon Nature into downright Mechanical uſes) preſent the World with ſome real fruit from thoſe ayrie Bloſſoms.

4. How far I have ſucceeded in the Premiſſes, I now offer to the World's cenſure. Who, I hope, will not expect from me, not profeſſing Letters, things demonſtrated with the ſame certainty, wherewith Learned men determine in their Scholes; but will take it well, that I ſhould offer at a new thing, and could forbear preſuming to meddle where any of the Learned Pens have ever touched before, and that I have taken the pains, and been at the charge, of ſetting out thoſe Tables, whereby all men may both correct my Poſitions, and raiſe others of their own: For herein I have, like a ſilly Schole-boy, coming to ſay my Leſſon to the World (that Peeviſh, and Tetchie Maſter) brought a bundle of Rods wherewith to be whipt, for every miſtake I have committed.

CHAP. I. Of the Bills of Mortality, their beginning, and progreſs.

THe firſt of the continued weekly Bills of Mortality extant at the Pariſh-Clerks Hall, begins the 29. of December, 1603, being the firſt year of King James his Reign; ſince when, a weekly Accompt hath been kept there of Burials and Chriſtnings. It is true, There were Bills before, viz. for the years 1592, -93, -94. but ſo interrupted ſince, that I could not depend upon the ſufficiencie of them, rather relying upon thoſe Accompts which have been kept ſince, in order, as to all the uſes I ſhall make of them.

2. I believe, that the riſe of keeping theſe Accompts, was taken from the Plague: for the ſaid Bills (for ought appears) firſt began in the ſaid year 1592. being a time of great Mortality; And after ſome diſuſe, were reſumed again in the year 1603, after the great Plague then happening likewiſe.

3. Theſe Bills were Printed and publiſhed, not onely every week on Thurſdays, but alſo a general Accompt of the whole Year was given in, upon the Thurſday before Chriſtmas Day: which ſaid general Accompts have been preſented in the ſeveral manners following, viz. from the Year 1603, to the Year 1624, incluſivè, according to the Pattern here inſerted.

1623. 1624. The generall Bill for the whole Year, of all the Burials and Chriſtnings, as well within the City of London, and the Liberties thereof, as in the Nine out-Pariſhes adjoyning to the City, with the Peſt-houſe belonging to the ſame: From Thurſday the 18. of December. 1623. to Thurſday the 16. of December, 1624. According to the Report made to the King's moſt Excellent Majeſty, by the Company of the Pariſh-Clerks of London.

BUried this Year in the fourſcore and ſeventeen Pariſhes of London within the walls. 3386. Whereof, of the Plague, 1. Buried this Year in the ſixteen Pariſhes of London, and the Peſt-houſe, being within the Liberties, and without the walls, 5924. Whereof, of the Plague. 5. The whole ſumm of all the Burials in London, and the Liberties thereof, is this Year, 9310. Whereof, of the Plague, 6. Buried of the Plague without the Liberties, in Middleſex, and Surrey this whole Year, 0. Chriſtned in London, and the Liberties thereof, this Year, 6368. Buried this Year in the Nine out-Pariſhes, adjoyning to London, and out of the Freedom, 2900. Whereof, of the Plague. 5. The Total of all the Burials in the places aforeſaid, is 12210. Whereof, of the Plague. 11. Chriſtned in all the aforeſaid places this Year 8299. Pariſhes clear of the Plague, 116. Pariſhes that have been Infected this Year. 6.

4 In the Year 1625, every Pariſh was particularized, as in this following Bill: where note, That this next year of Plague cauſed the Augmentation, and Correction of the Bills; as the former year of Plague, did the very being of them.

1624. 1625. A general, or great Bill for this Year, of the whole number of Buria's, which have been buried of all Diſeaſes, and alſo of the Plague in every Pariſh within the City of London, and the Liberties thereof; as alſo in the nine out-Pariſhes adjoyning to the ſaid City; with the Peſt-houfe belonging to the ſame. From Thurſday the 16. day of December, 1624. to Thurſday the 15. day of December, 1625. According to the Report, made to the king's moſt Excellent Majeſty, by the Company of Pariſh-Clerks of London.

LONDON, Bur. Plag. Albanes in Woodſtreet 188 78 Alhallows Barking 397 263 Alhallows Breadſtreet 34 14 Alhallows the Great 442 302 Alhallows Hony-lane 18 8 Alhallows the leſs 259 205 Alhal in Lumberdſtreet 86 44 Alhallows Stainings 183 138 Alhallows the Wall 301 155 Alphage Cripple-gate 240 190 Andrew-Hubbard 146 101 Andrews Underſhaft 219 149 Andrews by Wardrobe 373 191 Annes at Aldersgate 196 128 Annes Black Friers 336 215 Antholins Pariſh 62 31 Auſtins Pariſh 72 40 Barthol at the Exchange 52 24 Bennets Fink 108 57 Bennets Grace-Church 48 14 Bennets at Pauls Wharf 226 131 Bennets Sherehog 24 8 Botolps Billings-gate 99 66 Chriſt's Church Pariſh 611 371 Chriſtopher's Pariſh 48 28 Clements by Eaſtcheap 87 72 Dyonis Black-Church 99 59 Dunſtans in the Eaſt 335 225 Edmunds Lumberdſtreet 78 49 Ethelborow in Biſhopſg 205 101 St. Faiths 89 45 St. Foſters in Foſter-lane 149 102 Gabriel Fen-church 71 54 George Botolphs-lane 30 19 Gregories by Pauls 296 196 Hellens in Biſhopsgateſt. 130 71 James by Garlickhithe 180 109 John Baptiſt 122 79 John Evangeliſt 7 0 John Zacharies 143 97 James Duks place 310 254 Katherine Coleman 263 175 Ratherine Cree-church 886 373 Lawrence in the Jewrie 91 55 Lawrence Pountney 206 127 Leonards Eaſtcheap 55 26 Leonards Foſterlane 292 209 Magnus Pariſh by Bridge 137 85 Margarets Lothbury 114 64 Margarets Moſes 37 25 Margarets new Fiſhſtreet 123 82 Margarets Pattons 77 50 Mary Ab-church 98 58 Mary Aldermanbury 126 79 Mary Aldermary 92 54 Mary le Bow 35 19 Mary Both • w 22 14 Mary Colechurch 26 11 Mary at the Hill 152 84 Mary Mounthaw 76 58 Mary Sommerſet 270 192 Mary Stainings 70 44 Mary Woolchurch 58 35 Mary Woolnoth 82 50 Martins Ironmonger-lane 25 18 Martins at Ludgate 254 164 Martins Orgars 88 47 Martins Outwich 60 30 Martins in the Vintry 339 208 Matthew Fridayſtreet 24 11 Maudlins in Milkſtreet 401 23 Maudlins Oldfiſh-ſtreet 225 142 Michael Baſſiſhaw 199 139 Michael Corn-Hill 159 79 Michael Crooked-lane 144 91 Michael Queenhithe 215 157 Michael in the Quern 53 30 Michael in the Ryal 111 61 Michael in Woodſtreet 189 68 Mildreds Breadſtreet 60 44 Mildreds Poultrey 94 45 Nicholas Acons 33 13 Nicholas Cole-Abby 87 67 Nicholas Olaves 70 43 Olaves in Hartſtreet 266 195 Olaves in the Jewry 43 25 Olaves in Silverſtreet 174 103 Pancras by Soperlane 17 8 Peter in Cheap 68 44 Peters in Corn-hill 318 78 Peters at Pauls Wharf 97 68 Peters poor in Broadſtreet 52 27 Stevens in Colemanſtreet 506 350 Stevens in Walbrook 25 13 Swithins at Londonſtone 99 60 Thomas Apoſtles 141 107 Trinity Pariſh 148 87 Buried within the 97. Pariſhes within the Walls of, all Diſeaſes. 14340. Where of, of the Plague. 9197.

Andrews in Holborn 2190 1636 Bartholmew the Great 516 360 Bartholmew the leſs 111 65 Brides Pariſh 1481 1031 Botolph Algate 2573 1653 Bridewel Precinct 213 152 Bottolph Biſhopgate 2334 714 Botolph Alderſgate 578 397 Dunſtanes the Weſt 860 642 Georges Southwark 1608 912 Giles Cripplegate 3988 2338 Olaves in Southwark 3689 2609 Saviours in Southwark 2746 1671 Sepulchres Pariſh 3425 2420 Thomas in Southwark 335 277 Trinity in the Minories 131 87 At the Peſthouſe 194 189 Buried in the 16 Pariſhes without the Walls, ſtanding part within the Liberties, and part without: in Middleſex, and Surrey, and at the Peſthouſe. 26972 Whereof, of the Plague 17153

Buried in the nine out-Pariſhes. Clements Templebar 1284 755 Giles in the Fields 1333 947 James at Clarkenwell 1191 903 Katherins by the Tower 998 744 Leonards in Shorditoh 1995 1407 Martins in the Fields 1470 973 Mary White-chappel 3305 2272 Magdalens Bermondſey 1127 889 Savoy Pariſh 250 176 Buried in the nine out Pariſhes, in Middleſex, and Surrey 12953 Whereof, of the Plague 9067

The Total of all the Burials of all Diſeaſes, within the Walls, without the Walls, in the Liberties, in Middleſex and Surrey: with the nine Out Pariſhes and the Peſt-houſe. 54265. Whereof, Buried of the Plague, this preſent year, is 35417 Chriſtnings this preſent year, is 6983 Pariſhes clear this year, is 1 Pariſhes infected this year, is 121

5. In the Year 1626. the City of Weſtminſter in imitation of London, was inſerted. The groſſe accompt of the Burials, and Chriſtnings, with diſtinction of the Plague being only taken notice of therein; the fifth, or laſt Canton, or Lined-ſpace, of the ſaid Bill, being varyed into the form following, viz.

In Weſtminſter this Year, Buried 471 Plague 13 Chriſtenings 361

6. In the Year 1629. An accompt of the Diſeaſes, and Caſualties whereof any dyed, together with the diſtinction of Males and Females, making the ſixth Canton of the Bill, was added in manner following.

The Canton of Caſualties, and of the Bill for the Year 1639. being of the ſome forme with that of 1629.

The Diſeaſes, and Caſualties this year being 1632. ABortive, and Stilborn 445 Affrighted 1 Aged 628 Ague 43 Apoplex, and Meagrom 17 Bit with a mad dog 1 Bleeding 3 Bloody flux, ſcowring, and flux 348 Bruſed, Iſſues, ſores, and ulcers, 28 Burnt, and Scalded 5 Burſt, and Rupture 9 Cancer, and Wolf 10 Canker 1 Childbed 171 Chriſomes, and Infants 2268 Cold, and Cough 55 Colick, Stone, and Strangury 56 Conſumption 1797 Convulſion 241 Cut of the Stone 5 Dead in the ſtreet, and ſtarved 6 Dropſie, and Swelling 267 Drowned 34 Executed, and preſt to death 18 Falling Sickneſs 7 Fever 1108 Fiſtula 13 Flocks, and ſmall Pox 531 French Pox 12 Gangrene 5 Gout 4 Grief 11 Jaundies 43 Jawfaln 8 Impoſtume 74 Kil'd by ſeveral accidents 46 King's Evil 38 Lethargie 2 Livergrown 87 Lunatique 5 Made away themſelves 15 Meaſles 80 Murthered 7 Over-laid, and ſtarved at nurſe 7 Palſie 25 Piles 1 Plague 8 Planet 13 Pleuriſie, and Spleen 36 Purples, and ſpotted Feaver 38 Quinſie 7 Riſing of the Lights 98 Sciatica 1 Scurvey, and Itch 9 Suddenly 62 Surfet 86 Swine Pox 6 Teeth 470 Thruſh, and Sore mouth 40 Tympany 13 Tiſſick 34 Vomiting 1 Worms 27

Chriſtened Males 4994 Buried Males 4932 Whereof, of the Plague-8 Females 4590 Females 4603 In all 9584 In all 9535

Increaſed in the Burials in the 122 Pariſhes, and at the Peſthouſe this year 993 Decreaſed of the Plague in the 122 Pariſhes, and at the Peſthouſe this year, 266

7. In the year 1636, the Accompt of the Burials, and Chriſtnings in the Pariſhes of Iſlington, Lambeth, Stepney, Newington, Hackney, and Redriff, were added in the manner following, making a ſeventh Canton, viz.

In Margaret Weſtminſter Chriſtned 440 Buried 890 Plague 0 Iſlington Chriſtned 36 Buried 113 Plague 0 Lambeth Chriſtned 132 Buried 220 Plague 0 Stepney Chriſtned 892 Buried 1486 Plague 0 Newington Chriſtned 99 Buried 181 Plague 0 Hackney Chriſtned 30 Buried 91 Plague 0 Redriff Chriſtned 16 Buried 48 Plague 0 The total of all the Burials in the ſeven laſt Pariſhes this Year 2958 Whereof of the Plague 0 The total of all the Chriſtnings 1645

8. Covent Garden being made a Pariſh, the nine out-Pariſhes were called the ten out-Pariſhes, the which in former years were but eight.

9. In the year 1660. the laſt-mentioned ten Pariſhes, with Weſtminſter, Iſlington, Lambeth, Stepney, Newington, Hackney, and Redriff, are entered under two Diviſions, viz. the one containing the twelve Pariſhes lying in Middleſex, and Surrey, and the other the five Pariſhes within the City, and Liberties of Weſtminſter, viz. St. Clement-Danes, St. Paul's-Covent-Garden, St. Martin's in the Fields, St. Mary-Savoy, and St. Margaret's Weſtminſter.

10. We have hitherto deſcribed the ſeveral ſteps, whereby the Bills of Mortality are come up to their preſent ſtate; we come next to ſhew how they are made, and compoſed, which is in this manner, viz. When any one dies, then, either by tolling, or ringing of a Bell, or by beſpeaking of a Grave of the Sexton, the ſame is known to the Searchers, correſponding with the ſaid Sexton.

11. The Searchers hereupon (who are antient Matrons, ſworn to their Office) repair to the place, where the dead Corps lies, and by view of the ſame, and by other enquiries, they examine by what Diſeaſe, or Caſualty the Corps died. Hereupon they make their Report to the Pariſh-Clerk, and he, every Tueſday night, carries in an Accompt of all the Burials, and Chriſtnings, hapning that Week, to the Clerk of the Hall. On Wedneſday the general Accompt is made up, and Printed, and on Thurſdays publiſhed, and diſperſed to the ſeveral Families, who will pay four ſhillings per Annum for them.

12. Memorandum, That although the general yearly Bills have been ſet out in the ſeveral varieties aforementioned, yet the Original Entries in the Hallbooks were as exact in the very firſt Year as to all particulars, as now; and the ſpecifying of Caſualties and Diſeaſes, was probably more.

CAP. II. General Obſervations upon the Caſualties.

IN my Diſcourſes upon theſe Bills I ſhall firſt ſpeak of the Caſualties, then give my Obſervations with reference to the Places, and Pariſhes comprehended in the Bills; and next of the Years, and Seaſons.

1. There ſeems to be good reaſon, why the Magiſtrate ſhould himſelf take notice of the numbers of Burials, and Chriſtnings, viz. to ſee, whether the City increaſe or decreaſe in people; whether it increaſe proportionably with the reſt of the Nation; whether it be grown big enough, or too big, &c. But why the ſame ſhould be made known to the People, otherwiſe then to pleaſe them as with a curioſity, I ſee not.

2. Nor could I ever yet learn (from the many I have asked, and thoſe not of the leaſt Sagacity) to what purpoſe the diſtinction between Males and Females is inſerted, or at all taken notice of; or why that of Marriages was not equally given in? Nor is it obvious to every body, why the Accompt of Caſualties (whereof we are now ſpeaking) is made? The reaſon, which ſeems moſt obvious for this latter, is, That the ſtate of health in the City may at all times appear.

3. Now it may be Objected, That the ſame depends moſt upon the Accompts of Epidemical Diſeaſes, and upon the chief of them all, the Plague; wherefore the mention of the reſt ſeems onely matter of curioſity.

4. But to this we anſwer; That the knowledg even of the numbers, which die of the Plague, is not ſufficiently deduced from the meer Report of the Searchers, which onely the Bills afford; but from other Ratiocinations, and comparings of the Plague with ſome other Caſualties.

5. For we ſhall make it probable, that in Years of Plague a quarter part more dies of that Diſeaſe then are ſet down; the ſame we ſhall alſo prove by the other Caſualties. Wherefore, if it be neceſſary to impart to the World a good Accompt of ſome few Caſualties, which ſince it cannot well be done without giving an Accompt of them all, then is our common practiſe of ſo doing very apt, and rational.

6. Now, to make theſe Corrections upon the perhaps, ignorant, and careleſs Searchers Reports, I conſidered firſt of what Authority they were in themſelves, that is, whether any credit at all were to be given to their Diſtinguiſhments: and finding that many of the Caſualties were but matter of ſenſe, as whether a Childe were Abortive, or Stilborn; whether men were Aged, that is to ſay, above ſixty years old, or thereabouts, when they died, without any curious determination, whether ſuch Aged perſons died purely of Age, as for that the Innate heat was quite extinct, or the Radical moiſture quite dried up (for I have heard ſome Candid Phyſicians complain of the darkneſs, which themſelves were in hereupon) I ſay, that theſe Diſtinguiſhments being but matter of ſenſe, I concluded the Searchers Report might be ſufficient in the Caſe.

7. As for Conſumptions, if the Searchers do but truly Report (as they may) whether the dead Corps were very lean, and worn away, it matters not to many of our purpoſes, whether the Diſeaſe were exactly the ſame, as Phyſicians define it in their Books. Moreover, In caſe a man of ſeventy five years old died of a Cough (of which had he been free, he might have poſſibly lived to ninety) I eſteem it little errour (as to many of our purpoſes) if this Perſon be, in the Table of Caſualties, reckoned among the Aged, and not placed under the Title of Coughs.

8. In the matter of Infants I would deſire but to know clearly, what the Searchers mean by Infants, as whether Children that cannot ſpeak, as the word Infans ſeems to ſignifie, or Children under two or three years old, although I ſhould not be ſatisfied, whether the Infant died of Winde, or of Teeth, or of the Convulſion, &c. or were choak'd with Phlegm, or elſe of Teeth, Convulſion, and Scowring, apart, or together, which, they ſay, do often cauſe one another: for, I ſay, it is ſomewhat, to know how many die uſually before they can ſpeak, or how many live paſt any aſsigned number of years.

9. I ſay, it is enough, if we know from the Searchers but the moſt predominant Symptomes; as that one died of the Head-Ache, who was ſorely tormented with it, though the Phyſicians were of Opinion, that the Diſeaſe was in the Stomach. Again, if one died ſuddenly, the matter is not great, whether it be reported in the Bills, Suddenly, Apoplexie, or Planetſtrucken, &c.

10. To conclude, In many of theſe caſes the Searchers are able to report the Opinion of the Phyſician, who was with the Patient, as they receive the ſame from the Friends of the Defunct, and in very many caſes, ſuch as Drowning, Scalding, Bleeding, Vomiting, making-away them ſelves, Lunatiques, Sores, Small-Pox, &c. their own ſenſes are ſufficient, and the generality of the World, are able prettie well to diſtinguiſh the Gowt, Stone, Dropſie, Falling-Sickneſs, Palſie, Agues, Pluriſy, Rickets, &c. one from another.

11. But now as for thoſe Caſualties, which are apteſt to be confounded, and miſtaken, I ſhall in the enſuing Diſcourſe preſume to touch upon them ſo far, as the Learning of theſe Bills hath enabled me.

12. Having premiſed theſe general Advertiſements, our firſt Obſervation upon the Caſualties ſhall be, that in twenty Years there dying of all diſeaſes and Caſualties, 229250. that 71124. dyed of the Thruſh, Convulſion, Rickets, Teeth, and Worms; and as Abortives, Chryſomes, Infants, Liver-grown, and Overlaid; that is to ſay, that about ⅓. of the whole died of thoſe Diſeaſes, which we gueſs did all light upon Children under four or five Years old.

13. There died alſo of the Small-Pox, Swine-Pox, and Meaſles, and of Worms without Convulſions, 12210. of which number we ſuppoſe likewiſe, that about ½. might be Children under ſix Years old. Now, if we conſider that 16. of the ſaid 229 thouſand died of that extraordinary and grand Caſualty the Plague, we ſhall finde that about thirty ſix per centum of all quick conceptions, died before ſix years old.

14. The ſecond Obſervation is; That of the ſaid 229250. dying of all Diſeaſes, there died of acute Diſeaſes (the Plague excepted) but about 50000. or 2/9 parts. The which proportion doth give a meaſure of the ſtate, and diſpoſition of this Climate, and Air, as to health, theſe acute, and Epidemical Diſeaſes happening ſuddenly, and vehemently, upon the like corruptions, and alterations in the Air.

15. The third Obſervation is, that of the ſaid 229. thouſand about 70. died of Chronical Diſeaſes, which ſhews (as I conceive) the ſtate, and diſpoſition of the Country (including as well it's Food, as Air) in reference to health, or rather to longaevity: for as the proportion of Acute and Epidemical Diſeaſes ſhews the aptneſs of the Air to ſuddain and vehement Impreſſions, ſo the Chronical Diſeaſes ſhew the ordinary temper of the Place, ſo that upon the proportion of Chronical Diſeaſes ſeems to hang the judgment of the fitneſs of the Country for long Life. For, I conceive, that in Countries ſubject to great Epidemical ſweeps men may live very long, but where the proportion of the Chronical diſtempers is great, it is not likely to be ſo; becauſe men being long ſick, and alwayes ſickly, cannot live to any great age, as we ſee in ſeveral ſorts of Metal-men, who although they are leſs ſubject to acute Diſeaſes then others, yet ſeldome live to be old, that is, not to reach unto thoſe years, which David ſaies is the age of man.

16. The fourth Obſervation is; That of the ſaid 229000. not 4000. died of outward Griefs, as of Cancers, Fiſtulaes, Sores, Ʋlcers, broken and bruiſed Limbs, Impoſtumes, Itch, King's-evil, Leproſie, Scald-head, Swine-Pox, Wens, &c. viz. not one in 60.

17. In the next place, whereas many perſons live in great fear, and apprehenſion of ſome of the more formidable, and notorious diſeaſes following; I ſhall onely ſet down how many died of each: that the reſpective numbers, being compared with the Total 229250, thoſe perſons may the better underſtand the hazard they are in.

Table of notorious Diſeaſes. Apoplex 1306 Cut of the Stone 0038 Falling Sickneſs 0074 Dead in the ſtreets 0243 Gowt 0134 Head-Ach 0051 Jaundice 0998 Lethargy 0067 Leproſy 0006 Lunatique 0158 Overlaid, and starved 0529 Palſy 0423 Rupture 0201 Stone and Strangury 0863 Sciatica 0005 Sodainly 0454

Table of Caſualties. Bleeding 069 Burnt, and Scalded 125 Drowned 829 Exceſſive drinking 002 Frighted 022 Grief 279 Hanged themſelves 222 Kil'd by ſeveral accidents 1021 Murthered 0086 Poyſoned 014 Smothered 026 Shot 007 Starved 051 Vomiting 136

18. In the foregoing Obſervations we ventured to make a Standard of the healthfulneſs of the Air from the proportion of Acute and Epidemical diſeaſes, and of the wholeſomeneſs of the Food from that of the Chronical. Yet, foraſmuch as neither of them alone do ſhew the longaevity of the Inhabitants, we ſhall in the next place come to the more abſolute Standard, and Correction of both, which is the proportion of the aged, viz. 15757 to the Total 229250. That is of about 1. to 15. or 7. per Cent. Onely the queſtion is, what number of Years the Searchers call Aged, which I conceive muſt be the ſame, that David calls ſo, viz. 70. For no man can be ſaid to die properly of Age, who is much leſs: it follows from hence, that if in any other Country more then ſeven of the 100 live beyond 70. ſuch Country is to be eſteemed more healthfull then this of our City.

19. Before we ſpeak of particular Caſualties, we ſhall obſerve, that among the ſeveral Caſualties ſome bear a conſtant proportion unto the whole number of Burials; ſuch are Chronical diſeaſes, and the diſeaſes, whereunto the City is moſt ſubject; as for Example, Conſumptions, Dropſies, Jaundice, Gowt, Stone, Palſie, Seurvy, riſing of the Lights, or Mother, Rickets, Aged, Agues, Feavers, Bloody-Flux, and Scowring: nay ſome Accidents, as Grief, Drowning, Men's making away themſelves, and being Kil'd by ſeveral Accidents, &c. do the like, whereas Epidemical, and Malignant diſeaſes, as the Plague, Purples, Spotted-Feaver, Small-Pox, and Meaſles do not keep that equality, ſo as in ſome Years, or Moneths, there died ten times as many as in others.

CHAP. III. Of Particular Caſualties.

1. MY firſt Obſervation is, That few are ſtarved. This appears, for that of the 229250 which have died, we find not above fifty one to have been ſtarved, excepting helpleſs Infants at Nurſe, which being cauſed rather by careleſneſs, ignorance, and infirmity of the Milch-women, is not properly an effect, or ſign of want of food in the Countrey, or of means to get it.

2. The Obſervation, which I ſhall add hereunto, is, That the vaſt numbers of Beggars, ſwarming up and down this City, do all live, and ſeem to be moſt of them healthy and ſtrong; whereupon I make this Queſtion, Whether, ſince they do all live by Begging, that is, without any kind of labour; it were not better for the State to keep them, even although they earned nothing; that ſo they might live regularly, and not in that Debauchery, as many Beggars do; and that they might be cured of their bodily Impotencies, or taught to work, &c. each according to his condition, and capacity; or by being employed in ſome work (not better undone) might be accuſtomed, and fitted for labour.

3. To this ſome may Object; That Beggars are now maintained by voluntary Contributions, whereas in the other way the ſame muſt be done by a general Tax; and conſequently, the Objects of Charity would be removed, and taken away.

4. To which we Anſwer; That in Holland, although no where fewer Beggars appear to charm up commiſeration in the credulous, yet no where is there greater, or more frequent Charity: onely indeed the Magiſtrate is both the Beggar, and the diſpoſer of what is gotten by begging; ſo as all Givers have a Moral certainty, that their Charity ſhall be well applied.

5. Moreover, I queſtion; Whether what we give to a Wretch, that ſhews us lamentable ſores, and mutilations, be always out of the pureſt charity? that is, purely for God's ſake; for as much as when we ſee ſuch Objects, we then feel in our ſelves a kinde of pain, and paſſion by conſent; of which we eaſe our ſelves, when we think we have eaſed them, with whom we ſympathized: or elſe we beſpeak aforehand the like commiſeration in others towards our ſelves, when we ſhall (as we fear we may) fall into the like diſtreſs.

6. We have ſaid, 'Twere better the Publick ſhould keep the Beggars, though they earned nothing, &c. But moſt men will laugh to hear us ſuppoſe, That any able to work (as indeed moſt Beggars are, in one kind of meaſure, or another) ſhould be kept without earning any thing. But we Anſwer, That if there be but a certain proportion of work to be done; and that the ſame be already done by the not-Beggars; then to employ the Beggars about it, will but transfer the want from one hand to another; nor can a Learner work ſo cheap as a skilfull practiſed Artiſt can. As for example, A practiſed Spinner ſhall ſpin a pound of Wool worth two ſhillings for ſix pence; but a learner, undertaking it for three pence, ſhall make the Wool indeed into Yarn, but not worth twelve pence.

7. This little hint is the model of the greateſt work in the World, which is the making England as conſiderable for Trade as Holland; for there is but a certain proportion of Trade in the world, and Holland is prepoſſeſſed of the greater part of it, and is thought to have more skill, and experience to manage it: wherefore, to bring England into Holland's condition, as to this particular, is the ſame, as to ſend all the Beggars about London into the Weſt-Countrey to Spin, where they ſhall onely ſpoil the Clothiers Wool, and beggar the preſent Spinners at beſt; but, at worſt, put the whole Trade of the Countrey to a ſtand, untill the Hollander, being more ready for it, have ſnapt that with the reſt.

8. My next Obſervation is; That but few are Murthered, viz. not above 86 of the 22950. which have died of other diſeaſes, and caſualties; whereas in Paris few nights ſcape without their Tragedie.

9. The Reaſons of this we conceive to be Two: One is the Government, and Guard of the City by Citizens themſelves, and that alternately. No man ſettling into a Trade for that employment. And the other is, The natural, and cuſtomary abhorrence of that in humane Crime, and all Bloodſhed by moſt Engliſhmen: for of all that are Executed few are for Murther. Beſides the great and frequent Revolutions, and Changes of Government ſince the year 1650, have been with little bloodſhed; the Ʋſurpers themſelves having Executed few in compariſon, upon the Accompt of diſturbing their Innovations.

10. In brief, when any dead Body is found in England, no Algebraiſt, or Ʋncipherer of Letters, can uſe more ſubtile ſuppoſitions, and varietie of conjectures to finde out the Demonſtration, or Cipher; then every common unconcerned Perſon doth to finde out the Murtherers, and that for ever, untill it be done.

11. The Lunaticks are alſo but few, viz. 158 in 229250. though I fear many more then are ſet down in our Bills, few being entred for ſuch, but thoſe who die at Bedlam; and there all ſeem to die of their Lunacie, who died Lunaticks; for there is much difference in computing the number of Lunaticks, that die (though of Fevers, and all other Diſeaſes, unto which Lunacie is no Superſedeas) and thoſe, that die by reaſon of their Madneſs.

12. So that, this Caſualty being ſo uncertain, I ſhall not force my ſelf to make any inference from the numbers, and proportions we finde in our Bills concerning it: onely I dare enſure any man at this preſent, well in his Wits, for one in the thouſand, that he ſhall not die a Lunatick in Bedlam, within theſe ſeven years, becauſe I finde not above one in about one thouſand five hundred have done ſo.

13. The like uſe may be made of the Accompts of men, that made away themſelves, who are another ſort of Mad-men, that think to eaſe themſelves of pain by leaping into Hell; or elſe are yet more Mad, ſo as to think there is no ſuch place; or that men may go to reſt by death, though they die in ſelf-murther, the greateſt Sin.

14. We ſhall ſay nothing of the numbers of thoſe, that have been Drowned, Killed by falls from Scaffolds, or by Carts running over them, &c. becauſe the ſame depends upon the caſual Trade, and Employment of men, and upon matters, which are but circumſtantial to the Seaſons, and Regions we live in; and affords little of that Science, and Certainty we aim at.

15. We finde one Caſualty in our Bills, of which though there be daily talk, there is little effect, much like our abhorrence of Toads, and Snakes, as moſt poiſonous Creatures, whereas few men dare ſay upon their own knowledge, they ever found harm by either; and this Caſualty is the French-Pox, gotten, for the moſt part, not ſo much by the intemperate uſe of Venery (which rather cauſeth the Gowt) as of many common Women.

16. I ſay, the Bills of Mortality would take off theſe Bars, which keep ſome men within bounds, as to theſe extravagancies: for in the afore-mentioned 229250 we finde not above 392 to haved died of the Pox. Now, forasmuch as it is not good to let the World be lulled into a ſecurity, and belief of Impunity by our Bills, which we intend ſhall not be onely as Death's-heads to put men in minde of their Mortality, but alſo as Mercurial Statues to point out the moſt dangerous ways, that lead us into it, and miſery. We ſhall therefore ſhew, that the Pox is not as the Toads, and Snakes afore-mentioned, but of a quite contrary nature, together with the reaſon, why it appears otherwiſe.

17. Foraſmuch as by the ordinary diſcourſe of the world it ſeems a great part of men have, at one time, or other, had ſome ſpecies of this diſeaſe, I wondering why ſo few died of it, eſpecially becauſe I could not take that to be ſo harmleſs, where of ſo many complained very fiercely; upon inquiry I found that thoſe who died of it out of the Hoſpitals (eſpecially that of King's-Land, and the Lock in Southwark) were returned of Ʋlcers, and Sores. And in brief I found, that all mentioned to die of the French-Pox were retured by the Clerks of Saint Giles's, and Saint Martin's in the Fields onely; in which place I underſtood that moſt of the vileſt, and moſt miſerable houſes of uncleanneſs were: from whence I concluded, that onely hated perſons, and ſuch, whoſe very Noſes were eaten of, were reported by the Searchers to have died of this too frequent Maladie.

18. In the next place, it ſhall be examined under what name, or Caſualtie, ſuch as die of theſe diſeaſes are brought in: I ſay, under the Conſumption: forasmuch, as all dying thereof die ſo emaciated and lean (their Ʋlcers diſappearing upon Death) that the Old-women Searchers after the miſt of a Cup of Ale, and the bribe of a two-groat fee, inſtead of one, given them, cannot tell whether this emaciation, or leanneſs were from a Phthiſis, or from an Hectick Fever, Atrophy, &c. or from an Infection of the Spermatick parts, which in length of time, and in various diſguiſes hath at laſt vitiated the habit of the Body, and by diſabling the parts to digeſt their nouriſhment brought them to the condition of Leanneſs above mentioned.

19. My next Obſervation is, that of the Rickets we finde no mention among the Caſualties; untill the year 1634. and then but of 14 for that whole year.

20. Now the Queſtion is, whether that Diſeaſe did firſt appear about that time; or whether a Diſeaſe, which had been long before, did then firſt receive its Name?

21. To clear this Difficulty out of the Bills (for I dare venture on no deeper Arguments:) I enquired what other Caſualties before the year 1634, named in the Bills, was moſt like the Rickets; and found, not onely by Pretenders to know it, but alſo from other Bills, that Liver-grown was the neareſt. For in ſome years I finde Liver-grown, Spleen, and Rickets, put all together, by reſon (as I conceive) of their likeneſs to each other. Hereupon I added the Livergrowns of the year 1634, viz. 77, to the Rickets of the ſame year, viz. 14. making in all 91. which Total, as alſo the Number 77. it ſelf, I compared with the Liver-grown of the precedent year, 1633, viz. 82. All which ſhewed me, that the Rickets was a new Diſeaſe over and above.

22. Now, this being but a faint Argument, I looked both forwards and backwards, and found, that in the year 1629, when no Rickets appeared, there was but 94 Liver-growns; and in the year 1636. there was 99 Liver-grown, although there were alſo 50 of the Rickets: onely this is not to be denyed, that when the Rickets grew very numerous (as in the year 1660, viz. to be 521.) then there appeared not above 15 of Liver-grown.

23. In the year 1659 were 441 Rickets, and 8 Liver-grown. In the year 1658, were 476 Rickets, and 51 Liver-grown. Now, though it be granted that theſe Diſeaſes were confounded in the judgment of the Nurſes, yet it is moſt certain, that the Liver-grown did never but once, viz. Anno 1630, exceed 100. whereas Anno 1660, Liver-grown, and Rickets were 536.

24. It is alſo to be obſerved, That the Rickets were never more numerous then now, and that they are ſtill increaſing; for Anno 1649, there was but 190, next year 260, next after that 329. and ſo forwards, with ſome little ſtarting backwards in ſome years, untill the year 1660, which produced the greateſt of all.

25. Now, ſuch backſtartings ſeem to be univerſal in all things; for we do not onely ſee in the progreſſive motion of the wheels of Watches, and in the rowing of Boats, that there is a little ſtarting, or jerking backwards between every ſtep forwards, but alſo (if I am not much deceived) there appeared the like in the motion of the Moon, which in the long Teleſcopes at Greſham-College one may ſenſibly diſcern.

26. There ſeems alſo to be another new Diſeaſe, called by our Bills The ſtopping of the Stomack, firſt mentioned in the year 1636, the which Malady from that year to 1647, increaſed but from 6 to 29; Anno 1655 it came to be 145. In 57, to 277. In 60, to 214. Now theſe proportions far exceeding the difference of proportion generally ariſing from the increaſe of Inhabitants, and from the reſort of Advenae to the City, ſhews there is ſome new Diſeaſe, which appeareth to the Vulgar as A ſtopping of the Stomach.

27. Hereupon I apprehended, that this Stopping might be the Green-ſickneſs, for as much as I finde few, or none, to have been returned upon that Accompt, although many be viſibly ſtained with it. Now whether the ſame be forborn out of ſhame, I know not? For ſince the world believes, that Marriage cures it, it may ſeem indeed a ſhame, that any Maid ſhould die uncured, when there are more Males then Females, that is, an overplus of Husbands to all that can be Wives.

28. In the next place I conjectured, that this ſtopping of the Stomach might be the Mother, for as much as I have heard of many troubled with Motherfits (as they call them) although few returned to have died of them; which conjecture, if it be true, we may then ſafely ſay, That the Mother-fits have alſo increaſed.

29. But I was ſomewhat taken off from thinking this ſtopping of the Stomach to be the Mother, becauſe I gueſſed rather the Riſing of the Lights might be it. For I remembred that ſome Women, troubled with the Mother-fits, did complain of a choaking in their Throats. Now as I underſtand, it is more conceivable, that the Lights, ot Lungs (which I have heard called The Bellows of the Body) not blowing, that is, neither venting out, nor taking in breath, might rather cauſe ſuch a Choaking, then that the Mother ſhould riſe up thither, and do it. For me-thinks, when a woman is with childe, there is a greater riſing, and yet no ſuch Fits at all.

30. But what I have ſaid of the Rickets, and ſtopping of the Stomach, I do in ſome meaſure ſay of the Riſing of the Lights alſo, viz. that theſe Riſings (be they what they will) have increaſed much above the general proportion; for in 1629 there was but 44, and in 1660, 249, viz. almoſt ſix times as many.

31. Now for as much as Rickets appear much in the Over-growing of Childrens Livers, and Spleons (as by the Bills may appear) which ſurely may cauſe ſtopping of the Stomach by ſqueezing, and crowding upon that part. And for as much as theſe Choakings, or Riſings of the Lights may proceed from the ſame ſtuffings, as make the Liver, and Spleen to over-grow their due proportion. And laſtly, for as much as the Rickets, ſtopping of the Stomach, and riſing of the Lights, have all increaſed together, and in ſome kinde of correſpondent proportions; it ſeems to me, that they depend one upon another. And that what is the Rickets in children may be the other in more grown bodies; for ſurely children, which recover of the Rickets, may retain ſomewhat ſufficient to cauſe what I have imagined; but of this let the learned Phyſicians conſider, as I preſume they have.

32. I had not medled thus far, but that I have heard, the firſt hints of the circulation of the Blood were taken from a common Perſon's wondering what became of all the blood which iſſued out of the heart, ſince the heart beats above three thouſand times an hour, although but one drop ſhould be pumpt out of it, at every ſtroke.

33. The Stone ſeemed to decreaſe: for in 1632, 33, 34, 35, and 36. there died of the Stone, and Strangury, 254. And in the Years 1655, 56, 57, 58, 59, and 1660▪ but 250, which numbers although indeed they be almoſt equal, yet conſidering the Burials of the firſt named five Years were but half thoſe of the latter, it ſeems to be decreaſed by about one half.

34. Now the Stone, and Strangury, are diſeaſes, which moſt men know, that feel them, unleſs it be in ſome few caſes, where (as I have heard Phyſicians ſay) a Stone is held up by the Filmes of the Bladder, and ſo kept from grating, or offending it.

35. The Gowt ſtands much at a ſtay, that is, it anſwers the general proportion of Burials; there dies not above one of 1000. of the Gowt, although I believe that more die Gowty. The reaſon is, becauſe thoſe that have the Gowt, are ſaid to be Long-livers, and therefore, when ſuch die, they are returned as Aged.

36. The Scurvy hath likewiſe increaſed, and that gradually from 12. Anno 1629. to 95. Anno 1660.

37. The Tyſſick ſeems to be quite worn away, but that it is probable the ſame is entred as Cough, or Conſumption.

38. Agues and Fevers are entred promiſcuouſly, yet in the few Bills, wherein they have been diſtinguiſhed, it appears, that not above one in 40, of the whole are Agues.

39. The Abortives, and Stil-born are about the twentieth part of thoſe that are Chriſtned, and the numbers ſeem the ſame thirty Years ago as now, which ſhews there were more proportion in thoſe Years then now: or elſe that in theſe latter Years due Accompts have not been kept of the Abortives, as having been Buried without notice, and perhaps not in Church-Yards.

40. For that there hath been a neglect in the Accompts of the Chriſtnings is moſt certain, becauſe untill the year 1642, we finde the Burials but equal with the Chriſtnings, or near thereabouts, but in 1648, when the differences in Religion had changed the Government, the Chriſtnings were but two thirds of the Burials. And in the year 1659, not half, viz. the Burials were 14720. (of the Plague but 36) and the Chriſtnings were but 5670, which great diſproportion could be from no other Cauſe, then that above-mentioned, for as much as the ſame grew as the Confuſions, and Changes grew.

41. Moreover, although the Bills give us in Anno 1659 but 5670 Chriſtnings, yet they give us 421 Abortives, and 226 dying in Child-bed, whereas in the year 1631, when the Abortives were 410, that is, near the number of the year 1659, the Chriſtnings were 8288. Wherefore by the proportion of Abortives Anno 1659, the Chriſtnings ſhould have been about 8500, but if we ſhall reckon by the women dying in Child-bed, of whom a better Accompt is kept then of Stil-borns, and Abortives, we ſhall finde Anno 1659, there were 226 Child-beds; and Anno 1631, 112, viz. not ½. Wherefore I conceive that the true number of the Chriſtnings Anno 1659 is above double to the 5690 ſet down in our Bills; that is about 11500, and then the Chriſtnings will come near the ſame proportion to the Burials, as hath been obſerved in former times.

42. In regular Times, when Accompts were well kept, we finde that not above three in 200 died in Child-bed, and that the number of Abortives was about treble to that of the women dying in Child-bed, from whence we may probably collect, that not one woman of an hundred (I might ſay of two hundred) dies in her Labour; for as much as there be other Cauſes of a woman's dying within the Moneth, then the hardneſs of her Labour.

43. If this be true in theſe Countries, where women hinder the facility of their Child-bearing by affected ſtraightning of their Bodies; then certainly in America, where the ſame is not practiſed, Nature is little more to be taxed as to women, then in Brutes, among whom not one in ſome thouſands do die of their Deliveries: what I have heard of the Iriſh-women confirms me herein.

44. Before we quite leave this matter, we ſhall inſert the Cauſes, why the Accompt of Chriſtninos hath been neglected more then that of Burials: one, and the chief whereof was a Religious Opinion againſt Baptizing of Infants, either as unlawfull, or unneceſſary. If this were the onely reaſon, we might by our defects of this kinde, conclude the growth of this Opinion, and pronounce, that not half the People of England, between the years 1650, and 1660, were convinced of the need of Baptizing.

45. A ſecond Reaſon was, The ſcruples, which many Publick Miniſters would make of the worthineſs of Parents to have their Children Baptized, which forced ſuch queſtioned Parents, who did alſo not believe the neceſſity of having their Children Baptized by ſuch ſcrupulers, to carry their Children unto ſuch other Miniſters, as having performed the thing, had not the Authority or command of the Regiſter to enter the names of the Baptized.

46. A third Reaſon was, That a little Fee was to be paid for the Regiſtrie.

47. Upon the whole matter it is moſt certain, that the number of Heterodox Believers was very great between the ſaid year, 1650, and 1660, and ſo peeviſh were they, as not to have the Births of their Children Regiſtred, although thereby the time of their coming of Age might be known, in reſpect of ſuch Inheritances, as might belong unto them; and withall by ſuch Regiſtring it would have appeared unto what Pariſh each Childe had belonged, in caſe any of them ſhould happen to want its relief.

48. Of Convulſions there appeared very few, viz. but 52 in the year 1629, which 1636 grew to 709, keeping about that ſtay, till 1659, though ſometimes riſing to about 1000.

49. It is to be noted, that from 1629 to 1636, when the Convulſions were but few, the number of Chryſoms, and Infants was greater: for in 1629, there was of Chryſoms, and Infants 2596, and of the Convulſion 52, viz. of both, 2648. And in 1636 there was of Infants 1895, and of the Convulſions 709, in both 2604, by which it appears, that this difference is likely to be onely a confuſion in the Accompts.

50. Moreover, we finde that for theſe later years, ſince 1636, the Total of Convulſions and Chryſoms added together are much leſs, viz. by about 400 or 500, per Annum, then the like Totals from 1626 to 36, which makes me think, that Teeth alſo were thruſt in under the Title of Chryſoms, and Infants, in as much as in the ſaid years, from 1629 to 1639, the number of Worms, and Teeth, wants by about 400 per Annum of what we find in following years.

CAP. IV. Of the Plague.

1. BEfore we leave to diſcourſe of the Caſualties, we ſhall add ſomething concerning that greateſt Diſeaſe, or Caſualty of all, The Plague.

There have been in London, within this Age, four Times of great Mortality, that is to ſay, the years 1592, and 1593, 1603, 1625, and 1636.

There died Annno 1592 from March to December, 25886 Whereof of the Plague 11503 Anno 1593 17844 Whereof of the Plague 10662 Chriſtned in the ſaid year 4021 Anno 1603 within the ſame ſpace of time, were Buried 37294 Whereof of the Plague 30561 Anno 1625, within the ſame ſpace, 51758 Whereof of the Plague 35417 Anno 1636, from April to December 23359 Whereof of the Plague 10400

2. Now it is manifeſt of it ſelf, in which of theſe years moſt died; but in which of them was the greateſt Mortality of all Diſeaſes in general, or of the Plague in particular, we diſcover thus. In the year 1592, and 1636, we finde the proportion of thoſe dying of the Plague in the whole to be near alike, that is about 10 to 23. or 11 to 25. or as about two to five.

3. In the year 1625. we finde the Plague to bear unto the whole in proportion as 35 to 51. or 7 to 10. that is almoſt the triplicate of the former proportion, for the Cube of 7. being 343. and the Cube of 10. being 1000. the ſaid 343. is not 2/5. of 1000.

4. In Anno 1603. the proportion of the Plague to the whole was as 30 to 37. viz. as 4. to 5. which is yet greater then that laſt of 7 to 20. For if the Year 1625. had been as great a Plague-Year as 1603. there muſt have died not onely 7 to 10. but 8 to 10. which in thoſe great numbers makes a vaſt difference.

5. We muſt therefore conclude the Year 1603. to have been the greateſt Plague-Year of this age.

6. Now to know in which of theſe 4. was the greateſt Mortality at large, we reaſon thus,

Anno 1592. Buried 26490 or as 6 Chriſtned 4277 1 There died in the whole or as 8 Anno 1603. Year of all 38244 Chriſtned 4784 1 Died in the whole or as 8 1. to 8. or Anno 1625. Year 54265 1. 1/4. to 10. Chriſtned 6983 1 Anno 1636. There died, ut ſuprà 23359 or as 5 Chriſtned 9522 2

7. From whence it appears, that Anno 1636. the Chriſtnings were about ⅖. parts of the Burials. Anno 1592. but ⅙. but in the Year 1603. and 1625. not above an eighth, ſo that the ſaid two Years were the Years of greateſt Mortality. We ſaid that the year 1603. was the greateſt Plague year. And now we ſay, that the ſame was not a greater year of Mortality then Anno 1625. Now to reconcile theſe two Poſitions, we muſt alledg, that Anno 1625. there was errour in the Accompots, or Diſtinctions of the Caſualties; that is, more died of the Plague then were accompted for under that name. Which Allegation we alſo prove thus, viz.

8. In the ſaid year 1625. there are ſaid to have died of the Plague 35417. and of all other Diſeaſes 18848. whereas in the years, both before and after the ſame, the ordinary number of Burials was between 7. and 8000. ſo that if we add about 11000. (which is the difference between 7. and 18) to our 35. the whole will be 46000. which bears to the whole 54000. as about 4. to 5. thereby rendering the ſaid year 1625. to be as great a Plague-year as that of 1603. and no greater, which anſwers to what we proved before, viz. that the Mortality of the two Years was equal.

9. From whence we may probably ſuſpect that about ¼. part more died of the Plague then are returned for ſuch; which we further prove by noting, that Anno 1636. there died 10400. of the Plague, the ¼. whereof is 2600. Now there are ſaid to have died of all diſeaſes that Year 12959. out of which number deducting 2600. there remains 10359. more then which there died not in ſeveral years next before and after the ſaid year 1636.

10. The next Obſervation we ſhall offer is, that the Plague of 1603. laſted eight Years. In ſome whereof there died above 4000, in others above 2000, and in but one leſs then 600: whereas in the Year 1624. next preceding, and in the year 1626. next following the ſaid great Plague-year 1625. There died in the former but 11, and in the latter but 134. of the Plague. Moreover in the ſaid year 1625. the Plague decreaſed from its utmoſt number 4461 a week, to below 1000 within ſix weeks.

11. The Plague of 1636. laſted twelve Years, in eight whereof there died 2000. per annum one with another, and never under 300. The which ſhews, that the Contagion of the Plague depends more upon the Diſpoſition of the Air, then upon the Effluvia from the Bodies of Men.

12. Which alſo we prove by the ſudden jumps, which the Plague hath made, leaping in one Week from 118 to 927: and back again from 993 to 258: and from thence again the very next Week to 852. The which effects muſt ſurely be rather attributed to change of the Air, then of the Conſtitution of Mens bodies, otherwiſe then as this depends upon that.

13. It may be alſo noted, that many times other Peſtilential Diſeaſes, as Purple-Feavers, Small-Pox, &c. do forerun the Plague a Year, two, or three, for in 1622; there died but 8000. in 1623; 11000: in 24. about 12000: till in 1625 there died of all Diſeaſes above 54000.

CHAP. V. Other Obſervations upon the Plague, and Caſualties.

1. THe Decreaſe, and Increaſe of People is to be reckoned chiefly by Chriſtnings, becauſe few bear children in London but Inhabitants, though others die there. The Accompts of Chriſtnings were well kept, untill differences in Religion occaſioned ſome neglect therein, although even theſe neglects we muſt confeſs to have been regular, and proportionable.

2. By the numbers and proportions of Chriſtnings, therefore we obſerve as followeth, viz.

Firſt, That (when from December, 1602, to March following, there was little, or no Plague) then the Chriſtnings at a Medium, were between 110, and 130 per Week, few Weeks being above the one, or below the other; but when from thence to July the Plague increaſed, that then the Chriſtnings decreaſed to under 90.

Secondly, The Queſtion is, Whether Teeming-women died, or fled, or miſcarried? The later at this time, ſeems moſt probable, becauſe even in the ſaid ſpace, between March, and July, there died not above twenty per Week of the Plague, which ſmall number could neither cauſe the death, or flight of ſo many Women, as to alter the proportion ¼ part lower.

3. Moreover, we obſerve from the 21 of July to the 21 of October, the Plague increaſing, reduced the Chriſtnings to 70 at a Medium, diminiſhing the above proportion, down to ⅖. Now the cauſe of this muſt be flying, and death, as well as miſcarriages, and Abortions; for there died within that time about 25000, whereof many were certainly Women with childe, beſides the fright of ſo many dying within ſo ſmall a time might drive away ſo many others, as to cauſe this effect.

4. From December 1624, to the middle of April 1625, there died not above 5 a Week of the Plague one with another. In this time, the Chriſtnings were one with another 180. The which decreaſed gradually by the 22 of September to 75, or from the proportion of 12 to 5, which evidently ſquares with our former Obſervation.

5. The next Obſervation we ſhall offer, is, The time wherein the City hath been Re-peopled after a great Plague; which we affirm to be by the ſecond year. For in 1627, the Chriſtnings (which are our Standard in this Caſe) were 8408, which in 1624 next preceding the Plague year 1625 (that had ſwept away above 54000) were but 8299, and the Chriſtnings of 1626 (which were but 6701) mounted in one year to the ſaid 8408.

6. Now the Cauſe hereof, for as much as it cannot be a ſupply by Procreations; Ergo, it muſt be by new Affluxes to London out of the Countrey.

7. We might fortifie this Aſſertion by ſhewing, that before the Plague-year, 1603, the Chriſtnings were about 6000, which were in that very year reduced to 4789, but crept up the next year 1604, to 5458, recovering their former ordinary proportion in 1605 of 6504, about which proportion it ſtood till the year 1610.

8. I ſay, it followeth, that, let the Mortality be what it will, the City repairs its loſs of Inhabitants within two years, which Obſervation leſſens the Objection made againſt the value of houſes in London, as if they were liable to great prejudice through the loſs of Inhabitants by the Plague.

CHAP. VI. Of the Sicklineſs, Healthfulneſs, and Fruitfulneſs of Seaſons.

1. HAving ſpoken of Caſualties, we come next to compare the ſicklineſs, healthfulneſs, and fruitfulneſs of the ſeveral Years, and Seaſons, one with another. And firſt, having in the Chapters aforegoing mentioned the ſeveral years of Plague, we ſhall next preſent the ſeveral other ſickly years; we meaning by a ſickly Year, ſuch wherein the Burials exceed thoſe, both of the precedent, and ſubſequent years, and not above 200 dying of the Plague, for ſuch we call Plague-Years; and this we do, that the World may ſee, by what ſpaces, and intervals we may hereafter expect ſuch times again. Now, we may not call that a more ſickly year, wherein more die, becauſe ſuch exceſs of Burials may proceed from increaſe, and acceſs of People to the City onely.

2. Such ſickly years were 1618, 20, 23, 24, 1632, 33, 34, 1649, 52, 54, 56, 58, 61, as may be ſeen by the Tables.

3. In reference to this Obſervation, we ſhall preſent another, namely, That the more ſickly the years are, the leſs fecund, or fruitfull of Children alſo they be, which will appear, if the number of Children born in the ſaid ſickly years be leſs, then that of the years both next preceding, and next following; all which, upon view of the Tables, will be found true, except in a very few Caſes, where ſometimes the precedent, and ſometimes the ſubſequent years vary a little, but never both together. Moreover, for the confirmation of this Truth, we preſent you the year 1660, where the Burials were fewer then in either of the two next precedent years by 2000, and fewer then in the ſubſequent by above 4000. And withall, the number of Chriſtnings in the ſaid year 1660 was far greater then in any of the three years next aforegoing.

4. As to this year 1660, although we would not be thought Superſtitious, yet is it not to be neglected, that in the ſaid year was the King's Reſtauration to his Empire over theſe three Nations, as if God Almighty had cauſed the healthfulneſs and fruitfulneſs thereof to repair the Bloodſhed, and Clamities ſuffered in his abſence. I ſay, this conceit doth abundantly counterpoiſe the Opinion of thoſe who think great Plagues come in with Kings reigns, becauſe it hapned ſo twice, viz. Anno 1603, and 1625, whereas as well the year 1648, wherein the preſent King commenced his right to reign, as alſo the year 1660, wherein he commenced the exerciſe of the ſame, were both eminently healthfull, which clears both Monarchie, and our preſent King's Familie from what ſeditious men have ſurmiſed againſt them.

5. The Diſeaſes, which beſide the Plague make years unhealthfull in this City, are Spotted Feavers, Small Pox, Dyſentery, called by ſome The Plague in the Guts, and the unhealthfull Seaſon is the Autumn.

CHAP. VII. Of the difference between Burials, and Chriſtnings.

1. THe next Obſervation is, That in the ſaid Bills there are far more Burials, then Chriſtnings. This is plain, depending onely upon Arithmetical computation; for, in 40 years, from the year 1603, to the year 1644, excluſivè of both years, there have been ſet down (as happening within the ſame ground, ſpace, or Pariſhes) although differently numbered, and divided, 363935 Burials, and but 330747 Chriſtnings within the 97, 16, and 10 out-Pariſhes, thoſe of Weſtminſter, Lambeth, Newington, Redriff, Stepney, Hackney, and Iſlington, not being included.

2. From this ſingle Obſervation it will follow, That London hath decreaſed in its People, the contrary whereof we ſee by its daily increaſe of Buildings upon new Foundations, and by the turning of great Palacious Houſes into ſmall Tenements. It is therefore certain, that London is ſupplied with People from out of the Countrey, whereby not onely to repair the overplus difference of Burials above-mentioned, but likewiſe to increaſe its Inhabitants according to the ſaid increaſe of houſing.

3. This ſupplying of London ſeems to be the reaſon, why Wincheſter, Lincoln, and ſeveral other Cities have decreaſed in their Buildings, and conſequently in their Inhabitants. The ſame may be ſuſpected of many Towns in Cornwal, and other places, which probably, when they were firſt allowed to ſend Burgeſſes to the Parliament, were more populous then now, and bore another proportion to London then now; for ſeveral of thoſe Burroughs ſend two Burgeſſes, whereas London it ſelf ſends but four, although it bears the fifteenth part of the charge of the whole Nation in all Publick Taxes, and Levies.

4. But, if we conſider what I have upon exact enquiry found true, viz. That in the Countrie, within ninetie years, there have been 6339 Chriſtnings, and but 5280 Burials, the increaſe of London will be ſalved without inferring the decreaſe of the People in the Countrie; and withall, in caſe all England have but fourteen times more People then London, it will appear, how the ſaid increaſe of the Country may increaſe the People, both of London, and it ſelf; for if there be in the 97, 16, 10, and 7 Pariſhes, uſually comprehended within our Bills, but 460000 ſouls as hereafter we ſhall ſhew, then there are in all England, and Wales, 6440000 Perſons, out of which ſubſtract 460000, for thoſe in, and about London, there remains 5980000 in the Countrie, the which increaſing about 1/7 part in 40 years, as we ſhall hereafter prove, doth happen in the Countrie, the whole increaſe of the Countrie will be about 854000 in the ſaid time, out of which number, if but about 250000 be ſent up to London in the ſaid 40 years, viz. about 6000 per Annum, the ſaid Miſsions will make good the alterations, which we finde to have been in, and about London, between the years 1603 and 1644 above-mentioned. But that 250000 will do the ſame, I prove thus, viz. in the 8 years, from 1603 to 1612, the Burials in all the Pariſhes, and of all Diſeaſes, the Plague included, were at a Medium 9750 per Annum. And between 1635 and 1644 were 18000, the difference whereof is 8250, which is the Total of the increaſe of the Burials in 40 years, that is about 206 per Annum. Now, to make the Burials increaſe 206 per Annum, there muſt be added to the City thirty times as many (according to the proportion of 3 dying out of 41 Families) viz. 6180 Advenae, the which number multiplied again by the 40 years, makes the Product 247200, which is leſs then the 250000 above propounded; ſo as there remains above 600000 of increaſe in the Countrie within the ſaid 40 years, either to render it more populous, or ſend forth into other Colonies, or Wars. But that England hath fourteen times more People, is not improbable, for the Reaſons following.

1. London is obſerved to bear about the fifteenth proportion of the whole Tax.

2. There is in England, and Wales, about 39000 ſquare Miles of Land, and we have computed that in one of the greateſt Pariſhes in Hampſhire, being alſo a Market-Town, and containing twelve ſquare Miles, there are 220 ſouls in every ſquare Mile, out of which I abate ¼ for the overplus of People more in that Pariſh, then in other wilde Counties. So as the ¾ parts of the ſaid 220, multiplied by the Total of ſquare Miles, produces 6400000 ſouls in all London included.

3. There are about 100000 Pariſhes in England, and Wales, the which, although they ſhould not contain the ⅓ part of the Land, nor the ¼ of the People of that Country-Pariſh, which we have examined, yet may be ſuppoſed to contain about 600 People, one with another, according to which Accompt there will be ſix Millions of People in the Nation. I might add, that there are in England, and Wales, about five and twenty Millions of Acres at 16 ½ Foot to the Perch; and if there be ſix Millions of People, then there is about four Acres for every head, which how well it agrees to the Rules of Plantation, I leave unto others, not onely as a means to examine my Aſſertion, but as an hint to their enquiry concerning the fundamental Trade, which is Husbandrie, and Plantation.

4. Upon the whole matter we may therefore conclude, That the People of the whole Nation do increaſe, and conſequently the decreaſe of Wincheſter, Lincoln, and other like places, muſt be attributed to other Reaſons, then that of refurniſhing London onely.

5. We come to ſhew, why although in the Country the Chriſtnings exceed the Burials, yet in London they do not. The general Reaſon of this muſt be, that in London the proportion of thoſe ſubject to die unto thoſe capable of breeding is greater then in the Countrey; That is, let there be an hundred Perſons in London, and as many in the Country; we ſay, that if there be 60 of them Breeders in London, there are more then 60 in the Country, or elſe we muſt ſay, that London is more unhealthfull, or that it enclines men and women more to Barrenneſs, then the Country, which by comparing the Burials, and Chriſtnings of Hackney, Newington, and the other Country-Pariſhes, with the moſt Smoaky, and Stinking parts of the City, is ſcarce diſcernable in any conſiderable degree.

6. Now that the Breeders in London are proportionally fewer then thoſe in the Country ariſes from theſe reaſons, viz.

1. All that have buſineſs to the Court of the King, or to the Courts of Juſtice, and all Country-men coming up to bring Proviſions to the City, or to buy Foreign Commodities, Manufactures, and Rarities, do for the moſt part leave their Wives in the Country.

2. Perſons coming to live in London out of curioſity, and pleaſure, as alſo ſuch as would retire, and live privately, do the ſame, if they have any.

3. Such, as come up to be cured of Diſeaſes, do ſcarce uſe their Wives pro tempore.

4. That many Apprentices of London, who are bound ſeven, or nine years from Marriage, do often ſtay longer voluntarily.

5. That many Sea-men of London leave their Wives behind them, who are more ſubject to die in the abſence of their Husbands, then to breed either without men, or with the uſe of many promiſcuouſly.

6. As for unhealthineſs it may well be ſuppoſed, that although ſeaſoned Bodies may, and do live near as long in London, as elſewhere, yet new-comers, and Children do not, for the Smoaks, Stinks, and cloſe Air are leſs healthfull then that of the Country; otherwiſe why do ſickly Perſons remove into the Country Air? And why are there more old men in Countries then in London, per rata? And although the difference in Hackney, and Newington, abovementioned, be not very notorious, yet the reaſon may be their vicinity to London, and that the Inhabitants are moſt ſuch, whoſe bodies have firſt been impaired with the London Air, before they withdraw thither.

7. As to the cauſes of Barrenneſs in London, I ſay, that although there ſhould be none extraordinary in the Native Air of the place, yet the intemperance in feeding, and eſpecially the Adulteries and Fornications, ſuppoſed more frequent in London then elſewhere, do certainly hinder breeding. For a Woman, admitting 10 Men, is ſo far from having ten times as many Children, that ſhe hath none at all.

8. Add to this, that the minds of men in London are more thoughtfull and full of buſineſs then in the Country, where their work is corporal Labour, and Exercizes. All which promote Breedings, whereas Anxieties of the minde hinder it.

CHHP. VIII. Of the difference between the numbers of Males, and Females.

THe next Obſervation is, That there be more Males then Females.

There have been Buried from the year 1628, to the year 1662, excluſivè, 209436 Males, and but 190474 Females: but it will be objected, that in London it may indeed be ſo, though otherwiſe elſewhere; becauſe London is the great Stage and Shop of buſineſs, wherein the Maſculine Sex bears the greateſt part. But we Anſwer, That there have been alſo Chriſtned within the ſame time, 139782 Males, and but 130866 Females, and that the Country Accompts are conſonant enough to thoſe of London upon this matter.

2. What the Cauſes hereof are, we ſhall not trouble our ſelves to conjecture, as in other Caſes, onely we ſhall deſire, that Travellers would enquire whether it be the ſame in other Countries.

3. We ſhould have given an Accompt, how in every Age theſe proportions change here, but that we have Bills of diſtinction but for 32 years, ſo that we ſhall paſs from hence to ſome inferences from this Concluſion; as firſt,

I. That Chriſtian Religion, prohibiting Polygamy, is more agreeable to the Law of Nature, that is, the Law of God, then Mahumetiſm, and others, that allow it; for one man his having many women, or wives by Law, ſignifies nothing, unleſs there were many women to one man in Nature alſo.

II. The obvious Objection hereunto is, That one Horſe, Bull, or Ram, having each of them many Females, do promote increaſe. To which I Anſwer, That although perhaps there be naturally, even of theſe ſpecies, more Males then Females, yet artificially, that is, by making Geldings, Oxen, and Weathers, there are fewer. From whence it will follow, That when by experience it is found how many Ews (ſuppoſe twenty) one Ram will ſerve, we may know what proportion of male-Lambs to caſtrate, or geld, viz. nineteen, or thereabouts: for if you emaſculate fewer, viz. but ten, you ſhall by promiſcuous copulation of each of thoſe ten with two Females, (in ſuch as admit the Male after conception) hinder the increaſe ſo far, as the admittance of two Males will do it: but, if you caſtrate none at all, it is highly probable, that every of the twenty Males copulating with every of the twenty Females, there will be little, or no conception in any of them all.

III. And this I take to be the trueſt Reaſon, why Foxes, Wolves, and other Vermin Animals that are not gelt, increaſe not faſter then Sheep, when as ſo many thouſands of theſe are daily Butchered, and very few of the other die otherwiſe then of themſelves.

4. We have hitherto ſaid there are more Males, then Females; we ſay next, That the one exceed the other by about a thirteenth part; ſo that although more men die violent deaths then women, that is, more are ſlain in Wars, killed by miſchance, drowned at Sea, and die by the Hand of Juſtice. Moreover, more men go to Colonies, and travel into foreign parts, then women. And laſtly, more remain unmarried, then of women, as Fellows of Colleges, and Apprentiſes, above eighteen, &c. yet the ſaid thirteenth part difference bringeth the buſineſs but to ſuch a paſs, that every woman may have an Huſband, without the allowance of Polygamy.

5. Moreover, although a man be Prolifique fourty years, and a woman but five and twenty, which makes the Males to be as 560 to 325 Females, yet the cauſes above named, and the later marriage of the men, reduce all to an equality.

6. It appearing, that there were fourteen men to thirteen women, and that they die in the ſame proportion alſo, yet I have heard Phyſicians ſay, that they have two women Patients to one man, which Aſſertion ſeems very likely; for that women have either the Green-ſickneſs, or other like Diſtempers, are ſick of Breedings, Abortions, Child-bearing, Sore-breaſts, Whites, Obſtructions, Fits of the Mother, and the like.

7. Now, from this it ſhould follow, that more women ſhould die then men, if the number of Burials anſwered in proportion to that of Sickneſſes: but this muſt be ſalved, either by the alledging, that the Phyſicians cure thoſe Sickneſſes, ſo as few more die, then if none were ſick; or elſe that men, being more intemperate then women, die as much by reaſon of their Vices, as the women do by the Infirmitie of their Sex, and conſequently, more Males being born, then Females, more alſo die.

8. In the year 1642 many Males went out of London into the Wars then beginning, in ſo much, as I expected in the ſucceeding year, 1643, to have found the Burials of Females to have exceeded thoſe of Males, but no alteration appeared; for as much, as I ſuppoſe, Trading continuing the ſame in London, all thoſe who loſt their Apprentices had others out of the Countrey; and if any left their Trades, or Shops, that others forthwith ſucceeded them: for if employment for hands remain the ſame, no doubt but the number of them could not long continue in diſproportion.

9. Another pregnant Argument to the ſame purpoſe (which hath already been touched on) is, That although in the very year of the Plague, the Chriſtnings decreaſed, by the dying and flying of Teeming-women, yet the very next year after, they increaſed ſomewhat, but the ſecond after, to as full a number as in the ſecond year before the ſaid Plague: for I ſay again, if there be encouragement for an hundred in London, that is, a Way how an hundred may live better then in the Countrey, and if there be void houſing there to receive them, the evacuating of a ¼th, or ⅓ part of that number, muſt ſoon be ſupplied out of the Countrey; ſo as, the great Plague doth not leſſen the Inhabitants of the City, but of the Countrey, who in a ſhort time remove themſelves from hence thither, ſo long, untill the City for want of receit and encouragement, regurgitates and ſends them back.

10. From the difference between Males and Females, we ſee the reaſon of making Eunuchs in thoſe places where Polygamy is allowed, the latter being uſeleſs as to multiplication, without the former, as was ſaid before in the caſe of Sheep and other Animals, uſually gelt in theſe Countries.

11. By conſequence, this practiſe of Caſtracon ſerves as well to promote increaſe as to meliorate the Fleſh of thoſe Beaſts that ſuffer it. For that Operation is equally practiſed upon Horſes which are not uſed for Food, as upon thoſe that are.

12. In Popiſh Countries where Polygamy is forbidden, if a greater number of Males oblige themſelves to Caelibate then the natural overplus or difference between them and Females amounts unto; then multiplication is hindred; for if there be eight Men to ten Women, all of which eight men are married to eight of the ten Women, then the other two bear no Children, as either admitting no Man at all, or elſe admitting Men as Whores (that is more then one) which commonly procreates no more then if none at all had been uſed: or elſe ſuch unlawfull Copulations beget Conceptions but to fruſtrate them by procured Abortions or ſecret Murthers, all which returns to the ſame reckoning. Now, if the ſame proportion of women oblige themſelves to a ſingle life like-wiſe, then ſuch obligation makes no change in this matter of encreaſe.

13. From what hath been ſaid, appears the reaſon why the Law is, and ought to be ſo ſtrict againſt Fornications and Adulteries, for if there were univerſal liberty, the Increaſe of Man-kind would be but like that of Foxes at beſt.

14. Now foraſmuch as Princes are not only Powerfull but Rich, according to the number of their People (Hands being the Father, as Lands are the Mother, and Womb of Wealth) it is no wonder why ſtates by encouraging Marriage, and hindering Licentiouſneſs, advance their own Intereſt, as well as preſerve the Laws of God from contempt, and Violation.

15. It is a Bleſſing to Man-kind, that by this overplus of Males there is this natural Bar to Polygamy: for in ſuch a ſtate Women could not live in that parity, and equality of expence with their Husbands, as now, and here they do.

16. The reaſon whereof is, not, that the Husband cannot maintain as ſplendidly three, as one; for he might, having three Wives, live himſelf upon a quarter of his Income, that is in a parity with all three, as-well as, having but one, live in the ſame parity at half with her alone: but rather, becauſe that to keep them all quiet with each other, and himſelf, he muſt keep them all in greater aw, and leſs ſplendor, which power he having will probably uſe it to keep them all as low, as he pleaſes, and at no more coſt then makes for his own pleaſure; the pooreſt Subjects (ſuch as this plurality of Wives muſt be) being moſt eaſily governed.

CHAP. IX. Of the growth of the City.

1. IN the year 1593 there died in the ninety ſeven Pariſhes within the walls, and the ſixteen without the walls (beſides 421 of the Plague) 3508. And the next year 3478, beſides 29 of the Plague: in both years 6986. Twenty years after, there died in the ſame ninety ſeven, and ſixteen Pariſhes, 12110, viz. Anno 1614, 5873; and Anno 1615, 6237: ſo as the ſaid Pariſhes are increaſed, in the ſaid time, from ſeven to twelve, or very near thereabouts.

2. Moreover, the Burials within the like ſpace of he next twenty years, viz. Anno 1634, and 1635, vere 15625, viz. as about twenty four to thirty one: he which laſt of the three numbers, 15625, is much more then double to the firſt 6986, viz. the ſaid Pariſhes have in fourty years increaſed from twenty three to fifty two.

3. Where is to be noted, That although we were neceſſitated to compound the ſaid ninety ſeven with the ſixteen Pariſhes, yet the ſixteen Pariſhes have increaſed faſter then the ninety ſeven. For, in the year 1620, there died within the walls 2726, and in 1660 there died but 3098 (both years being clear of the Plague) ſo as in this fourty years the ſaid ninety ſeven Pariſhes have increaſed but from nine to ten, or thereabouts, becauſe the houſing of the ſaid ninety ſeven Pariſhes could be no otherwiſe increaſed, then by turning great Houſes into Tenements, and building upon a few Gardens.

4. In the year 1604, there died in the ninety ſeven Pariſhes 1518, and of the Plague 280. And in the year 1660, 3098, and none of the Plague, ſo as in fifty ſix years the ſaid Pariſhes have doubled: Where note, that forasmuch as the ſaid year 1604 was the very next year after the great Plague, 1603 (when the City was not yet re-peopled) we ſhall rather make the compariſon between 2014, which died Anno 1605, and 3431 Anno 1659, chooſing rather from hence to aſſert, that the ſaid ninety ſeven, and ſixteen Pariſhes encreaſed from twenty to thirty four, or from ten to ſeventeen in fifty four years, then from one to two in fifty ſix, as in the laſt aforegoing Paragraph is ſet down.

5. Anno 1605, there died in the ſixteen out-Pariſhes 2974, and Anno 1659, 6988, ſo as in the fifty four years, the ſaid Pariſhes have encreaſed from three to ſeven.

6. Anno 1605 there died in the eight out-pariſhes, 960, Anno 1659, there died in the ſame ſcope of Ground, although called now ten Pariſhes (the Savoy, and Covent-Garden being added) 4301, ſo as the ſaid Pariſhes have encreaſed within the ſaid fifty four years, more then from one to four.

7. Moreover, there was Buried in all, Anno 1605, 5948, and Anno 1659 14720, viz. about two to five.

8. Having ſet down the proportions, wherein we find the ſaid three great Diviſions of the whole Pyle, call'd London, to have encreaſed; we come next to ſhew what particular Pariſhes have had the moſt remarkable ſhare in theſe Augmentations, viz. of the ninty ſeven Pariſhes within the Walls the Increaſe is not very diſcernable, but where great houſes formerly belonging to Noblemen before they built others neer White-hall, have been turned into Tenements, upon which Accompt Alhallows on the wall is encreaſed, by the converſion of the Marqueſs of Wincheſters houſe, lately the Spaniſh Ambaſſadors, into a New ſtreet, the like of Alderman Freeman, and La Motte neer the Exchange, the like of the Earl of Arundells in Loathbury, the like of the Biſhop of London's Palace, the Dean of Paul's, and the Lord River's houſe, now in hand, as alſo of the Dukes-Place, and others heretofore.

9. Of the ſixteen Pariſhes next without the Walls, Saint Gile's Criplegate hath been moſt inlarged, next to that, Saint Olave's Southwark, then Saint Andrews Holborn, then White-Chappel, the difference in the reſt not being conſiderable.

10. Of the out Pariſhes now called ten, formerly nine, and before that eight, Saint Gile's, and Saint Martins in the fields, are moſt encreaſed, notwithſtanding Saint Pauls Covent-Garden was taken out of them both.

11. The general obſervation which ariſes from hence is, That the City of London gradually removes Weſtward, and did not the Royal Exchange, and London-Bridg ſtay the Trade, it would remove much faſter, for Leaden-Hall-ſtreet, Biſhops-gate, and part of Fan-church-ſtreet, have loſt their ancient Trade, Grace-Church-ſtreet indeed keeping it ſelf yet entire, by reaſon of its conjunction with, and relation to London-Bridg.

12. Again, Canning-ſtreet, and Watlin-ſtreet have loſt their Trade of Woollen-Drapery to Paul's Church-Yard, Ludgate-hill, and Fleet-ſtreet; the Mercery is gone from out of Lombard-ſtreet, and Cheapſide, into Pater-Noſter-Row, and Fleet-ſtreet.

13. The reaſons whereof are, that the King's Court (in old times frequently kept in the City) is now always at Weſtminſter. Secondly, the uſe of Coaches, whereunto the narrow ſtreets of the old City are unfit, hath cauſed the building of thoſe broader ſtreets in Covent-Garden, &c.

14. Thirdly, where the Conſumption of Commodity is, viz. among the Gentry, the vendors of the ſame muſt ſeat themſelves.

15. Fourthly, the cramming up of the voyd ſpaces, and gardens within the Walls, with houſes, to the prejudice of Light, and Air, have made men Build new ones, where they leſs fear thoſe inconveniencies.

16. Conformity in Building to other civil Nations hath diſpoſed us to let our old Wooden dark houſes fall to decay, and to build new ones, whereby to anſwer all the ends above-mentioned.

17. Where note, that when Lud-gate was the onely Weſtern Gate of the City, little Building was Weſtward thereof. But when Holborn began to encreaſe New-gate was made. But now both theſe Gates are not ſufficient for the Communication between the Walled City, and its enlarged Weſtern Suburbs, as dayly appears by the intolerable ſtops and embareſſes of Coaches near both theſe Gates, eſpecially Lud-gate.

CHAP. X. Of the Inequality of Pariſhes.

1. BEfore we paſs from hence, we ſhall offer to conſideration the inequality of Pariſhes in, and about London, evident in the proportion of their reſpective Burials; for in the ſame year were Buried in Cripple-gate-Pariſh 1191, that but twelve died in Trinity-Minories, St. Saviour's Southwark, and Botolph's Biſhop-gate, being of the middle ſize, as burying five and 600 per Annum; ſo that Cripple-gate is an hundred times as big as the Minories, and 200 times as big as St. John the Euangeliſt's, Mary-Cole-church, Bennet's Grace-church, Matthew-Friday-ſtreet, and ſome others within the City.

2. Hence may ariſe this Queſtion, Wherefore ſhould this inequality be continued? If it be Anſwered, Becauſe that Paſtours of all ſorts, and ſizes of Abilities, may have Benefices, each man according to his merit: we Anſwer, That a two hundredth part of the beſt Parſon's learning is ſcarce enough for a Sexton. But beſides, there ſeems no reaſon of any differences at all, it being as much Science to ſave one ſingle ſoul, as one thouſand.

3. We encline therefore to think the Pariſhes ſhould be equal, or near, becauſe, in the Reformed Religions, the principal uſe of Churches is to Preach in: now the bigneſs of ſuch a Church ought to be no greater, then that, unto which the voice of a Preacher of middling Lungs will eafily extend; I ſay, eaſily, becauſe they ſpeak an hour, or more together.

4. The uſe of ſuch large Churches, as Paul's, is now wholly loſt, we having no need of ſaying perhaps fifty Maſſes all at one time, nor of making thoſe grand Proceſſions frequent in the Romiſh Church; nor is the ſhape of our Cathedral proper at all for our Preaching Auditories, but rather the Figure of an Amphi-Theatre with Galleries, gradually over-looking each other; for unto this Condition the Pariſh-Churches of London are driving apace, as appears by the many Galleries every day built in them.

5. Moreover, if Pariſhes were brought to the ſize of Colman-ſtreet, Alhallows-Barking, Chriſt-Church, Black-Friers, &c▪ in each whereof die between 100 and 150, per Annum, then an hundred Pariſhes would be a fit, and equal Diviſion of this great charge, and all the Miniſters (ſome whereof have now ſcarce fourty pounds per Annum) might obtain a ſubſiſtance.

6. And laſtly, The Church-Wardens, and Over-ſeers of the Poor might finde it poſſible to diſcharge their Duties, whereas now in the greater out-Pariſhes many of the poorer Pariſhioners through neglect do periſh, and many vicious perſons get liberty to live as they pleaſe, for want of ſome heedfull Eye to over-look them.

CHAP. XI. Of the number of Inhabitants.

1. I Have been ſeveral times in company with men of great experience in this City, and have heard them talk ſeldom under Millions of People to be in London, all which I was apt enough to believe, untill, on a certain day, one of eminent Reputation was upon occaſion aſſerting, that there was in the year 1661 two Millions of People more then Anno 1625, before the great Plague; I muſt confeſs, that, untill this provocation, I had been frighted with that miſ-underſtood Example of David, from attempting any computation of the People of this populous place; but hereupon I both examined the lawfulneſs of making ſuch enquiries, and, being ſatisfied thereof, went about the work it ſelf in this manner: viz.

2. Firſt, I imagined, That, if the Conjecture of the worthy Perſon afore-mentioned had any truth in it, there muſt needs be about ſix, or ſeven Millions of People in London now; but repairing to my Bills I found, that not above 15000 per Annum were buried, and conſequently, that not above one in four hundred muſt die per Annum, if the Total were but ſix Millions.

3. Next conſidering, That it is eſteemed an even Lay, whether any man lives ten years longer, I ſuppoſed it was the ſame, that one of any 10 might die within one year. But when I conſidered, that of the 15000 afore-mentioned about 5000 were Abortive, and Stilborn, or died of Teeth, Convulſion, Rickets, or as Infants, and Chryſoms, and Aged. I concluded, that of men, and women, between ten and ſixty, there ſcarce died 10000 per Annum in London, which number being multiplied by 10, there muſt be but 100000 in all, that is not the 1/60 part of what the Alderman imagined. Theſe were but ſudden thoughts on both ſides, and both far from truth, I thereupon endeavoured to get a little nearer, thus: viz.

4. I conſidered, that the number of Child-bearing women might be about double to the Births: forasmuch as ſuch women, one with another, have ſcarce more then one Childe in two years. The number of Births I found, by thoſe years, wherein the Regiſtries were well kept, to have been ſomewhat leſs then the Burials. The Burials in theſe late years at a Medium are about 13000, and conſequently the Chriſtnings not above 12000. I therefore eſteemed the number of Teeming women to be 24000: then I imagined, that there might be twice as many Families, as of ſuch women; for that there might be twice as many women Aged between 16 and 76, as between 16 and 40, or between 20 and 44; and that there were about eight Perſons in a Family, one with another, viz. the Man, and his Wife, three Children, and three Servants, or Lodgers: now 8 times 48000 makes 384000.

5. Secondly, I finde by telling the number of Families in ſome Pariſhes within the walls, that 3 out of 11 families per an▪ have died: wherefore, 13000 having died in the whole, it ſhould follow, there were 48000 Families according to the laſt mentioned Acccompt.

6. Thirdly, the Accompt, which I made of the Trayned-Bands, and Auxiliary Souldiers, doth enough juſtify this Accompt.

7. And laſtly I took the Map of London ſet out in the year 1658 by Richard Newcourt, drawn by a ſcale of Yards. Now I gueſſed that in 100 yards ſquare there might be about 54 Families, ſuppoſing every houſe to be 20 foot in the front: for on two ſides of the ſaid ſquare there will be 100 yards of houſing in each, and in the two other ſides 80 each; in all 360 yards: that is 54 Families in each ſquare, of which there are 220 within the Walls, making in all 11880 Families within the Walls. But forasmuch as there dy within the Walls about 3200 per Annum, and in the whole about 13000; it follows, that the houſing within the Walls is ¼▪ part of the whole, and conſequently, that there are 47520 Families in, and about London, which agrees well enough with all my former computations: the worſt whereof doth ſufficiently demonſtrate, that there are no Millions of People in London, which nevertheleſs moſt men do believe, as they do, that there be three Women for one Man, whereas there are fourteen Men for thirteen Women, as elſe where hath been ſaid.

8. We have (though perhaps too much at Random) determined the number of the inhabitants of London to be about 384000: the which being granted, we aſſert, that 199112 are Males, and 184886 Females.

9. Whereas we have found, that of 100 quick Conceptions about 36 of them die before they be ſix years old, and that perhaps but one ſurviveth 76, we, having ſeven Decads between ſix and 76, we ſought ſix mean proportional numbers between 64, the remainder, living at ſix years, and the one, which ſurvives 76, and finde, that the numbers following are practically near enough to the truth; for men do not die in exact Proportions, nor in Fractions: from whence ariſes this Table following.

Viz. of 100 there dies within the firſt ſix years 36 The next ten years, or Decad 24 The ſecond Decad 15 The third Decad 09 The fourth 6 The next 4 The next 3 The next 2 The next 1

10. From whence it follows, that of the ſaid 100 conceived there remains alive at ſix years end 64.

At Sixteen years end 40 At Twenty ſix 25 At Tirty ſix 16 At Fourty ſix 10 At Fifty ſix 6 At Sixty ſix 3 At Seventy ſix 1 At Eighty 0

11. It follows alſo, that of all, which have been conceived, there are now alive 40 per Cent. above ſixteen years old, 25 above twenty ſix years old, & ſic deinceps, as in the above Table: there are therefore of Aged between 16, and 56, the number of 40, leſs by ſix, viz. 34; of between 26, and 66, the number of 25 leſs by three, viz. 22: & ſic deniceps.

Wherefore, ſuppoſing there be 199112 Males, and the number between 16, and 56, being 34. It follows, there are 34 per Cent. of all thoſe Males fighting Men in London, that is 67694, viz. near 70000: the truth whereof I leave to examination, only the ⅕. of 67694, viz. 13539. is to be added for Weſtminſter, Stepney, Lambeth, and the other diſtant Pariſhes, making in all 81233 fighting Men.

12. The next enquiry ſhall be, In how long time the City of London ſhall, by the ordinary proportion of Breeding, and Dying, double its breeding People. I anſwer in about ſeven years, and (Plagues conſidered) eight. Wherefore ſince there be 24000 pair of Breeders, that is ⅛. of the whole, it follows, that in eight times eight years the whole People of the City ſhall double without the acceſs of Foreigners: the which contradicts not our Accompt of its growing from two to five in 56 years with ſuch acceſſes.

13. According to this proportion, one couple viz. Adam and Eve, doubling themſelves every 64 years of the 5610 years, which is the age of the World according to the Scriptures, ſhall produce far more People, then are now in it. Wherefore the World is not above 100 thouſand years, old as ſome vainly Imagine, nor above what the Scripture makes it.

CHAP. XII. Of the Country Bills.

WE have, for the preſent, done with our Obſervations upon the Accompts of Burials, and Chriſtnings, in, and about London; we ſhall next preſent the Accompts of both Burials, Chriſtnings, and alſo of Weddings in the Country, having to that purpoſe inſerted Tables of 90 years for a certain Pariſh in Hampſhire, being a place neither famous for Longevity, and Healthfulneſs, nor for the contrary. Upon which Tables we obſerve,

1. That every Wedding, one with another, produces four Children, and conſequently, that that is the proportion of Children, which any Marriagable man, or woman may be preſumed ſhall have. For, though a man may be Married more then once, yet, being once Married, he may die without any Iſſue at all.

2. That in this Pariſh there were born 15 Females for 16 Males, whereas in London there were 13 for 14, which ſhews, that London is ſomewhat more apt to produce Males, then the country. And it is poſſible, that in ſome other places there are more Females born, then Males, which, upon this variation of proportion, I again recommend to the examination of the curious.

3. That in the ſaid whole 90 years the Burials of the Males and Females were exactly equal, and that in ſeveral Decads they differed not 1/100 part, that in one of the two Decads, wherein the difference was very notorious, there were Buried of Males 337, and of Females but 284, viz. 53 difference, and in the other there died contrariwiſe 338 Males, and 386 Females, differing 46.

4. There are alſo Decads, where the Birth of Males and Females differ very much, viz. about 60.

5. That in the ſaid 90 years there have been born more, then buried in the ſaid Pariſh, (the which both 90 years ago, and alſo now, conſiſted of about 2700 Souls) but 1059, viz. not 12 per Annum, one year with another.

6. That theſe 1059 have in all probability contributed to the increaſe of London; ſince, as was ſaid even now, it neither appears by the Burials, Chriſtnings, or by the built of new-houſing, that the ſaid Pariſh is more populous now, then 90 years ago, by above two or 300 ſouls. Now, if all other places ſend about ⅓ of their encreaſe, viz. about one out of 900 of their Inhabitants Annually to London, and that there be 14 times as many people in England, as there be in London, (for which we have given ſome reaſons) then London encreaſes by ſuch Advenae every year above 6000: the which will make the Accompt of Burials to ſwell about 200 per Annum, and will anſwer the encreaſes. We obſerve it is clear, that the ſaid Pariſh is encreaſed about 300, and it is probable, that three or four hundred more went to London, and it is known, That about 400 went to New-England, the Caribe-Iſlands, and New-found-Land, within theſe laſt fourty years.

7. According to the Medium of the ſaid whole 90 years, there have been five Chriſtnings for four Burials, although in ſome ſingle Years, and Decads, there have been three to two, although ſometimes (though more rarely) the Burials have exceeded the Births, as in the caſe of Epidemical Diſeaſes.

8. Our former Obſervation, That healthfull years are alſo the moſt fruitfull, is much confirmed by our Country Accompts; for, 70 being our Standard for Births, and 58 for Burials, you ſhall finde, that where fewer then 58 died, more then 70 were born. Having given you a few inſtances thereof, I ſhall remit you to the Tables for the general proof of this Aſſertion. Viz. Anno 1633. when 103 were born, there died but 29. Now, in none of the whole 90 years more were born then 103, and but in one, fewer then 29 died, viz. 28 Anno 1658. Again Anno 1568, when 93 were born, but 42 died. Anno 1584, when 90 were born, but 41 died. Anno 1650, when 86 were born, but 52 died. So that by how much more are born, by ſo much (as it were) the fewer die. For when 103 were born, but 29 died: but when but 86 were born, then 52 died.

On the other ſide Anno 1638, when 156 died per Annum, which was the greateſt year of Mortality, then leſs then the meer Standard 70, viz. but 66 were born. Again Anno 1644, when 137 died, but 59 were born. Anno 1597, when 117 died, but 48 were born. And Anno 1583, when 87 died, but 59 were born.

A little Irregularity may be found herein, as that Anno 1612, when 116 died (viz. a number double to our Standard 58 yet) 87 (viz. 17 about the Standard 70) were born. And that when 89 died 075 were born: but theſe differences are not ſo great, nor ſo often, as to evert our Rule, which beſides the Authority of theſe Accompts is probable in it ſelf.

9. Of all the ſaid 90 years the year 1638 was the moſt Mortal, I therefore enquired whether the Plague was then in that Pariſh, and having received good ſatisfaction that it was not (which I the rather believe, becauſe, that the Plague was not then conſiderable at London) but that it was a Malignant Fever raging ſo fiercely about Harveſt, that there appeared ſcarce hands enough to take in the Corn: which argues, conſidering there were 2700 Pariſhioners, that ſeven might be ſick for one that died: whereas of the Plague more die then recover. Laſtly, theſe People lay longer ſick then is uſual in the Plague, nor was there any mention of Sores, Swellings, blew-Tokens, &c. among them. It follows, that the proportion between the greateſt and the leaſt Mortalities in the Country are far greater then at London. Forasmuch as the greateſt 156 is above quintuple unto 28 the leaſt, whereas in London (the Plague excepted, as here it hath been) the number of Burials upon other Accompts within no Decad of years hath been double, whereas in the Country it hath been quintuple not onely within the whole 90 years, but alſo within the ſame Decad: for Anno 1633. there died but 29, and Anno 1638 the above-mentioned number of 156. Moreover, as in London, in no Decad, the Burials of one year are double to thoſe of another: ſo in the Country they are ſeldom not more then ſo. As by this Table appears, Decad greateſt leaſt number of Burials 1 66 34 2 87 39 3 117 38 4 53 30 5 116 51 6 89 50 7 156 35 8 137 46 9 80 28

Which ſhews, that the opener, and freer Airs are moſt ſubject both to the good and bad Impreſſions, and that the Fumes, Steams, and Stenches of London do ſo medicate, and impregnate the Air about it, that it becomes capable of little more, as if the ſaid Fumes riſing out of London met with, oppoſed, and juſtled backwards the Influences falling from above, or reſiſted the Incurſion of the Country-Airs.

10. In the laſt Paragraph we ſaid, that the Burials in the Country were ſometimes quintuple to one another, but of the Chriſtnings we affirm, that within the ſame Decad they are ſeldome double, as appears by this Table, viz.

Decad greateſt leaſt number of Burials 1 70 50 2 90 45 3 71 52 4 93 60 5 87 61 6 85 63 7 103 66 8 87 62 9 86 52

Now, although the diſproportions of Births be not ſo great as that of Burials, yet theſe diſproportions are far greater then at London: for let it be ſhewn in any of the London Bills, that within two years the Chriſtnings have decreaſed ½. or increaſed double, as they did Anno 1584, when 90 were born, and An. 1586, wherein were but 45: or to riſe from 52, as Anno 1593, to 71, as in the next year 1594. Now, theſe diſproportions both in Births, and Burials, confirm what hath been before Aſſerted, that Healthfulneſs, and Fruitfulneſs go together, as they would not, were there not diſproportions in both, although proportional.

11. By the Standard of Burials in this Pariſh, I thought to have computed the number of Inhabitants in it, viz. by multiplying 58 by 4, which made the Product 232, the number of Families. Hereupon I wondered, that a Pariſh containing a large Market-Town, and 12 Miles compaſs, ſhould have but 232 Houſes, I then multiplied 232 by 8, the Product whereof was 1856, thereby hoping to have had the number of the Inhabitants, as I had for London; but when upon enquiry I found there had been 2100 Communicants in that Pariſh in the time of a Miniſter, who forced too many into that Ordinance, and that 1500 was the ordinary number of Communicants in all times, I found alſo, that for as much as there were near as many under 16 years old, as there are above, viz. Communicants, I concluded, that there muſt be about 27, or 2800 Souls in that Pariſh: from whence it follows, that little more then one of 50 dies in the Country, whereas in London, it ſeems manifeſt, that about one in 32 dies, over and above what dies of the Plague.

12. It follows therefore from hence, what I more faintly aſſerted in the former Chapter, that the Country is more healthfull, then the City, That is to ſay, although men die more regularly, and leſs per Saltum in London, then in the Country, yet, upon the whole matter, there die fewer per Rata; ſo as the Fumes, Steams, and Stenches above-mentioned, although they make the Air of London more equal, yet not more Healthfull.

13. When I conſider, That in the Country ſeventy are Born for fifty eight Buried, and that before the year 1600 the like happened in London, I conſidered, whether a City, as it becomes more populous, doth not, for that very cauſe, become more unhealthfull, I inclined to believe, that London now is more unhealthfull, then heretofore, partly for that it is more populous, but chiefly, becauſe I have heard, that 60 years ago few Sea-Coals were burnt in London, which now are univerſally uſed. For I have heard, that Newcaſtle is more unhealthfull then other places, and that many People cannot at all endure the ſmoak of London, not onely for its unpleaſantneſs, but for the ſuffocations which it cauſes.

14. Suppoſe, that Anno 1569 there were 2400 ſouls in that Pariſh, and that they increaſed by the Births 70, exceeding the Burials 58, it will follow, that the ſaid 2400 cannot double under 200. Now, if London be leſs healthfull then the Country, as certainly it is, the Plague being reckoned in, it follows, that London muſt be doubling it ſelf by generation in much above 200: but if it hath encreaſed from 2 to 5 in 54, as aforeſaid, the ſame muſt be by reaſon of tranſplantation out of the Country.

The Concluſion.

IT may be now asked, to what purpoſe tends all this laborious buzzling, and groping? To know,

1. The number of the People? 2. How many Males, and Females? 3. How many Married, and ſingle? 4. How many Teeming Women? 5. How many of every Septenary, or Decad of years in age? 6. How many Fighting Men? 7. How much London is, and by what ſteps it hath increaſed? 8. In what time the houſing is repleniſhed after a Plague? 9. What proportion die of each general and perticular Caſualties? 10. What years are Fruitfull, and Mortal, and in what Spaces, and Intervals, they follow each other? 11. In what proportion Men neglect the Orders of the Church, and Sects have increaſed? 12. The disproportion of Pariſhes? 13. Why the Burials in London exceed the Chriſtnings, when the contrary is viſible in the Country?

To this I might anſwer in general by ſaying, that thoſe, who cannot apprehend the reaſon of theſe Enquiries, are unfit to trouble themſelves to ask them.

2. I might anſwer by asking; Why ſo many have ſpent their times, and eſtates about the Art of making Gold? which, if it were much known, would onely exalt Silver into the place, which Gold now poſſeſſeth; and if it were known but to ſome one Perſon, the ſame ſingle Adeptus could not, nay, durſt not enjoy it, but muſt be either a Priſoner to ſome Prince, and Slave to ſome Voluptuary, or elſe skulk obſcurely up and down for his privacie, and concealment.

3. I might Anſwer; That there is much pleaſure in deducing ſo many abſtruſe, and unexpected inferences out of theſe poor deſpiſed Bills of Mortality; and in building upon that ground, which hath lain waſte theſe eighty years. And there is pleaſure in doing ſomething new, though never ſo little, without peſtering the World with voluminous Tranſcriptions.

4. But, I Anſwer more ſeriouſly; by complaining, That whereas the Art of Governing, and the true Politiques, is how to preſerve the Subject in Peace, and Plenty, that men ſtudy onely that part of it, which teacheth how to ſupplant, and over-reach one another, and how, not by fair out-running, but by tripping up each other's heels, to win the Prize.

Now, the Foundation, or Elements of this honeſt harmleſs Policy is to underſtand the Land, and the hands of the Territory to be governed, according to all their intrinſick, and accidental differences: as for example; It were good to know the Geometrical Content, Figure, and Scituation of all the Lands of a Kingdom, eſpecially, according to its moſt natural, permanent, and conſpicuous Bounds. It were good to know, how much Hay an Acre of every ſort of Meadow will bear? how many Cattel the ſame weight of each ſort of Hay will feed, and fatten? what quantity of Grain, and other Commodities the ſame Acre will bear in one, three, or ſeven years communibus Annis? unto what uſe each ſoil is moſt proper? All which particulars I call the intrinſick value: for there is alſo another value meerly accidental, or extrinſick, conſiſting of the Cauſes, why a parcel of Land, lying near a good Market, may be worth double to another parcel, though but of the ſame intrinſick goodneſs; which anſwers the Queries, why Lands in the North of England are worth but ſixteen years purchaſe, and thoſe of the Weſt above eight and twenty. It is no leſs neceſſary to know how many People there be of each Sex, State, Age, Religion, Trade, Rank, or Degree, &c. by the knowledg whereof Trade, and Government may be made more certain, and Regular; for, if men knew the People as aforeſaid, they might know the conſumption they would make, ſo as Trade might not be hoped for where it is impoſsible. As for inſtance, I have heard much complaint, that Trade is not ſet up in ſome of the South-weſtern, and Northweſtern Parts of Ireland, there being ſo many excellent Harbours for that purpoſe, whereas in ſeveral of thoſe Places I have alſo heard, that there are few other Inhabitants, but ſuch as live ex ſponte creatis, and are unfit Subjects of Trade, as neither employing others, nor working themſelves.

Moreover, if all theſe things were clearly, and truly known (which I have but gueſſed at) it would appear, how ſmall a part of the People work upon neceſſary Labours, and Callings, viz. how many Women, and Children do juſt nothing, onely learning to ſpend what others get? how many are meer Voluptuaries, and as it were meer Gameſters by Trade? how many live by puzling poor people with unintelligible Notions in Divinity, and Philoſophie? how many by perſwading credulous, delicate, and Litigious Perſons, that their Bodies, or Eſtates are out of Tune, and in danger? how many by fighting as Souldiers? how many by Miniſteries of Vice, and Sin? how many by Trades of meer Pleaſure, or Ornaments? and how many in a way of lazie attendance, &c. upon others? And on the other ſide, how few are employed in raiſing, and working neceſſary food, and covering? and of the ſpeculative men, how few do truly ſtudie Nature, and Things? The more ingenious not advancing much further then to write, and ſpeak wittily about theſe matters.

I conclude, That a clear knowledge of all theſe particulars, and many more, whereat I have ſhot but at rovers, is neceſſary in order to good, certain, and eaſie Government, and even to balance Parties, and factions both in Church and State. But whether the knowledge thereof be neceſſary to many, or fit for others, then the Sovereign, and his chief Miniſters, I leave to conſideration.

THE TABLE OF CASƲALTIES. 1629 1633 1647 1651 1655 1629 In 20 1630 1634 1648 1652 1656 1649 Years. 1631 1635 1649 1653 1657 1659 The Years of our Lord 1647 1648 1649 1650 1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660 1629 1630 1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1632 1636 1650 1654 1658 Abortive, and ſtilborn 335 329 327 351 389 381 384 433 483 419 463 467 421 544 499 439 410 445 500 475 507 523 1793 2005 1342 1587 1832 1247 8559 Aged 916 835 889 696 780 834 864 974 743 892 869 1176 909 1095 579 712 661 671 704 623 794 714 2475 2814 3336 3452 3680 2377 15757 Ague, and Fever 1260 884 751 970 1038 1212 1282 1371 689 875 999 1800 2303 2148 956 1091 1115 1108 953 1279 1622 2360 4418 6235 3865 4903 4363 4010 23784 Apoplex, and ſodainly 68 74 64 74 106 111 118 86 92 102 113 138 91 67 22 36 17 24 35 26 75 85 280 421 445 177 1306 Bleach 1 3 7 2 1 4 9 1 1 15 Blaſted 4 1 6 6 4 5 5 3 8 13 8 10 13 6 4 4 54 14 5 12 14 16 99 Bleeding 3 2 5 1 3 4 3 2 7 3 5 4 7 2 5 2 5 4 4 3 16 7 11 12 19 17 65 Bloudy Flux, Scouring, and Flux 155 176 802 289 833 762 200 386 168 368 362 233 346 251 449 438 352 348 278 512 346 330 1587 1466 1422 2181 1161 1597 7818 Brunt, and Scalded 3 6 10 5 11 8 5 7 10 5 7 4 6 6 3 10 7 5 1 3 12 3 25 19 24 31 26 19 125 Calenture 1 1 2 1 1 3 1 3 4 2 4 3 13 Cancer, Gangrene, and Fiſtula 26 29 31 19 31 53 36 37 73 31 24 35 63 52 20 14 23 28 27 30 24 30 85 112 105 157 150 114 609 Wolf 8 8 8 Canker, Sore-mouth, and Thruſh 66 28 54 42 68 51 53 72 44 81 19 27 73 68 6 4 4 1 5 74 15 79 190 244 161 133 689 Childbed 161 106 114 117 206 213 158 192 177 201 236 225 226 194 150 157 112 171 132 143 163 230 590 668 498 769 839 490 3364 Chriſomes, and Infants 1369 1254 1065 990 1237 1280 1050 1343 1089 1393 1162 1144 858 1123 2596 2378 2035 2268 2130 2315 2113 1895 9277 8453 4678 4910 4788 4519 32106 Colick, and Wind 103 71 85 82 76 102 80 101 85 120 113 179 116 167 48 57 37 50 105 87 341 359 497 247 1389 Cold, and Cough 41 36 21 58 30 31 33 24 10 58 51 55 45 54 50 57 174 207 00 77 140 43 598 Conſumption, and Cough 2423 2200 2388 1988 2350 2410 2286 2868 2606 3184 2757 3610 2982 3414 1827 1910 1713 1797 1754 1955 2080 2477 5157 8266 8999 9914 12157 7197 44487 Convulſion 684 491 530 493 569 653 606 828 702 1027 807 841 742 1031 52 87 18 241 221 386 418 709 498 1734 2198 2656 3377 1324 9073 Cramp 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 01 00 01 0 0 1 2 Cut of the Stone 2 1 3 1 1 2 4 1 3 5 46 48 5 1 5 2 2 5 10 6 4 13 47 38 Dropſy, and Tympany 185 434 421 508 444 556 617 704 660 706 631 931 646 872 235 252 279 280 266 250 329 389 1048 1734 1538 2321 2982 1302 9623 Drowned 47 40 30 27 49 50 53 30 43 49 63 60 57 48 43 33 29 34 37 32 32 45 139 147 144 182 215 130 827 Exceſſive drinking 2 2 2 2 Executed 8 17 29 43 24 12 19 21 19 22 20 18 7 18 19 13 12 18 13 13 13 13 62 52 97 76 79 55 384 Fainted in a Bath 1 1 1 Falling-Sickneſs 3 2 2 3 3 4 1 4 3 1 4 5 3 10 7 7 2 5 6 8 27 21 10 8 8 9 74 Flox, and ſmall pox 139 400 1190 184 525 1279 139 812 1294 823 835 409 1523 354 72 40 58 531 72 1354 293 127 701 1840 1913 2755 3361 2785 10576 Found dead in the Streets 6 6 9 8 7 9 14 4 3 4 9 11 2 6 18 33 26 6 13 8 24 24 83 69 26 34 27 29 243 French-Pox 18 29 15 18 21 20 20 20 29 23 25 53 51 31 17 12 12 12 7 17 12 22 53 48 80 81 130 83 392 Frighted 4 4 1 3 2 1 1 9 1 1 3 2 3 9 5 2 2 21 Gout 9 5 12 9 7 7 5 6 8 7 8 13 14 2 2 5 3 4 4 5 7 8 14 24 35 25 36 28 134 Grief 12 13 16 7 17 14 11 17 10 13 10 12 13 4 18 20 22 11 14 17 5 20 71 56 48 59 45 47 279 Hanged, and made-away themſelves 11 10 13 14 9 14 15 9 14 16 24 18 11 36 8 8 6 15 3 8 7 37 18 40 47 72 32 222 Head-Ach 1 11 2 2 6 6 5 3 4 5 35 26 4 2 0 6 14 14 17 46 051 Jaundice 57 35 39 49 41 43 57 71 61 41 46 77 102 76 47 59 35 43 35 45 54 63 184 197 180 212 225 188 998 Jaw-faln 1 1 3 2 2 3 1 10 16 13 8 10 10 4 11 47 35 02 5 6 10 95 Impoſtume 75 61 65 59 80 105 79 90 92 122 80 134 105 96 58 76 73 74 50 62 73 130 282 315 260 354 428 228 1639 Itch 1 10 00 10 01 11 Killed by ſeveral Accidents 27 57 39 94 47 45 57 58 52 43 52 47 55 47 54 55 47 46 49 41 51 60 202 201 217 207 194 148 1021 King's Evil 27 26 22 19 22 20 26 26 27 24 23 28 28 54 16 25 18 38 35 20 2 • 69 97 150 94 94 102 66 537 Lethargy 3 4 2 4 4 4 3 10 9 4 6 2 6 4 1 2 2 3 2 2 5 7 13 21 21 9 67 Leproſy 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 3 06 Livergrown, Spleen, and Rickets 53 46 56 59 65 72 67 65 52 50 38 51 8 15 94 112 99 87 82 77 98 99 392 356 213 269 191 158 1421 Lunatique 12 18 6 11 7 11 9 12 6 7 13 5 14 14 6 11 6 5 4 2 2 5 28 13 47 39 31 26 158 Meagrom 12 13 5 8 6 6 14 3 6 7 6 5 4 24 22 24 22 30 34 22 05 132 Meaſles 5 92 3 33 33 62 8 52 11 153 15 80 6 74 42 2 3 80 21 33 27 12 127 83 133 155 259 51 757 Mother 2 1 1 2 2 3 3 1 8 1 3 01 3 2 4 8 02 18 Murdered 3 2 7 5 4 3 3 3 9 6 5 7 70 20 3 7 6 5 8 10 19 17 13 27 77 86 Overlayd, and ſtarved at Nurſe 25 22 36 28 28 29 30 36 58 53 44 50 46 43 4 10 13 7 8 15 10 14 34 46 111 123 215 86 529 Palſy 27 21 19 20 23 20 29 18 22 23 20 22 17 21 17 23 17 25 14 21 25 17 82 77 87 90 87 53 423 Plague 3597 611 67 15 23 16 6 16 9 6 4 14 36 14 1317 274 8 1 10400 1599 10401 4290 61 33 103 16384 Plague in the Guts 1 110 32 87 315 446 253 402 00 00 01 142 844 253 991 Pleuriſy 30 26 13 20 23 19 17 23 10 9 17 16 12 10 26 24 26 36 21 45 24 112 90 89 72 52 51 415 Poyſoned 3 7 2 2 00 4 10 00 00 00 14 Purples, and ſpotted Fever 145 47 43 65 54 60 75 89 56 52 56 126 368 146 32 58 58 38 24 125 245 397 186 791 300 278 290 243 1845 Quinſy, and Sore-throat 14 11 12 17 24 20 18 9 15 13 7 10 21 14 01 8 6 7 24 04 5 22 22 55 54 71 45 34 247 Rickets 150 224 216 190 260 329 229 372 347 458 317 476 441 521 14 49 50 00 113 780 1190 1598 657 3681 Mother, riſing of the Lights 150 92 115 120 134 138 135 178 166 212 203 228 210 249 44 72 99 98 60 84 72 104 309 220 777 585 809 369 2700 Rupture 16 7 7 6 7 16 7 15 11 20 19 18 12 28 2 6 4 9 4 3 10 13 21 30 36 45 68 21 201 Scal'd-head 2 1 2 2 1 2 05 Scurvy 32 20 21 21 29 43 41 44 103 71 82 82 95 12 5 7 9 9 00 25 33 34 94 132 300 115 593 Smothered, and ſtifled 2 24 24 2 2 26 Sores, Ulcers, broken and bruiſed Limbs 15 17 17 16 26 32 25 32 23 34 40 47 61 48 23 20 48 19 19 22 29 91 89 65 115 144 141 504 Shot 7 20 07 Spleen 12 17 13 13 6 2 5 7 7 29 26 13 07 68 Shingles 1 1 1 1 Starved 4 8 7 1 2 1 1 3 1 3 6 7 14 14 19 5 13 29 51 Stitch 1 1 1 Stone, and Strangury 45 42 29 28 50 41 44 38 49 57 72 69 22 30 58 56 58 49 33 45 114 185 144 173 247 51 863 Sciatica 2 1 3 1 6 1 4 Stopping of the Stomach 29 29 30 33 55 67 66 107 94 145 129 277 186 214 6 6 121 295 247 216 669 Surfet 217 137 136 123 104 177 178 212 128 161 137 218 202 192 63 157 149 86 104 114 132 371 445 721 613 671 644 401 3094 Swine-Pox 4 4 3 1 4 2 1 1 1 2 5 8 4 6 3 10 23 13 11 5 5 10 57 Teeth, and Worms 767 597 540 598 709 905 691 1131 803 1198 878 1036 839 1008 440 506 335 470 432 454 539 1207 1751 2632 2502 3436 3915 1819 14236 Tiſſick 62 47 8 12 14 34 23 15 27 68 65 109 8 242 Thruſh 57 66 15 23 17 40 28 31 34 95 93 123 15 211 Vomiting 1 6 3 7 4 6 3 14 7 27 16 19 8 10 1 4 1 1 2 5 6 3 7 16 17 27 69 12 136 Worms 147 107 105 65 85 86 53 19 31 28 27 19 28 27 105 74 424 224 124 830 Wen 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 4 1 4 2 4 4 2 15 Sodainly 63 59 37 62 58 62 78 34 221 233 63 454 34190 229250

Place this Table after Fol. 74.

The Table of Burials, and Chriſtnings. Anno Dom. 97 Pariſhes 16 Pariſhes Out-Pariſhes Buried in all Beſides of the Plague Chriſtned 1604 1518 2097 708 4323 896 5458 1605 2014 2974 960 5948 444 6504 1606 1941 2920 935 5796 2124 6614 1607 1879 2772 1019 5670 2352 6582 1608 2391 3218 1149 6758 2262 6845 1609 2494 3610 1441 7545 4240 6388 1610 2326 3791 1369 7486 1803 6785 1611 2152 3398 1166 6716 627 7014 16715 24780 8747 50242 14752 52190 1612 2473 3843 1462 7778 64 6986 1613 2406 3679 1418 7503 16 6846 1614 2369 3504 1494 7367 22 7208 1615 2446 3791 1613 7850 37 7682 1616 2490 3876 1697 8063 9 7985 1617 2397 4109 1774 8280 6 7747 1618 2815 4715 2066 9596 18 7735 1619 2339 3857 1804 7999 9 8127 19735 31374 13328 64436 171 60316 1620 2726 4819 2146 9691 21 7845 1621 2438 3759 1915 8112 11 8039 1622 2811 4217 2392 8943 16 7894 1623 3591 4721 2783 11095 17 7945 1624 3385 5919 2895 12199 11 8299 1625 5143 9819 3886 18848 35417 6983 1626 2150 3286 1965 7401 134 6701 1627 2325 3400 1988 7711 4 8408 24569 39940 19970 84000 35631 62114 1628 2412 3311 2017 7740 3 8564 1629 2536 3992 2243 8771 0 9901 1630 2506 4201 2521 9237 1317 9315 1631 2459 3697 2132 8288 274 8524 1632 2704 4412 2411 9527 8 9584 1633 2378 3936 2078 8392 0 9997 1634 2937 4980 2982 10899 1 9855 1635 2742 4966 2943 10651 0 10034 20694 33495 19327 73505 1603 75774 1636 2825 6924 3210 12959 10400 9522 1637 2288 4265 2128 8681 3082 9160 1638 3584 5926 3751 13261 363 10311 1639 2592 4344 2612 9548 314 10150 1640 2919 5156 3246 11321 1450 10850 1641 3248 5092 3427 11767 1375 10670 1642 3176 5245 3578 11999 1274 10370 1643 3395 5552 3269 12216 996 9410 23987 42544 25 • 21 91752 19244 80443 1644 2593 4274 2574 9441 1492 8104 1645 2524 4639 2445 9608 1871 7966 1646 2746 4872 2797 10415 2365 7163 1647 2672 4749 3041 10462 3597 7332 1648 2480 4288 2515 9283 611 6544 1649 2865 4714 2920 10499 67 5825 1650 2301 4138 2310 8749 15 5612 1651 2845 5002 2597 10804 23 6071 21026 36676 21199 78896 10041 54617 1652 3293 5719 3546 12553 16 6128 1653 2527 4635 2919 10081 6 6155 1654 3323 6063 3845 13231 16 6620 1655 2761 5148 3439 11348 9 7004 1656 3327 6573 4015 13915 6 7050 1657 3014 5646 3770 12430 4 6685 1658 3613 6923 4443 14979 14 6170 1659 3431 6988 4301 14720 36 5690 25288 47695 30278 103261 107 51502 1660 3098 5644 3926 12668 13 6971 1661 3804 7309 5532 16645 20 8855

The Table following contains the Number of Burials, and Chriſtnings in the ſeven Pariſhes here under-mentioned, from the year 1636 unto the year 1659 incluſive; all which time the Burials, and Chriſtnings were joyntly mentioned: the two laſt years the Chriſtnings were omitted in the yearly Bills. This Table conſiſts of ſeventeen Columns, the Total of all the Burials being contained in the ſixteen Columns: which Number being added to the Total in the precedent Table of Burials, and Chriſtnings, makes the Total of every yearly, or general Bill.

Note, where there follows a ſecond Number under any year, it denotes thoſe, who died that year of the Plague.

Weſtmin. Iſlington, Lambeth, Stepney. Newing▪ Hackney, Rear. Tot. 7. Par. Tot. 7. Par. An. Do. Bur. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. 1636 1107 556 99 56 213 137 1895 881 584 155 68 77 90 62 4056 1924 442 30 45 909 242 14 20 1702 1637 963 496 94 72 173 137 952 838 183 172 68 70 74 51 2507 1836 301 17 18 153 16 6 10 521 1638 1021 563 116 49 221 140 1209 908 255 146 101 69 74 78 2997 1953 126 8 11 145 1639 546 543 88 53 195 132 970 956 187 159 84 53 81 52 2151 1948 4 2 2 1 9 1640 754 665 94 54 187 142 1106 983 189 194 76 54 53 77 2459 2159 62 3 6 117 1 189 1641 697 625 92 76 168 137 1250 1037 170 137 82 73 69 64 2508 2149 40 5 9 70 4 128 1642 671 630 98 71 149 124 1270 1158 160 145 78 58 63 76 2489 2262 37 4 12 20 17 5 4 99 1643 666 592 105 69 177 114 1167 1013 240 147 65 36 42 67 2471 2038 25 3 45 83 86 2 244 1644 570 429 61 55 115 105 1187 933 123 101 54 45 70 82 2189 1750 35 8 8 269 44 3 17 384 1645 621 444 55 63 146 114 1171 873 183 119 58 60 50 60 2284 1753 62 6 3 150 18 7 1 256 1646 691 503 84 61 137 108 1230 960 156 130 76 63 47 43 2421 1868 76 8 5 97 14 9 2 203 1647 739 464 108 56 161 94 1126 926 129 65 88 45 42 44 2393 1688 40 5 9 70 4 128 1642 671 630 98 71 149 124 1270 1158 160 145 78 58 63 76 2489 2262 37 4 12 20 17 5 4 99 1643 666 592 105 69 177 114 1167 1013 240 147 65 36 42 67 2471 2038 25 3 45 83 86 2 244 1644 570 429 61 55 115 105 1187 933 123 101 54 45 70 82 2189 1750 35 8 8 269 44 3 17 384 1645 621 444 55 63 146 114 1171 873 183 119 58 60 50 60 2284 1753 62 6 3 150 18 7 1 256 1646 691 503 84 61 137 108 1230 960 156 130 76 63 47 43 2421 1868 76 8 5 97 14 9 2 203 1647 739 464 108 56 161 94 1126 926 129 65 88 45 42 44 2393 1688 114 12 25 155 28 16 4 434 1648 561 384 68 46 87 57 837 767 57 42 45 59 1635 1305 41 4 31 6 82 1649 558 333 90 44 131 55 838 625 90 49 1807 1106 1 3 4 1650 470 413 78 54 88 50 748 572 55 65 61 48 50 62 1550 1264 1651 580 345 107 51 127 49 961 634 172 59 60 30 84 45 2091 1213 1652 649 432 99 36 179 50 1212 657 198 85 72 33 74 37 2483 1330 1 1 1653 567 394 69 46 120 54 1064 620 195 76 71 48 69 21 2155 1250 1654 657 401 96 65 166 76 1252 803 236 106 88 31 75 46 2570 1526 1655 676 414 95 86 134 128 1199 859 172 120 68 37 62 57 2406 1701 1656 761 498 139 89 176 152 1255 963 248 127 67 46 66 45 2701 1920 1657 705 473 112 67 231 137 1213 876 204 123 96 42 51 31 2612 1749 1658 890 440 113 36 220 32 1486 892 181 99 91 30 48 16 2958 1645 1659 822 415 116 56 193 103 1392 695 138 86 83 50 84 13 2828 1418 1660 783 108 183 1151 114 65 33 2437 1661 983 102 330 1561 340 102 87 3505

Place this Table after fol. 76.

The Table of Males and Females for London. An. Dom. Buried Chriſtned Males Females Males Females. 1629 4668 4103 5218 4683 1630 5660 4894 4858 4457 1631 4549 4013 4422 4102 1632 4932 4603 4994 4590 1633 4369 4023 5158 4839 1634 5676 5224 5035 4820 1635 5548 5103 5106 4928 1636 12377 10982 4917 4605 47779 43945 39708 37024 1637 6392 5371 4703 4457 1638 7168 6456 5359 4952 1639 5351 4511 5366 4784 1640 6761 6010 5518 5332 Total 73451 65293 60664 56549 1641 6872 6270 5470 5200 1642 7049 6224 5460 4910 1643 6842 6360 4793 4617 1644 5659 5274 4107 3997 1645 6014 5465 4047 3919 1646 6683 6097 3768 3395 1647 7313 6746 3796 3536 1648 5145 4749 3363 3181 51577 47185 34804 3275 1649 5454 5112 3079 2746 1650 4548 4216 2890 2722 1651 5680 5147 3231 2840 1652 6543 6026 3220 2908 1653 5416 4671 3196 2959 1654 6972 6275 3441 3179 1655 6027 5330 3655 3349 1656 7365 6556 3668 3382 44005 41333 26380 24085 1657 6578 5856 3396 3289 1658 7936 7057 3157 3013 1659 7451 7305 9209 2781 1660 7960 7158 3724 3247 29925 27376 13186 1233 Total 198952 181187 135034 12675

The Table by Decads of years for the Country-Pariſh. Chriſtened. Buried. Decads • f years Married Males Fem. Both Males Fem. Both • 5 69 190 312 302 614 214 221 435 78 • 5 79 185 328 309 637 287 302 589 88 • 5 89 175 342 274 616 337 284 621 98 •• 599 181 366 377 743 249 219 468 608 • 6 09 197 417 358 775 338 386 724 18 • 6 19 168 368 373 741 305 306 611 28 • 6 29 153 418 413 831 317 319 636 38 • 6 39 137 351 357 708 375 383 758 48 • 6 49 182 354 320 674 218 220 438 58 1568 3256 3083 6339 2640 2640 5280

The Table of the Country-Pariſh. Communicants Weddings Chriſtned Euried Years M. F. Both M. F. Both 1569 14 38 30 68 23 21 44 1570 19 29 32 61 21 25 46 1571 18 28 26 54 23 27 50 1572 23 32 32 54 20 14 34 1573 21 34 36 70 24 13 37 1574 16 21 29 50 28 38 66 1575 24 37 29 66 15 19 34 1576 22 33 37 70 16 18 34 1577 13 29 26 55 19 21 40 1578 20 31 35 66 25 25 50 190 312 302 614 214 221 435 1579 15 35 36 71 27 27 54 80 21 43 31 74 38 41 79 81 29 20 33 62 34 24 58 82 22 28 29 57 18 21 39 83 22 32 27 59 35 52 87 84 15 46 44 90 22 19 41 85 15 26 21 47 15 27 42 86 18 22 23 45 24 37 61 87 13 34 31 65 43 36 79 1588 15 33 34 67 31 18 49 185 328 309 637 287 302 589 1589 20 31 27 58 28 16 44 90 16 40 29 69 36 21 57 91 12 37 28 65 35 30 65 92 14 40 25 65 28 19 47 93 20 32 20 52 33 32 65 94 24 34 37 71 16 22 38 95 16 32 28 60 33 28 61 96 9 36 26 62 42 29 71 97 23 23 25 48 53 64 117 98 21 37 29 66 33 23 66 175 342 274 616 337 284 631 1599 19 45 31 76 21 22 43 600 16 26 34 60 20 26 46 601 16 39 32 71 18 12 30 602 14 31 32 63 29 18 47 603 12 31 38 69 32 39 71 604 21 42 35 77 26 27 53 605 19 47 34 81 21 12 33 606 19 29 41 70 28 23 51 607 27 36 47 83 33 19 52 608 17 40 53 93 21 21 42 181 366 377 743 249 219 468

The Table of Males and Females. Chriſtned Buryed Years Weddings M. F. Both. M. F. Both 1609 23 30 31 61 24 41 65 10 19 46 30 76 33 40 73 11 25 40 41 81 41 32 73 12 20 55 32 87 53 63 116 13 24 41 33 74 47 41 88 14 25 50 35 85 27 36 63 15 22 35 48 83 28 36 64 16 14 38 36 74 27 41 68 17 17 45 31 76 35 28 63 1618 8 37 41 78 23 28 51 197 417 358 775 338 386 724 1619 21 37 43 80 26 28 54 20 20 34 51 85 18 30 48 21 21 31 37 68 28 36 64 22 23 45 38 83 20 26 46 23 14 40 36 76 56 31 87 24 19 30 33 63 29 35 64 25 7 37 41 78 36 20 56 26 9 30 35 65 21 29 50 27 18 45 23 68 24 29 53 1628 16 39 36 75 47 42 89 168 368 373 741 305 306 611 1629 22 53 38 91 46 28 74 30 8 58 45 103 26 27 53 31 20 42 29 71 26 33 59 32 16 43 50 93 15 21 36 33 12 38 65 103 18 11 29 34 23 30 45 75 18 26 44 35 11 39 32 71 18 17 35 36 15 50 37 87 42 48 90 37 13 35 36 71 25 35 60 1638 13 30 36 66 83 73 156 153 418 413 831 317 319 636 1639 18 24 31 55 48 66 114 40 11 44 41 85 35 39 74 41 21 34 29 63 34 36 70 42 21 48 39 87 32 29 61 43 8 30 42 72 59 28 87 44 16 33 26 59 65 72 137 45 10 43 41 84 28 29 57 46 11 32 35 67 24 32 56 47 12 28 46 74 25 21 46 48 9 35 27 62 25 31 56 137 351 357 708 375 383 758 1649 9 22 37 59 46 34 80 50 9 55 31 86 25 27 52 51 7 25 27 52 11 21 32 52 14 34 28 62 20 25 45 53 9 47 24 71 21 14 35 54 15 34 37 71 14 25 39 55 38 35 34 69 28 19 47 56 28 40 30 70 18 15 33 57 37 23 43 66 22 25 47 58 16 39 29 68 13 15 28 182 354 320 674 218 220 438

Advertiſements for the better underſtanding of the ſeveral Tables: videlicet, Concerning the Table of Caſualties conſiſting of thirty Columns.

THe firſt Column contains all the Caſualties happening within the 22 ſingle years mentioned in this Bill.

The 14 next Columns contain two of the laſt Septenaries of years, which being the lateſt are firſt ſet down.

The 8 next Columns repreſent the 8 firſt years, wherein the Caſualties were taken notice off.

Memorandum, That the 10 years between 1636 and 1647 are omitted as containing nothing Extraordinary, and as not conſiſtent with the Incapacity of a Sheet.

The 5 next Columns are the 8 years from 1629 to 1636 brought into 2 Quaternions, and the 12 of the 14 laſt years brought into three more; that Compariſon might be made between each 4 years taken together, as well as each ſingle year apart.

The next Column contains 3 years together, taken at 10 years diſtance from each other; that the diſtant years, as well as conſequent, might be compared with the whole 20, each of the 5 Quaternions, and each of the 22 ſingle years.

The laſt Column contains the total of the 15 Quaternions, or 25 years.

The Number 229250 is the total of all the Burials in the ſaid 20 years, as 34190 is of the Burialsin the ſaid 3 diſtant years. Where note that the ⅓ of the latter total is 11396 and the 1/20 of the former is 11462; differing but 66 from each other in ſo great a ſum, videlicet ſcarce 1/200 part.

The Table of Burials, and Chriſtnings, conſiſting of 7 Columns.

IT is to be noted, that in all the ſeveral Columns of the Burials thoſe dying of the Plague are left out, being reckoned all together in the ſixth Column. Whereas in the original Bills the Plague, and all other diſeaſes are reckoned together, with mention how many of the reſpective totals are of the Plague.

Secondly, From the year 1642 forwards the accompt of the Chriſtnings is not to be truſted, the neglects of the ſame beginning about that year: for in 1642 there are ſet down 10370, and about the ſame Number ſeveral years before, after which time the ſaid Chriſtnings decreaſed to between 5000 and 6000 by omiſſion of the greater part.

Thirdly, The ſeveral Numbers are caſt up into Octonaries, that Compariſon may be made of them as as well as of ſingle years.

The Table of Males, and Females, containing 5 Columns.

Firſt, The Numbers are caſt up for 12 years; videlicet from 1629, when the diſtinction between Males and Females firſt began, untill 1640 incluſivè when the exactneſs in that Accompt ceaſed.

Secondly, From 1640 to 1660 the Numbers are caſt up into another total, which ſeems as good for comparing the Number of Males with Females, the neglect being in both Sexes alike, and proportionable.

The Tables concerning the Country-Pariſh, the former of Decads beginning at 1569, and continuing untill 1658, and the latter being for ſingle years, being for the ſame time, are ſo plain, that they require no further Explanation then the bare reading the Chapter relating to them, &c.

FINIS.

Errata.

Pag. 8. lin. 22. read 1632. pag. 21. lin. 19. r. 229250. p. 26. lin. 27. r. 314. p. 29. lin. 28. r. ſeemed. lin. 29. in proportion. p. 32. l. 14. r. which in p. 35. l. 29. r. Other. p. 40. l. 26. r. calamities. p. 41. 33. r. ſhould have. p. 43. l. 17. r. II. p. 44. l. 6. r. 10000. p. 48. l. 16, 17. dele all within the Parenthe •••• 7. l. 22. r. difference. p. 65. l. 12. r. It. pag. 78, and 79 r. Country-Pariſh.