1999-09-213914SENATE846501999-09-21The DEPUTY PRESIDENT(Senator West) took the chair at 2.00 p.m., and read prayers.Miscellaneous846514:00:008465Alston, Sen RichardSenator ALSTONLD4VICLPCommunications, Information Technology and the Arts10—I move:That the Senate—(a) notes the overwhelming choice for independence exercised by the East Timorese people on 30 August 1999;(b) welcomes United Nations Security Council Resolution 1264 authorising a multinational force to restore peace and security in East Timor, protect the United Nations' mission in East Timor and facilitate humanitarian assistance;(c) endorses Australia's agreement to the United Nations Secretary General's request that Australia contribute to and lead the multinational force;(d) expresses its full support for the Australians serving with the multinational force and its full confidence in them; and(e) looks forward to their safe return.There is no more serious a decision for a government than to send its nation's armed forces abroad. There is no greater obligation on an Australian parliament than to consider carefully the reasons for that decision. Yesterday, the first contingent of Australian troops arrived in East Timor as part of an Australian led and United Nations mandated multinational peacekeeping force. As of this morning, there were about 1,500 troops from Australia and other countries in East Timor. By tomorrow morning, there will be about 2,500. In these circumstances, it is important that the government should report to the parliament on the reasons for the deployment of troops, what their task is and what the decision means for Australia's foreign and defence policy. It is an opportunity for the parliament to express its united support for the task ahead and for the special burden which Australia will inevitably bear as the leader of the multinational force in East Timor. Our armed forces are entitled to know they have the unqualified support of the Australian parliament and the Australian community.On 15 September 1999, the United Nations Security Council unanimously authorised the establishment of a multinational force in East Timor. The resolution gives the force three tasks in its mandate: first, to restore peace and security to East Timor; second, to protect and support the United Nations mission in East Timor; and, third, to facilitate, within force capabilities, humanitarian assistance operations in East Timor. The multinational force has been authorised by the United Nations Security Council under chapter VII of the UN Charter to use all necessary measures to achieve its mandate. The multinational force will prepare the ground for the United Nations to complete its task of managing East Timor's transition to independence. This will involve the arrival as soon as possible of a fully-fledged Blue Helmet UN peacekeeping operation and the establishment of a UN transitional administration. The Australian government will be doing everything it can to ensure that the UN transitional administration is ready to take over when the Indonesian parliament ratifies East Timor's independence.The government's expectation is that the multinational force will be about 7,500 strong. Australia is initially deploying 2,000 troops, increasing to 4,500 if necessary. Australia will provide the force commander, Major General Cosgrove, and Thailand the deputy force commander, Major General Songkitti. We estimate the cost of Australia's contribution to be in the order of $500 million in the financial year 1999-2000. Under the terms of the Security Council resolution, costs will be borne by participating states or met from voluntary contributions to a special trust fund that has been established by the United Nations.We have firm commitments to participate from more than 12 countries. These include Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand from ASEAN. New Zealand, Britain and Canada are making valuable contributions. The United States will provide significant support, including airlift capability, communications, intelligence, engineering support and helicopters. There are many other contributions, including contributions from Korea and China. The Minister for Defence will provide fuller details separately. Some countries that are not contributing troops will contribute financially to the UN trust fund, and we welcome Japan's offer of a substantial contribution. The government particularly appreciates the support of all the countries that are contributing troops or financial assistance, especially Thailand which so promptly responded to the Prime Minister's request for assistance in providing a substantial military contingent as well as the deputy commander of the force. I draw the attention of the Senate to the very strong support offered by President Kim Dae-jung of Korea during his recent visit. Likewise, President Estrada of the Philippines and other leaders have given strong support to the UN multinational force.Australia is not alone in this venture. The region has responded readily and promptly in creating this force with us under the umbrella of the United Nations. The government has every confidence in the professionalism of the Australian Defence Force and its preparedness for this operation. The units have inspired confidence by the speed with which they have got themselves ready and the proficiency with which they are deploying. We congratulate the Defence Force on this. The task facing our men and women is not easy. We hope it will be accomplished soon, but we have to be prepared for the possibility that it will be protracted. The risk of casualties is a serious one: this is a dangerous operation. The rules of engagement for Australia's forces will allow them to use lethal force to achieve their mandate to restore peace and security. Our troops will not be sent into danger with one hand tied behind their backs.Indonesia has undertaken to cooperate with the multinational force. We welcome the fact that the force commander has been able to report that he has enjoyed good cooperation on the ground from the Indonesian commander in East Timor. It is the case, however, that the multinational force could be a target of attack from the pro-integration militias. It would be foolhardy to plan on any other basis. In the past, the militias have been supported by some in the Indonesian armed forces. We sincerely hope that all parts of the Indonesian armed forces understand that it would not be in the interests of their country to continue such support.The formation of the multinational force is a result of strenuous efforts on the part of many, including the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr Kofi Annan. Through the recent negotiations establishing the peacekeeping force, he has displayed great diplomatic skill, patience, determination and a clear understanding of the issues at stake. The speed of the international community's response is due in good measure to his commitment.Australia's leadership of the multinational force is the most recent step in a sustained effort by the government to help resolve the East Timor issue. Apart from the human toll from the conflict in East Timor during nearly 25 years, the issue has held Indonesia back internationally and has been a cause of tension in Australia's relationship with Indonesia. The resignation of President Suharto and the moves towards democracy last year in Indonesia opened the door to a possible resolution in East Timor. Moreover, the conflict in East Timor was worsening. The Prime Minister, Mr Howard, therefore wrote in December last year to President Habibie encouraging him to take a different approach to East Timor. The Prime Minister suggested to him that he negotiate directly with the East Timorese and consider the option of autonomy for East Timor with an act of self-determination after a substantial period of autonomy.For a quarter of a century, governments of both persuasions in Australia had reluctantly acquiesced in Indonesia's policy towards East Timor. Although the issue was raised from time to time, Australian governments were not prepared to see the relationship with Indonesia damaged over East Timor. The Prime Minister's letter, therefore, represented a significant change in Australia's approach.Subsequently, in January this year, President Habibie took the bold and principled step of agreeing to a UN supervised ballot on independence for East Timor. We indicated at the time that Australia would have preferred a longer period of substantial autonomy for East Timor before a ballot was held. We recognised, however, that once the decision had been taken to hold a ballot, the dynamics in East Timor and internationally had changed forever. The best and only realistic course of action was to help the United Nations ensure as safe a ballot as possible. If we had argued for a delay, the opportunity could well have been lost entirely.Australia was not a party to the agreement among Indonesia, Portugal and the United Nations on the holding of the ballot and subsequent transition arrangements. This agreement was based on a promise by the Indonesian government that it would ensure security in East Timor throughout the process. The Australian government, well aware of the links between the armed forces and the East Timorese militias, mounted a sustained international campaign to press Indonesia to adhere to the commitment to provide security it had made to the United Nations.In order to ensure an environment as free as possible of violence and intimidation, the Australian government insisted on an increase in civilian police advisers to some 300 before the ballot. We insisted that these numbers be again increased for the period immediately after the ballot which, we were aware, was potentially dangerous. Australia can be proud of the performance of our Federal Police, ably led by the UN civilian police commander, Alan Mills. Australian military liaison officers, the staff of the Australian consulate and many Australians, including from the Australian Electoral Commission, helped ensure a fair ballot. The government acknowledge their dedication and bravery in such difficult circumstances.In the end, on a day that passed without major disruption, the outcome was decisive. East Timorese voted by a margin of four to one for independence. The turnout—with 98.6 per cent of those registered casting a vote—and the integrity of the process vindicated the United Nations' judgment to proceed with the ballot despite threats from the pro-integration militias. The conduct of the ballot was a tribute to the work of UNAMET and the leadership of its head, Ian Martin.After the ballot, however, Indonesia's armed forces proved unwilling or unable to maintain security. We have all been horrified by the violence against the people of East Timor, by the mass flight of people within the territory and from it and by the scale of the destruction of property and infrastructure. This was the background to Australia's efforts to establish a multinational peacekeeping force under the United Nations and to convince Indonesia to invite one in.In numerous telephone conversations with the United Nations Secretary-General, President Clinton, President Habibie and other regional leaders before, during and after the APEC meeting in Auckland, the Prime Minister, Mr Howard, emphasised the need for decisive international action to restore peace to East Timor, deal with the looming humanitarian disaster and create the conditions for the transition to independence for East Timor. It is to the great credit of President Habibie that he agreed to invite in international peacekeepers. This was a difficult decision for him personally and politically.Ours has been the correct and only responsible course of action. Some have argued that Australia should have insisted on a UN peacekeeping force before the ballot or argued for a delay in the ballot. It cannot be emphasised too strongly, however, that there was never any prospect that Indonesia would have accepted a peacekeeping force before the ballot. It was raised directly by the Prime Minister with President Habibie in Bali in May. He made it clear that any such proposal was totally unacceptable to Indonesia. Insisting on a peacekeeping force would have meant no ballot. Insisting on a delay in the ballot could well have meant no ballot. Many in President Habibie's government and much of the Indonesian leadership opposed the ballot. Indonesia had resisted any change for East Timor over nearly 25 years.Nor would the international community have been ready to form a peacekeeping force. An international peacekeeping force has only now become possible because the world has seen 78.5 per cent of East Timorese vote for independence and is not prepared to see them denied the independence they voted for. The United Nations made the decision that the ballot should go ahead on schedule. As the UN Secretary-General has said, if the United Nations had not accepted a ballot in the circumstances available, the ballot probably would not have happened. We did not have the right to take that away from the East Timorese.In the face of the violence after the ballot, a few called for Australia to send troops to East Timor without the consent of Indonesia. That would have been tantamount to declaring war. It was an option no responsible government could have contemplated despite the distress we, along with all Australians, felt about the terrible events in East Timor. That has been recognised by the Australian people. Nevertheless, the international community has moved faster than in any other case of which we are aware to form a peacekeeping force. That has happened because of the leadership that Australia has shown in forming a coalition of countries under the UN umbrella. It has also happened only because the government, aware of the potential risks, took the precaution early this year of bringing an extra brigade of the Australian Army to a higher level of readiness in order to respond to any peacekeeping needs.Developments in East Timor reaffirm some of the home truths about Australia's place in the region, to which we pointed when we came to office. The first truth is that foreign policy needs to be based on a clear sense of the national interest and on our values. As Lord Palmerston once pithily observed, `nations do not have permanent friends, only permanent interests'.This government has from the beginning put a clear sense of the national interest at the core of the government's approach to foreign and trade policy. We should not delude ourselves that relations between counties turn on the personal rapport of leaders, the sentiment of governments or so-called special relationships. Our relationships are most productive when they are realistic, concentrating on mutual interest, building on those areas where cooperation is possible and openly recognising—where they exist—differences in values and political systems.The second truth is that in occupying what the Prime Minister has called a unique intersection—a Western nation next to Asia with strong links to the United States and Europe—Australia deploys unique assets in its relationship with Asia. These links and our history are not an embarrassment to be lived down. We have stopped worrying about whether we are Asian, in Asia, enmeshed in Asia or part of a mythical East Asian hemisphere; we have got on with the job of being ourselves. In turn the region has recognised that we are an asset to our region and have a constructive role to play in it. Australia's global links have enabled us to work with the United Nations, the United States and others to persuade Indonesia that their best interests would be met by inviting in a multinational force. Moreover, our defence links with all these countries, through ANZUS, the five-power defence arrangements and our bilateral defence cooperation programs, provide us with a capacity to cooperate effectively with them and lead a multinational force.Third, Australia's alliance with the United States does work. The results reflect the effort the government have put into strengthening the alliance since we came to office. Neither Australia nor the region looks to the United States to solve the East Timor problem, but the alliance relationship has underpinned a visible and operationally significant US contribution to the peacekeeping force. We are completely satisfied with the scale of the US contribution.Fourth, the government has been right to exempt defence spending from the necessary budget cuts of our first term. The defence reforms we have pursued have put more resources into the combat capability of the Defence Force. The need to examine an increase in defence spending has already been foreshadowed. Australia faces an uncertain regional security situation. The resource and force structure implications of this will be significant. The government's next white paper on defence will examine the likely demands on the ADF for regional peacekeeping, the evacuation of Australian nationals under difficult conditions and the capacity to participate in coalition operations. While the Defence Force must be equipped to defend Australia from direct attack, it must also be able to respond to other more likely contingencies.Finally, national interest cannot be pursued without regard to the values of the Australian community. Australia has no quarrel with the Indonesian nation. Both countries have an interest in getting on with the other. We share important common interests. We are neighbours. Indonesia is the largest country in South-East Asia. How it develops and behaves will influence the strategic balance in our region. It is a significant economic partner for Australia. Australian policy approaches need to take account of the changes that are taking place in Indonesia. We welcome the transition towards democracy that is occurring. In time this will strengthen Indonesia and our capacity to work with it.We recognise the enormous difficulties that Indonesia faces as it responds to the most serious economic crisis in decades and traverses this political transition. Indeed, the government have been in the forefront in helping Indonesia manage those difficulties and in garnering greater international support and understanding for its problems. We also recognise the complexities of governing a nation of over 200 million people spread over thousands of islands. Successful economic and political management by Indonesia of a united but diverse nation is important for Indonesia's own future stability and prosperity.But none of this means that Australia's objective can be to maintain a good relationship at all costs or at the expense of doing the right thing according to our own values. We seek a relationship of mutual respect and mutual benefit with Indonesia. On that basis, we look forward to working closely with the new democratically elected government of Indonesia to be formed in the near future. Events in East Timor have put our relationship with Indonesia under great strain. Some resent Australia's efforts to help in East Timor or seek to use us as a scapegoat, but we should keep this in perspective. The criticisms of Australian policy that we have seen and heard in Indonesia are not the only Indonesian voices. There are many people who identify with democracy and support the steps Indonesia is taking in this direction, who are appalled at the total breakdown of security in East Timor and who will understand and sympathise with the response from Australia and the rest of the international community.We ask those in Australia who exercise their legitimate right of protest to refrain from violence against people and property and not to impede people going about their normal business. Such behaviour is unlawful and will be treated as such. It damages the interests of our own citizens and has a counterproductive effect on Indonesian attitudes. The government is encouraged by the commitment of so many of Indonesia's political leaders to respect the vote cast by the East Timorese. We look forward to the new Indonesian parliament formally deciding to allow East Timor to separate from Indonesia.When this government came to office some commentators said Asia would not accept us. The comment was revealing in its assumption that Australia had to be invited into a regional framework. It was a view of Australia that underestimated the strengths of Australia's institutions, our economy and our capacity and will to achieve national goals. Our safe passage through the Asian economic storm makes that view even more dated. The truth is that our economic, military and other credentials are respected and give us a capacity to help in the region. Just as we were in a position to assist our neighbours during the Asian economic crisis, so also on East Timor we have shown that we have the capacity under the United Nations to work with our regional partners in putting together a multinational peacekeeping force. It is an example of both our commitment to the region and our capacity to make a constructive and practical contribution to its affairs.The deployment of Australian troops in East Timor meets the test of national interest in two respects. First, our troops are going in the spirit of Australia's military tradition to defend what our society believes is right. They are not going to occupy territory, impose our will or act against the legitimate interests of another country. They are going at the request of the United Nations with the agreement of East Timor. They are going to defend the choice the East Timorese have exercised for independence in a free vote granted to them by their government with the blessing of the whole international community. They are going in to facilitate the humanitarian relief that is so desperately needed for the hundreds of thousands of displaced people in East Timor.Our troops are going to East Timor to put an end to the sort of violence we have seen in recent days. Apart from the human cost, this scale of violence undermines Australia's own interests in a stable region. Our troops will prepare the way for the United Nations to undertake the vital task of developing a transitional political and administrative framework for East Timor. For the East Timorese, this offers the hope of reconciliation among groups that have fought each other for decades and the opportunity to create their own future. They have a responsibility to come to grips with these issues. For Indonesia, this means it will more readily be able to concentrate on its nation building task with the full support of the international community.Madam Deputy President, Australia's contribution to the peacekeeping force in East Timor is the biggest commitment of Australian forces in 30 years. Our men and women go well trained, well led and in a just cause. At this time, our thoughts and prayers are with those in the field as they go to help restore peace and security to a people who themselves once helped Australian soldiers at a time of need and who have suffered much. At home, we undertake to give them our support and to watch over their families while they are away. I commend the motion to the Senate.14:22:008470Faulkner, Sen JohnSenator FAULKNER5K4NSWALP00—The opposition supports the motion that is before the Senate. Yesterday and today Australian forces landed in East Timor, taking part in the most dangerous military operation Australia has undertaken since the Vietnam War. These brave men and women now step into harm's way, bringing all their years of dedication and training and all their reserves of skill and courage to the protection of innocent people. As we speak here today, they and their colleagues from other nations are making their contribution to the creation of an independent state of East Timor. Our Australian forces march at the head of a long column which stretches back through time to the young men of a young nation who landed on the beaches of Gallipoli. We honour them all, and all of them are there in spirit as their descendants land on foreign soil.It is vitally important to these soldiers to know that the nation is behind them. I know a number of our troops have expressed their concern that the same fate would befall them as befell Australian soldiers returning from Vietnam—that because many Australians were opposed to the conflict in which they fought, the community would not give them the welcome home they deserved. Let me assure those soldiers that that will not happen. Let me assure them: your country is behind you, your government is behind you, the opposition is behind you and the Australian people are behind you. We wish you well. We are proud of you. We want to see you home soon and home safe. Our thoughts are with your families and your loved ones at this time.Our thoughts must also be with the kind of backing our troops deserve: they deserve the very best. This is a peace enforcement mission—it will need substantial supplies of war stocks. We need to make sure they have first-rate medical facilities and that they are properly resourced down to the ground, with boots, packs, water supplies, ammunition and the like. This is something the government is going to have to think its way through and stay on top of right through this particular situation. We are turning a new page in our military history. This is doing something different: this is taking the weight ourselves, this is taking our responsibility. Let me also say I very much hope that the Minister for Defence and his office take a personal and detailed interest in looking after our troops on the ground. There is no substitute for care and attention from the very top, and no-one could deny our troops deserve it.It is right that the Australian people should feel some relief that peacekeepers are now on the ground in East Timor. It is right that we feel some relief, some licence to hope that the killing, the destruction, the starvation and the deportation will soon cease. The opposition welcome the arrival of a multinational peacekeeping force in East Timor. We particularly welcome the participation of our allies in this. They have stood shoulder to shoulder with us at this most difficult of times, and that contribution will not be forgotten. We hope that this force will put a stop to the terrible violence and destruction we have all witnessed these last three weeks. We welcome the fact that the landing appears to have gone without incident. We hope that it will pave the way for a free, independent and secure East Timorese state. We register today our concern at INTERFET's mandate—in particular, the omission of a requirement for the militia who caused this violence to disarm and for the withdrawal of the Indonesian Army, the TNI, from the territory—and the unresolved danger of partition of East Timor. These are concerns not only for the safety of the peacekeepers but also for the East Timorese and the future of their independent homeland. I wish I could leave it there. I wish we were able to welcome the arrival of peacekeepers for the positive development that it is and go no further into this terrible chain of events. But we must go further, and this has to be understood. We did not need to come to this point. We did not need to have Dili in ruins. We did not need to have hundreds of thousands of Timorese displaced. We did not need to have possibly thousands of them dead, amongst them many of the leaders who would have made the future of an independent Timor brighter. We did not need to have a breach between Australia and our nearest neighbour of 210 million people so profound that it may take a generation to repair it. These events were not preordained; there were alternative outcomes. What got us here were policy errors, and those policy errors are mostly the responsibility of Indonesia, which for 25 years failed to reconcile the people of East Timor to Indonesian rule and whose leaders believed that there was a military solution to their problem.Our abhorrence of the recent violence in East Timor is not directed at the Indonesian people. We have nothing but affection and respect for the people of Indonesia. But we have nothing but contempt for the people who have perpetrated the crimes of these last three weeks—contempt and determination that they be brought to justice for their crimes against humanity. But these terrible events demand that we in Australia also examine our role in this crisis. We, after all, claimed with pride that we were the catalyst for these events. Had they worked out more positively, we would have justly taken some of the credit. It is not good enough to solve a problem you yourself have created. We should not be in the business, particularly when thousands of human lives have been lost, of congratulating ourselves on second-best solutions, of creating a problem and then asking congratulations for having solved it. The question Australians rightly ask of their government is whether, with all its resources and all its expertise and all its power, it did everything it could to prevent the events of the last few weeks in the first place as opposed to how quickly or otherwise it managed to respond when things had already taken their tragic course.There is now a dawning understanding that our diplomacy has failed in crucial elements of this most critical of times. There is a dawning understanding that we have arrived at this point basically because our diplomacy has not been up to the standards of our armed forces. There has been powerful evidence warning of precisely what has now happened in East Timor for months now. We started with a situation where we were getting the intelligence reports that we needed to indicate to us that something was seriously wrong on the ground. Our diplomacy failed at the highest levels to respond. The Prime Minister was not engaged, as is evident by his performance in the United States. The Minister for Foreign Affairs was in a state of denial, and we had the Minister for Defence spending the year—in which, for the first time in three decades, Australian troops had the potential to be committed in a very difficult and damaging situation—botching the job of sacking his secretary.What all this means, of course, is that our troops go into a ruined nation. Four weeks ago there existed a potentially viable nation. Now what they are going into is a deeply wounded society, with the task of reconciliation enormously more difficult. We say these things today not because we want an occasion to establish some point of differentiation between ourselves and the government but because the government's performance has not been up to the mark. It must change and, unless it is exposed, it will not change. So we are obliged to do these things in the interest of decent national security policy in this country. We will continue to keep them up to the mark on this.There will be much claim and counterclaim in the months and years to come about this period of our diplomatic history. I want to focus on two issues today: firstly, that the horrific events of the last three weeks in East Timor were both foreseeable, and indeed foreseen, by the Australian government and, secondly, that the Australian government did not take all reasonable steps to get peacekeepers on the ground for the ballot and avoid the resultant carnage.I now turn to these two crucial points in detail. The first of these is that the Australian government had warning and an expectation that the ballot would provoke violence. We are told now that the extent of the violence was unforeseen. That is implausible for three reasons. Firstly, the Australian government has, by its own admission, the best intelligence of any country in the world on East Timor, the Indonesian military and the events of the last three weeks. This has been confirmed by one of Australia's foremost intelligence experts, Professor Desmond Ball. When asked by Paul Lyneham if Australian intelligence would have picked up the militia and the army's preparations for the slaughter in East Timor, he said:Yes. Yes, I am sure. Already by last May, in private discussions . . . which I had with members of our intelligence agencies, it was apparent that planning and preparations were already under way then.Reports from the DIO from 4 March this year state: ABRI could apprehend or easily control pro-Indonesian militias, but has chosen not to do so . . . unless Jakarta takes firm action, ABRI elements will continue to support intimidation and violence.The clear conclusion is that the government's own agencies were foretelling precisely what happened over the last three weeks, and doing so more than six months ago. Secondly, there is the one tragic area of agreement between the aggressors and the victims in East Timor: both sides predicted bloodshed after the ballot. Xanana Gusmao wrote a letter in March this year arguing for the deployment of an international security presence for the ballot. During the same period the militia carried out an infamous massacre in April, killing 45 civilians. The military commander of Dili, Colonel Tono Suratman, publicly threatened that if the East Timorese voted for independence:. . . all will be destroyed and East Timor won't be as we see it now.When opposition foreign affairs spokesman Laurie Brereton consistently pointed out the need for peacekeepers before the ballot, from as early as April this year, the Minister for Foreign Affairs sneered in response:. . . we still hear the call from the bunyip Napoleons for Australia to send heavily armed peacekeeping forces immediately to East Timor.Finally, there is recognition from the government that at the highest levels they did recognise the danger that sources on the ground were warning them of. John Howard, in his address at Georgetown University in July, said:Whatever the outcome of the UN ballot, some groups will contest it.And Alexander Downer on Meet the Press on 5 September said:. . . we always expected that this would be an extremely tense period, that the losers, being the militias, would be pretty violent in their response to the ballot.And on 7 September Fran Kelly asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs on Radio National:Did you ever think things would break down so quickly?He responded:Yes, I did think there was a very real risk of that. I obviously have thought that.This establishes beyond doubt that the government had ample warning from multiple sources of the violence we have seen in East Timor. That placed a heavy responsibility upon them to do what they could to prevent it. It is the opposition's contention that, far from engaging to prevent the violence, there is evidence the government actively argued against peacekeepers going in before the ballot.The government's argument is that there is little they could have done. On the contrary, we argue there are three key things they should have done: press the case for peacekeepers with the Indonesian government and military, assemble an international coalition to help pressure Indonesia to accept, and assemble a coalition of willing participants in a peacekeeping force.I now look at these in turn. The government offers only one defence on the issue of pressing peacekeepers with Indonesia. It recounts John Howard's meeting with President Habibie at which the Prime Minister raised the issue of a UN peacekeeping force to enter East Timor before the ballot. Yet after the meeting the Prime Minister declared himself content with an unarmed AFP contingent. We ask: is that all there was? Did the Prime Minister make no other effort? Was that the extent of his determination on this most important of issues?Let me make this clear: we understand why the Prime Minister put his original plan to Dr Habibie for greater autonomy for East Timor. As far as plans go, it bore a fair resemblance to those advanced by Bishop Belo, Xanana Gusmao and Jose Ramos Horta. What we are deeply concerned about is why, once President Habibie advanced his much more radical plan, the Australian government—knowing the weakness of his domestic position and knowing the challenge this represented to powerful military interests—was not absolutely frantic from day one about improving the security provisions of this plan. The Minister for Foreign Affairs himself said in parliament yesterday:It was also our view— in the lead-up to the ballot——and, I suspect, for longer than that—that the most dangerous period in this process would be the period immediately after the announcement of the result of the ballot. Of course, that turned out to be true.But Australia was anything but frantic about security for the ballot. In fact, the record of Australia working other diplomatic channels is in turn inadequate and deeply troubling. The one country that we know had the power to deal with this situation, the one country whose intervention in the end was decisive, was the United States. But our diplomacy was woefully inadequate. When you are lobbying the United States on a crucial issue that is far from their shores, nothing less than a comprehensive and integrated campaign will do. You need to lobby the National Security Council, the Pentagon, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Congress, the Senate and, of course, the President.But is there any evidence that we did these things? No, the great weight of evidence is to the contrary. We have already heard the reports of the Joint Chief of Staff of the US military, General Shelton, that he had not, until things blew up in East Timor, had any approach from the Australians regarding the need for security before or after the ballot. We have had strong complaints from the United States, reported in last week's Australian, that they had not been sufficiently informed about developments in East Timor and the likelihood of the need for a peacekeeping deployment. These complaints come against the background of information that US officials were beginning to register their concern at the inadequacy of security for the East Timor ballot with their own government and directly with Australia. The Australian government could not engage US interest, but their people on the ground were arriving at their own conclusions.There are two key pieces of evidence supporting this. We asked questions on both of these in early August. The first is the documented concerns of US Assistant Secretary of State, Stanley Roth, who expressed the view that a full-scale peacekeeping operation for East Timor would be necessary, only to be told by the Minister for Foreign Affairs's secretary, Dr Ashton Calvert, that the Australian government opposed this view. The second is the cable from US military command in the Pacific to the Commander Australian Theatre, Air Vice Marshal Treloar, investigating the attachment of Australian military officers to a potential peace enforcement operation in East Timor.Let us never forget that when we asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs a question about this cable, he said he had not read it. It was implausible then; it is a tragedy now. It has become only too clear, ever since violence erupted in East Timor, that the government, in addition to having failed to establish a peacekeeping presence before the ballot, also failed to do the proper groundwork of preparing a contingency plan to get peacekeepers in quickly if, as they clearly had every reason to expect, violence erupted.This is what has led to the chorus of outrage from the most respected journalists and commentators in this country. It is not just the Labor Party saying this. It is Greg Sheridan, Laurie Oakes, Tony Wright, Paul Kelly, Peter Hartcher, Karen Middleton and Paul Lyneham. And it is even the foreign minister's own former adviser, Greg Hunt.Australians may ask a further question, of course, and that is where this will all end. I think it is fair to say that none of us here knows the answer to that question. It will need to be answered—across all the dimensions—in the weeks and months to come. War crimes investigations, the cost of reconstruction, the likely duration of Australia's military commitment, Australia's future security posture and our relations with Indonesia and so forth: these are properly questions for another day, and I indicate now the opposition's intention to pursue them at the appropriate time.But several areas deserve some scrutiny. The first of these is the question of the end game. We can now hope that everything goes well. We would then see a situation where the Indonesian parliament passes in a month or so a resolution to give Timor independence, a transitional administration is put in place for a period of time, a proper reconciliation process takes place and, some time early in the new year, the government emerges in Timor with only a limited requirement of assistance from us. But what if that doesn't happen? What if there is no clear-cut decision from the Indonesian administration? What is our position then to the United Nations? What is our position to our allies, the people that we have mobilised? We are grateful to our allies, as I said earlier, but we will need them right through to the conclusion of this particular process. We also need UN cover—proper UN cover—for this mission, as soon as we can possibly get it. These are things we must be engaging on right now, if we are not to make the same mistakes again—only this time with thousands of our own troops on the ground.This leads on to the question of our relationship with Indonesia. This is the most complicated task we have at hand. For whatever good reasons, it has to be said that a good relationship, which governments have sought on a bipartisan basis for 50 years with Indonesia, has disintegrated on the watch of this government. That is clearly not all the government's fault. The Indonesians have snatched defeat from the jaws of victory. Picture the situation which would have occurred either if President Habibie's response had been along the lines of what he was actually asked for by the Timorese and delivered or if he had had the support of the military to carry it through.There are a lot of people in Indonesia at the moment blaming Australia for their circumstances, but the truth of the matter is that Australia has only responded to a situation which they have initiated. It is they who put this issue on the table; it is they who said that they would be responsible for upholding law and order; and it is they who have not been able to deliver on that.Nevertheless, having said all that, at some point of time serious efforts have to be made to restore the relationship. But with all of the errors of the government we have found one thing as Australians in this crisis. That has been the Australian people standing up and accepting responsibility, the Australian people looking at what it means to stand alone or to have to stand alone. The lesson that we have been taught here is that there is public investment and public goods, and defence just happens to be one of them. We have had an accountant's view of the world, and an accountant's view of the Australian nation, for three years now. The next phase of national development, of nation building, is going to revolve around the skills of our people—as surely as now the future of an important part of our foreign policy revolves around the skills of our armed services.In conclusion, it is too easy for us to accept second-best in this. The horror has been so great that the natural human reaction is to not want to explore the question of whether we did all we could to avert it. The natural human reaction is to want to believe we did everything we could. The temptation is to gloss over the hard analysis in favour of an answer that is easier to bear. It is a temptation we must resist. We owe it to the East Timorese dead and displaced and we also owe it to the future of East Timor and what will be a troubled and dangerous relationship with its much larger neighbour.We should not be in the business here of comforting ourselves with a soothing fiction that we did all we could. Our sense of honour as a nation demands in this case that we choose the truth over our own comfort. It might not be easy to confront these realities, but we must do so. Australia encouraged this ballot. We could have justifiably taken credit, had events followed a happier course. That they did not demands that we attend to this issue, painful as it is, with honesty and candour and that we do so now.In sum, the opposition argues as follows: we welcome and support the presence of a peacekeeping force in East Timor; we will never waver in our dedication to the brave Australian men and women who now serve their country. But we believe the tragedy of recent weeks was foreseeable—and, indeed, foreseen—by the Australian government and that it manifestly failed in its duty to do all it could to prevent the horrors that have since unfolded.14:42:008475Boswell, Sen RonaldSenator BOSWELLYE4QLDNP10—I must say that I am disappointed in the response of Senator Faulkner. I would have hoped that, for the people we sent away yesterday and their families, we could have had this motion debated in a non-partisan way. I am disappointed, Senator Faulkner, that you have chosen to turn this into a political debate when this motion should be supporting both our men and women who are going overseas and their families. Yesterday Australia heard the roar of our Hercules landing at Dili. The world watched our soldiers in full combat gear walk onto the tarmac to restore security to East Timor in Operation Stabilise. Those strong steps were taken out of friendship and not out of hostility, out of necessity and not out of whim. They are the paces of peace, not of war. They are the echoes of the world's first peacekeepers, who were also Australians. Fifty-two years ago, on 14 September 1947, four Australian military officers stepped off a RAAF plane in the capital of the breakaway republic of Indonesia. Those four were Australia's first, and probably the world's first, United Nations peacekeepers. They too left from Darwin, a Darwin still rebuilding from bomb damage during the war.Australians were there to keep the peace at the birth of Indonesia's independence. They were military observers attached to the United Nations Good Offices Commission, later the United Nations Commission for Indonesia. Their role was to monitor the cease-fire between the Dutch and the republican Indonesians and ultimately to oversee Indonesia's independence. The political climate was sensitive then, as it is now, and conditions on the ground were not easy. The Australian War Memorial magazine of November 1997 reports that the `Australian aim in getting observers into the field quickly was to present a true picture of that situation to the world. That has been one of the fundamental aims of United Nations peacekeeping ever since.'The first four Australian peacekeeping observers were followed by a further 60 in Indonesia. The War Memorial magazine states that `Australia had played its part as a staunch defender of the republican position'. We acted to defend the ideal that colonial powers like the Dutch should not be able to ignore the voice of the United Nations. This was a most significant first step in peacekeeping for the world.This decade opened with the Gulf War. Parliament witnessed some 80 speeches in that debate. Since then we have participated in United Nations operations in Somalia, Rwanda and Cambodia. Operation Stabilise continues our long and proud tradition of contributing to peace as part of some 37 multinational operations. Operation Stabilise was described by the Chief of the Defence Force, Admiral Chris Barrie, as `the most significant military undertaking we have had since World War II. It is also the most significant military undertaking to occur in our part of the world since the war'. Australia expects to make the most substantial contribution, gradually increasing to 4,500 military personnel. This will place a heavy demand on our defence forces in the long term. The aims of the United Nations INTERFET effort are to restore peace and security, protect and support UNAMET and facilitate humanitarian efforts.I am proud to associate the National Party with this motion. There would be very few country towns around Australia without some link to the forces going to East Timor. Rural Australia has always been so very generous in sending its sons and now daughters to the world's hot spots. These small communities feel ownership and responsibility for their young who are away keeping the peace for people they will only ever see on TV screens. Our troops are part of a multinational force with contributions from Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, New Zealand, Brazil, Ireland, Canada, the UK, Italy, France and the US—with financial support from Japan.Its success will ultimately depend, as noted by Admiral Barrie, on all parties, both in East Timor and Indonesia, joining with the international community to seek a long-term and peaceful solution for the people of East Timor. He also noted that `for the sake of long-term regional stability we must always work hard to deal with Indonesia in a constructive way'.There are several distinct groups of stakeholders with sometimes competing interests as we make this commitment to restoring peace and security in East Timor. It is no easy matter for governments to strike the right balance, particularly when the timing and outcomes are not predictable. The overarching principle is that we must always act in the national interest.First and foremost, there is the responsibility of Australia as a UN member to participate in a regional deployment to stabilise and keep the peace. It is important to Australians that we play our part in a carefully considered and measured way. The need for a UN force came about as a result of the escalation of violence and an absence of protection for hundreds of thousands of East Timorese in the wake of their 30 August referendum vote. We heard of horrific and senseless crimes against unarmed civilians and clergy. Dili was burned and hundreds of thousands made homeless, fleeing to the hills for safety or taken to West Timor.The threat to human life and peaceful existence was such that the international community acted in concert with the Indonesian government to authorise and provide for the INTERFET forces. Australia's involvement in INTERFET comes at a high cost. When a nation makes such an important decision to send so many of our fine service men and women to keep the peace beyond our borders, we do so with both eyes open and with a third eye to the future.We must not get carried away by the romance of saving a small, vulnerable people. There is no romance in peacekeeping, only challenges at every turn. The first outburst of enthusiasm by the Australian people must be followed through to the end. We must be realistic from the beginning. That is the only way that we will manage as a nation to see this through in a cohesive, consistent and comprehensive way.We send our sons and daughters away at perhaps their own personal cost—certainly that of their families back home. We must be mindful of their need for support. Important family occasions and anniversaries will pass without key members present. Thousands of Australians may see in the new millennium from barracks in a poor island country in the thick of monsoons, far away from the fireworks and lavish partying of their fellow Australians back home. Auld Lang Syne will carry a poignancy not seen for a generation. I hope that on 31 December this year all Australians will call to mind their brothers and sisters far from home heralding a new peace for a new millennium.While conditions improve with every deployment, there will still be difficulties. The destruction and absence of infrastructure and facilities will act as constraints on living and working conditions such as water, power, transport, communications and the need to bring in food supplies. The wet season will bring its own difficulties—the steamy conditions and the rains making transportation and work difficult on an already tough terrain.There will be uncertainty from difficulties identifying troublemakers or rogue militia elements from the rest of the civilian population. If they can be rescued with refugees and flown to Australia, they can certainly blend into local life in East Timor. This adds to on the ground tension. It is the first conflict where some locals are actively against an Australian presence. We have to be careful that our words and actions back home do not inflame an already antagonistic situation faced on the ground in East Timor by our young men and women. There will be reliance on the integrity and honesty of media reporting, coupled with an obligation on government to be open with the Australian people. With thousands of troops away from home, rumours can spread like wildfire and be sensationalised, causing harm and exacerbating fears.Our troops may face long periods of boredom and uncertainty tempting morale and enthusiasm for the task. We know they are professional and highly trained. In the coming months, they may need to call on all their resources to get the job done. Excitement and adrenaline will fade. That is when they are going to really need our support, and we must be ready and able to give it. We must stand by our men and women keeping the peace in another land.All those who so loudly called for Australian involvement must answer their own call by committing themselves to the fortune of Australians in East Timor, whether that fortune is for good or bad. We must see this through together. We must steel our resolve to continue what we have begun and prepare for any sorrow and pain which may follow. This will be a shock to Australia—the lucky, carefree, `she'll be right' country. East Timor will not be right for some time yet. We do not even know when.There is another cost which some have put to one side in the fervour of righteousness, but it cannot be ignored. Australia's relationship with Indonesia is bleeding. This is a relationship that has taken years to develop and has been based on trust. For many years Indonesia has looked to Australia for friendship and assistance, and we have responded generously. Trade between our two countries has grown apace, reaching a high of nearly $3.4 billion in exports in 1997, and imports from Indonesia totalled some $3.5 billion in 1998. Millions of Australian dollars have been invested in a range of enterprises.Right now, many Indonesians believe Australia is to blame for the East Timor crisis, that we are subsequently acting as invaders who believe ourselves superior to Indonesians. None of these things is true, but there is a tragic gap between our two cultures. This will cost both countries dearly and could take years to rebuild, depending on our actions and words over the next crucial 12 months. Effort must go into rebuilding it for the long-term sake of both our countries. Trade between our countries has built bridges of understanding between our cultures. The business sector will play a key role in restoring this crucial strategic relationship.There have been student riots, fires and economic and political upheaval but, until now, Australians have not felt personally threatened. There have been bomb threats and warnings to stay away. Australians in Indonesia also need our moral support. We hold their fate in our hands as well. Much will depend on the peacekeeping effort. We must keep in our minds the lack of access by many Indonesians to open media reporting of what has happened in East Timor. Anti-Australian feeling is present in every sector of Indonesian society. We will have to straighten it out, and it will not be easy.I talked before of using a third eye in preparing ourselves for this momentous undertaking. That third eye is to our future and our region's future. That means keeping a long-term lookout, it means answering questions like: after two months, then what? After six months, then what? After two, three, five or even 10 years, then what? These are the times when we seal the fate of many Australians, East Timorese and Indonesians for future generations in years to come.There is probably no Australian family who does not know someone going to East Timor or someone connected with the effort in some way. It means looking after our troops in every possible way, ensuring little things like mail and telephone calls home are regular and that pay and conditions do not become the subject of long-term disputes. It means careful strategy over the forthcoming months, preparing for the Indonesian parliament's consideration of the independence vote in East Timor and for the aftermath of that debate.It means assisting in the repair of the ravages of the past few weeks in terms of economic and social infrastructure. It means healing the trauma of so many East Timorese driven away from their homes in fear and suffering. It means preparing for a long stay away from home on a tiny island the world would rather forget. But we cannot forget. Our bonds with the East Timorese were forged when our country fought for its very survival. Lest we forget. We cannot forget.The whole world will witness what friendship with Australia means. It means we will make sacrifices of our own family life and our resources to help a friend in trouble. That is what we did in 1947, almost 52 years ago exactly, at the birth of Indonesia's independence. Yesterday, today and tomorrow, we are proud to continue in the footsteps of those first peacekeepers.14:59:008478Lees, Sen MegSenator LEES8U4SAAD00—I am not going to go through the long history that we have with East Timor and, indeed, with Indonesia itself today. I will be leaving that to my colleagues—in particular, to Senator Bourne, when she speaks in a moment. I want to focus on some of the more immediate issues that we are dealing with as we look at what is happening today and what will be happening in the next few months in East Timor.Military intervention is not something that we can take lightly. We would obviously prefer not to have to send young men and women—and some not so young—over to East Timor to face who knows what. Obviously, they will be directly in the line of sight of many of those people who have caused such tremendous trauma over the past weeks, months and years. It is indeed a highly dangerous situation, a situation where destruction and random shooting has been going on and where innumerable atrocities have occurred. But it is precisely because of what is happening that we have to move.We have all seen on TV programs night after night, particularly on the news, evidence of what is happening: families being forced from their homes, people being shot at random, children being terrorised, houses and buildings being burnt. Dili seems to be but a shell, as we can see now that our troops are there and moving through it. I would say now that Australians are actually relieved; if my mail and my email are anything to go by, Australians are enormously relieved that something is at last being done and that we are on the ground in East Timor ensuring that, at least for the moment, things are peaceful.Our troops are in East Timor because we are upholding our values—our values of decency, of a free society, of a commitment to peace and security and freedom and, in particular, of at least protecting children. I think for many of us, some of the real horrors have been watching what has been happening to the children. This is a very important moment in Australia's history. Looking around Australia, there is without a doubt absolutely overwhelming support for what our troops are doing. I was privileged to be able to join the Prime Minister and Mr Beazley over the last couple of days to meet with many of those troops. My main reason for going was to reinforce the fact that there was widespread—I would say very close to unanimous—support across this country.This is an issue with which the Democrats have had significant difficulty in the past. We have opposed the sending in of troops in previous times because we have felt that there were other measures that could have been taken, that there were things that had not been explored, that there were things that had not been done. But in this particular instance we and, as I said, all Australians are supporting those troops in what they are doing.We know—and certainly I know from speaking with the troops—how well trained they are, how focused they are on what they have to do, how well briefed and prepared they are. Added to that is the fact that at the moment there is virtually no resistance; there have been virtually no incidents since our troops moved in at dawn yesterday. But this does not offer much comfort for their families. It may help a little bit but those partners and particularly the children left behind are having a lot of difficulty with what is happening to their loved ones right now. They obviously are not going to have ready access to them; they are not going to be able to communicate with them readily. So as we remember the troops that are on the ground over there, I ask that we also all remember the families that they have left behind, their friends and, in particular, their children as they come to terms with perhaps not seeing mum or dad again for many, many months. We do not know how long we are going to have to be there.The troops that I spoke to on Sunday night were well aware of this. They had not been able to tell their families very much, but they certainly were able to communicate to them that this could be a month after month commitment. Of all the people I met with in Townsville—we were able not just to speak with them in a formal sense but to then have dinner with them in the mess—there was only one young man who was very distressed. The reason he was distressed was that he had come in with his intake, he had done his three months basic training, but he was only 17. So while all the rest were about to embark, he had been put on guard duty in Townsville. He had just been through a long process of hunting out any senior officer he could find, telling them what his birth date was and basically indicating that he wanted to be in Darwin the day before that his birthday so that he was ready to embark the minute he turned 18.We spoke with those troops who—even though I do not think some of them knew it at the time—were ready to go at 4.15 that morning. I still see in the press some indication of the perception that the initial wave went from Darwin; it actually went from Townsville. I do not think any of those troops would have slept that night; they knew it was fairly close and they were very, very well prepared and committed and ready to do what they had to do.In Darwin, unfortunately, I was not able to spend so much time talking with the troops, but the feeling that one got was the same. There were a few problems yet again; concerns were expressed about the quality of the packs that they were carrying. That is something that I have undertaken to talk to the Minister for Defence about. As someone who does a lot of bushwalking, I cannot imagine how they get 60 kilograms in a pack without a proper frame on their backs as well as everything else that they have to carry. For us that is a minor consideration but for them, particularly those early troops, it is a major issue, as they were planning not to be reinforced at all, even with food, for three or four days. But for all of them embarkation could not come soon enough.Also in Darwin I was fortunate to be able to look over the Incat catamaran built in Tasmania, which has already taken well over 400 troops in just a few hours, believe it or not. I think it alone can do in 10 hours from Darwin to Dili what many, many Hercules would take to get troops down on the ground. The catamaran allows for all to be seated comfortably, I guess in seats you would describe as being of airline quality. I believe that for one Australian industry this may be the thing that helps them in the years to come with further orders in these types of roles.As I said before, it could be some time until all of our troops are back home, having established peace. We must remember at the beginning that this is not a peacekeeping mission. They are actually going there to enforce the peace; they are going there to restore law and order. They have been given very different instructions from the instructions that have been given to previous peacekeeping operations, and so far we are very pleased to see that all is going well. They have been given instructions to stop the intimidation, to stop the killings, to disarm the militia, to do what we had hoped the Indonesian government would have ensured or insisted that the military do but which, unfortunately, it seemed to have either no interest in doing or actually was refusing actively to participate in doing.Hopefully by the time we are debating this matter into this evening we will see the United Nations back in East Timor. I have not heard as yet whether they are there, but they were planning to go back virtually immediately, and the humanitarian organisations will be right behind them. It is absolutely urgent that we get food to those people in the hills outside Dili and to those people who have been displaced further afield in East Timor. In particular, it is urgent that we immediately get support, and particularly supervision initially, into West Timor to see what is happening to those people who have been forced, against their will, across the border. The TV reports have been showing us the horrors and at last there will be an opportunity within the next couple of days to start getting more food to those people than the drops are able to deliver.Yesterday I met with some of the East Timor refugees. The children seemed to have bounced back reasonably quickly, although obviously many of them are suffering from long-term health problems. For the adults the traumas are overwhelming, particularly for some of the older women. They will need enormous support. I understand that some of them will be moving out of Darwin, possibly to Perth, within the next few days. Some have already gone to Melbourne. So as we look at what we as individuals can do, I think on our list has to be supporting those East Timorese who have been temporarily relocated to Australia. But it is going to be a long time before they can be completely resettled and supported back into any sort of life that we would consider to be comfortable, relaxed and normal.The question that so many Australians are asking is: how on earth could this have happened? How could there have been no plan B? How could we have seen the United Nations and Australia and other countries so supportive of the ballot process yet this absolute disaster occur so quickly after the announcement was made? There were other plans for other people. There were plans to get our colleagues out—those Australians who were there monitoring what was going on during the ballot—should something have gone wrong at the time of the ballot. So violence was not something that should have been a surprise; violence, unfortunately, should have been something that was expected.So what went wrong? I am not going to try to answer that completely. Again, some of my colleagues will be looking at this. But I do want to comment that in a very dramatic way what has happened in East Timor has brought the role of the United Nations to the forefront. It has brought to the forefront the actual structure and organisation of the United Nations. The images of the last few weeks have been horrific. As we sat back and watched helplessly many of us were wondering, `Why can't the United Nations step in? Why can't they be involved in doing something?'We then obviously have to go to the structure of the United Nations and its role. Over the years commentators have pointed to the make-up of the Security Council as being one of the major hurdles. The group was decided upon after the Second World War. Then it was obviously the correct structure comprising the United States, France, the UK, China and Russia—it was the USSR then. When any one of those countries can veto any decision, can basically decide that, no, it is not in their interest or it is not something they believe is in the interests of a country that they work with closely, then it is very difficult for the United Nations to act. But I think we need to start saying that things have changed since World War II.As we move into the new century, surely it is time for us to look again at how the United Nations is structured and exactly how it operates. I was listening this morning to some comments from Kofi Annan. He was talking about whether or not we can take any notice of borders when genocide and ethnic cleansing is occurring—in other words, whether or not we can look at what is happening in, say, Kosovo, Rwanda or East Timor and say that the perpetrators are actually the people who have to give us permission. That situation is untenable. It simply does not work.As we look now to the future—and I will spend a couple of minutes doing that—I think one of the keys to a more peaceful future is looking at the structure of the United Nations: who has the power, how it functions and at what stage it can step in when ethnic cleansing is obviously occurring and when the body that needs to give the United Nations permission is actually suspected or known to be the body that is involved in, or at least turning a blind eye to and responsible largely for, what is happening.Another issue obviously is the financing of the United Nations. It is well known that the United States is years and hundreds of millions if not billions of dollars behind in its financing of the United Nations. So what is the long-term future of this organisation if Australia is one of about seven or eight countries that is up to date with its funding of an organisation so important in keeping world peace? That will be more and more a focus of its operations, but it is not being funded to the point where it can actually do it.Looking at our role as individuals, the role of ordinary Australians, we cannot just leave it up to bodies like the United Nations or, indeed, government. We cannot leave it up to our troops who are on the ground. All of us need to think about what our personal commitment is and to encourage Australians to put their hands in their own pockets now, whether it is to support Amnesty or Oxfam or the Red Cross or church organisations who are going to be spending millions upon millions of dollars for year after year, not just to get people fed and housed but to get the infrastructure in East Timor back up to scratch. Obviously, as it moves towards independence, the possibility of Indonesia doing much of this is very limited. So I hope anyone who can possibly be encouraged to spare those few dollars over the coming months and years will do so.I want to close by stressing again our complete commitment to and support for those men and women who are now in East Timor and the many who will no doubt be needed over there in the coming months. But we must learn the lessons from East Timor as well as from Kosovo and all of those other places. We must put in place better procedures for the future. For our ongoing relations with Indonesia, as Senator Boswell highlighted, this is again an issue that is going to come up time and time again in the months and years ahead. How do we re-establish a relationship with Indonesia? I think the basic answer is to concentrate on those people in Indonesia who have, like the people of East Timor, also voted for a government that they see as being democratic and concerned about people, and to give every encouragement possible so that the result of the Indonesian election is upheld in that country, as well as the result of the East Timorese election being upheld in East Timor.We have to do everything possible as a nation to isolate the militia and the military from the political decision making processes in Indonesia by working through every source that we can, whether it is through business and industry groups who want to invest there or whether it is through bodies who are funding Indonesia and helping it through its time of crisis economically. We must do everything we can to see that democracy actually does get a foothold in that country. Perhaps one of the best ways to communicate all of this to the average person in Indonesia is to get the transmitter on the Cox Peninsula open again so that we can transmit straight into Indonesia so that the ordinary people in Indonesia know that our beef is not with them, our problem is not them; our problem is the militia and the military and what they have done to East Timor since they took over.15:14:008482Harradine, Sen BrianSenator HARRADINE6H4TASIND00—This morning as I was driving my wife to the airport I took a wrong turn and ended up in the sports fields of the RMC at Duntroon. We had a little bit of time, so we went through Duntroon and past the chapel. We thought we would go in and say a prayer for the troops. Little did Marian know, when she launched 045, the catamaran which is now the Jervis Bay , only a short time ago, that it would be taking Australian troops overseas into a very difficult situation.In the silence of the Military College chapel, we remembered the men and women of the armed forces. We prayed that God would protect each one of them, that they would perform their tasks in a professional manner without bitterness or hatred, that they would complete their mission as peacemakers and peace restorers and that they would be able to secure the whole of the area of East Timor without suffering casualties. We prayed that the families would feel support and have support while their loved ones are away on this very important peace mission task, that they would not succumb to apprehension and that they would be able to trust and be supported by neighbours and the whole of Australia.We remembered the other members of the United Nations force, because these countries, our neighbours, realise the importance of peace and prosperity in this whole area. We prayed that the TNI would hand over control in an orderly and prompt fashion. Our hopes went out to the East Timorese who themselves have suffered enormously—untold dead, hundreds of thousands displaced, churches, houses, homes and buildings destroyed and burnt. We prayed that the nation would be rebuilt again.As I stand here I welcome the statements I have heard from Indonesian members of parliament and others supporting the decision—or at least acknowledging the decision—which was made in the referendum and indicating support when parliament resumes for the proposition that separation take place. Now is the time for reconciliation, and I speak directly to the key policy makers of Indonesia. I feel that now is the time, even in the midst of this disturbance, to start to reconcile and assist and, as an indication of goodwill, to open up the passages for humanitarian assistance for those persons who have left East Timor and are in West Timor.I make the point that, yes, it is a difficult decision to make that part of what you have believed to be your own country is to now be independent. However, I am sure that many Indonesian people and many of the Indonesian leaders now realise that this is inevitable. I was concerned, as others were concerned, about the unthinking burning of Indonesian flags in Australia and the burning of Australian flags in Indonesia. I think those people should realise that we were the first country in the world to recognise Indonesia's independence from Dutch colonialism.There is a very strong relationship between the peoples of Indonesia and Australia. I speak personally. I am honoured to be the father-in-law of a young Javanese lady and the grandfather of four Indonesian-Australian children. There has been a great deal of effort put in by many in Indonesia and many in Australia to cement those ties and relationships. That is important. Many of my friends in Indonesia were appalled by the actions of the militia in East Timor, were appalled by the actions of elements of the Indonesian armed forces in East Timor and were concerned that this might affect the development of democracy in Indonesia itself. They know as well as I do that a mature democracy is one in which the armed forces of that country are under the control of the elected civil power and the security forces, the police, go about their business—which is to bring criminals to justice and to ensure that persons are able to go about their undertakings, their lives and their businesses lawfully.Through you, Madam Acting Deputy President, I say to the Indonesian leaders in various areas that I have strongly supported the study of bahasa Indonesia in Australia and efforts by Australians to understand the cultures of the Indonesian people. I was terribly disappointed when I heard some commentator in Indonesia saying that Austral ians thought of the Indonesians only as small, chocolate-coloured people, inhabitants of a country near our shores. None of that is going to do any good.I admire the work that is done by a number of groups within Australia to advance understanding between Indonesia and Australia, including: the Australia-Indonesia Youth Exchange Program; the regular senior editors meetings between Australian and Indonesian editors; support for the Australian Studies Centre at the University of Indonesia; the Australia-Indonesia Institute's fellowship for eminent Indonesians to visit Australia; the Australian lecture series in Indonesia; scholarships for teachers, students and journalists to study the Indonesian language and culture in country; and a broad range of performing and visual arts. The Australia-Indonesia Institute list goes on.I know that at this point in time in three states and in the Northern Territory the most significant language other than the English language taught in government schools is Indonesian. More people are studying bahasa Indonesia in government schools in those three states—Victoria, Tasmania and Western Australia—and in the Northern Territory than are studying other languages other than English.I hope that what has happened can be put behind us. Indonesia-Australia relations should be protected and enhanced. We can do this by cooperatively looking at how best we can now restore peace, build prosperity in East Timor and continue the efforts we have made over the last 50 years to improve that relationship in the interest of both our nations—we are nearest neighbours—and in the interest of the peace and prosperity of the whole area. A number of other things can be said, but I do not believe that this is the occasion to say them. I have concerns about a number of matters. No doubt on the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade and other such forums there will be opportunities to have these matters considered. For example, why wasn't the information that was provided by DIO in March acted upon? There are questions relating to the timing of the referendum and the security arrangements therefor.Indeed, I think this whole issue has called into question our relationship with the United States. I am not reflecting on the United States of America, but it has its own interests, and they may not, and very often do not, coincide with ours. We have to consider all those matters. However, I do not think this debate is the occasion for internal recriminations. I put myself in the boots of the troops. How would they feel if this particular debate degenerated into mere bickering? Other matters have been raised quite legitimately. For example, the Leader of the Opposition, Mr Beazley, raised a very important question just recently which needs to be looked at if we are going to sustain this country and develop it into a viable country in this region. But I appeal to the Senate to put those matters aside for another date; to note the overwhelming choice for independence exercised by the East Timorese; to welcome the UN Security Council resolution and the multinational peacekeeping, peacemaking and security force in East Timor; and to express our full support for—and I support this wholeheartedly—and our confidence in the Australians serving with the multinational force.15:30:008483Brown, Sen BobSenator BROWNQD4TASAG00—On behalf of the Australian Greens I also support the motion on East Timor put forward by the Prime Minister. I particularly want to reiterate the unanimous feeling of the Australian Greens in the national meeting on the weekend which, amongst other things, wished our Australian Defence Force personnel and all members of the international peacekeeping force safety and success in the challenging and dangerous times ahead and a speedy return home. The thoughts of the Australian people will be with the thousands of Australians in the defence forces as well as in the humanitarian and assistance groups going to East Timor—and, hopefully, to West Timor as well—in the months ahead as we do what we can to bring a salve to the horrific wound that the people of that island have suffered in recent times and are continuing to suffer as we speak here today.There will be a need for this parliament to continue to press the government in ensuring that the defence forces in East Timor are given every assistance necessary for them to carry out their job as part of the international force. I want to reiterate what Senator Lees had to say in calling for the re-establishment of broadcasts of Radio Australia through the Cox Peninsula transmitter. This transmitter should never have been closed, but never has there been a more prudent time for the government to reverse that wrong decision and to ensure that the Radio Australia broadcasts are going not only to Australians in East Timor but also to the East Timorese people—and to the Indonesian people—wherever they might be and whatever their view might be on these events.It is also essential that our nation give support to all the leaders of the East Timorese people in these times, not least to Xanana Gusmao, who has shown extraordinary statespersonship in his time in detention in Indonesia and in recent days where, in the face of the cruelty that has been dealt to his people, he still had the humanity to be calling for talks with the militia—the very perpetrators of the bloodshed in East Timor. There will be millions of people around the world wishing Xanana Gusmao and the other leaders of the East Timorese people all strength and assistance as they move towards the establishment of a democratic set-up in East Timor and as that country itself regains its freedom and independence.It is also essential that we extend rapid humanitarian aid to the whole of the island of Timor, East and West. This is a role in which every Australian can take a place. It is important for us to dig deep into our pockets and to give the maximum in aid to help the humanitarian groups as they go for the first time to Timor to help the hundreds of thousands of people in extraordinarily distressing situations there and then in the long years ahead as the country, which is now burning, is rebuilt. It is also extremely important—and no Australian should overlook this—that we strengthen our bonds with Indonesia's democrats, those people in Indonesia who are hurting because of the events which have occurred at the hands of brigands and also with the assistance of at least sections of the Indonesian armed forces, not just in recent times but going right back to the invasion of East Timor in 1975. At the moment, these people are themselves inevitably showing courage and speaking out in Indonesia for the international peacekeeping force going to East Timor. They include trade unionists, journalists, students, lawyers, MPs and mosque and church leaders in Indonesia. We should salute their courage and ensure that their voice not only is heard in Indonesia but also is well known to the Australian people. It is through their courage that we will see the rapid evolution of not just a democratic East Timor but also a democratic Indonesia as our neighbours to the near north.I also want to reiterate the call of those who have already mentioned the need for a war crimes tribunal. This is not simply—or even principally—a matter of vengeance. Where people create murder and mayhem against innocent people because they have a different point of view, it is extraordinarily important that it be known to them that retribution is coming down the line. To not do so is to encourage this to happen somewhere else—some place, some time in the future. I wrote to the President of the Security Council back on 10 September to call for a war crimes tribunal. I am extraordinarily supportive of those, including Mary Robinson, who are now moving to establish such a war crimes tribunal.In the letter which I wrote to Mr Jaap Ramaker, the President of the United Nations Security Council, on 10 September, I said:The Tribunal should investigate the following acts:. Genocide;. Crimes against humanity;. Grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions;. Violations of the laws or customs of war.These are the basic terms of the tribunals established to investigate war crimes in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. I went on to say:It would appear from literally thousands of news reports from East Timor that, at the very least, the following people should be investigated: Indonesian Defence Minister General Wiranto; Eurico Guterras of the Aitarak militia; and Manuel Sousa of the Besi Merah Putih militia.There will be many other names on that list, but let us not in the future fall back to an acquiescence—to use a word used earlier in this debate—which removes the names of those people who were involved in the process of deciding and deliberating on and carrying out murder, rape and destruction in Timor from the list of people who should be brought before a war crimes tribunal, however long it takes, however harrowing the process is and however testing of diplomacy it is.As an immediate measure, we should be using international pressure—as the United States used—to help establish the peacekeeping force to secure the lives and the livelihoods of people trapped on the western side of East Timor's border. There are thousands of people there in extraordinarily distressing circumstances, as you know, Madam Acting Deputy President. It is distressing beyond words to hear evidence that even now the militia, apparently in cahoots with the military, is removing people from those camps, including supposed leaders of the East Timorese independence movement. This is leading to the situation where there is almost an absence of men, particularly young men, in those refugee camps containing tens of thousands of people.It is also very important that we insist that the Indonesian forces secure the border so that the militia, with whom they intermesh, are not able to cross freely from West Timor into East Timor in the coming months. In particular, it is important we recognise that from now on it is going to be Australian and international personnel who are at risk, as well as the East Timorese civilians, as a result of that free movement, if it is permitted, of people who have murder and destruction as their aim.I would also reiterate the issue I brought up in question time yesterday with the Acting Leader of the Government in the Senate. It is important for the government to be scrupulous in establishing that absolutely no aid which in any way can be of assistance to the military or the militia in Indonesia now or in the future is going from this country to that country. I condemn here and now the Blair government's decision to allow three more war planes to be sold to Indonesia because of contractual obligations. What about the contractual obligations of the Indonesian militia to ensure peace in East Timor? The Blair government is to be condemned for allowing this continuing trade in weapons at a time when international forces are being put at risk in East Timor and at a time when hundreds if not thousands or tens of thousands of East Timorese still have their lives in the hands of the people with whom Britain is trading in these weapons.We must also insist that, in diplomacy, we do not allow ourselves to mix up the issues of economic advantage and democratic and civil rights. This is a big test for our country and for all Western democracies. But let us hope that, if nothing else comes from these awful times in East Timor, there is a keen, renewed and forever strengthened recognition that democracies must not trade human rights with dictatorships and that trading in arms—let alone trading for economic advantage in all goods—can never be an excuse for acquiescing to the removal of rights of other world citizens.I have seen some newspapers say that we must contain the resolution of the East Timor troubles, that this must not be allowed to flow on to incite freedom-loving people in West Papua, Aceh or Kalimantan in Indonesia—let alone Tibet or East Turkestan in China and dominated by China—or to places like West Sahara, where there is to be a United Nations referendum on self-determination for those people who were invaded by Morocco a decade or two ago. This is absolutely wrong-headed thinking. This is not what a fair go is about. This is not what democracy and freedom that we value in this country is about, and it cannot be traded.The experience of the last 25 years should bring home to future Australian leaders that, if you do trade these values for better relations with dictatorships, history will come to judge you for it. The acquiescence to the military occupation of East Timor, which the Acting Leader of the Government in the Senate mentioned earlier as being a necessary part of our relationship with Indonesia, was neither needed nor ethical. It cannot be excused in retrospect, and it will not be excused into the future.I put it to those who say that we must acquiesce to the military domination of countries like West Papua, Tibet or even Burma—where internally military authorities have taken away the democratic aspirations of the people and overrun the democratic vote of their own people—that we cannot and must not acquiesce to that. Acquiescence in these matters is a policy which has failed and which has inevitably led in part, or in the main, to the disaster for the East Timorese people which has troubled our country so greatly.I salute the strength of the Australian people in driving the political move and strengthening the political spine of this nation, which is leading at last to peacekeeping forces going into East Timor to secure—despite the awful bloodshed—the inevitable outcome of independence and freedom for the East Timorese people who are near neighbours of ours. I have been at the rallies in recent weeks in Melbourne, Sydney and Hobart where not thousands but tens of thousands of people have turned out and expressed their heartfelt grievance against the events to our north and their support, caring and love for the East Timorese people. I do not need to reiterate the details of the awful calamity for individuals in East Timor which have been voiced and remembered at these enormous gatherings.I also want to salute the union movement in this country, which acted so rapidly to invoke sanctions on Indonesia and then lifted them when the time was right. It used that as leverage for a humanitarian and democratic purpose beyond its own immediate bailiwick. This was an act of high ethical courage and determination by people who did not need to get involved in that way, but it did establish also a strengthening bond with people in Indonesia who have stood up for the rights of democracy in that country.It is going to be very important that in the years ahead—as I said at the beginning of this speech—we remember the need to strengthen the power of those in Indonesia itself who believe in democracy, a free press, freedom of worship and the freedom of self-determination and have had the courage to voice those beliefs on behalf of the people of East Timor through these very difficult times when it is so easy for such voices to go quiet. I salute those people in Indonesia. They are the true democrats; they are true world citizens.At the end of this century of horrific events and bloodshed, and dictatorships believing that the lives of people they disagree with are expendable in terms of their own accretion of power or experimentation, the events in East Timor will be part of a watershed leading towards a safer, more secure, democratic and free world as we move into the next century. We are going to face harrowing events in the months and years ahead. These are going to be all the more personal for us because so many thousands of Australians are now directly involved. I join those in the parliament who wish them a safe return to our shores after the establishment of the belated rights of the East Timorese people to their own freedom, independence and peace.Debate (on motion by Senator Ian Campbell) adjourned.Business8486848615:50:008486Campbell, Sen IanSenator IAN CAMPBELLH15WALP10—by leave—I move:That on Tuesday, 21 September 1999, the routine of business be varied to provide that the question for the adjournment of the Senate shall not be proposed till after the conclusion of consideration of the motion on East Timor, or a motion for the adjournment is moved by a minister.I might just state that it is clear from the speakers list that the current debate before the chamber on Australia's involvement in East Timor would not be concluded by 10 or 11 o'clock tonight if senators take up an average amount of time. The Senate is due to adjourn somewhere after 6.50 this evening. We have had discussions with senators around the chamber to ensure that the debate can continue into this evening. I have sent a letter around. Senator Brown would not have re ceived his as yet, but there have been discussions with Senator Brown.The Senate will sit tonight but it will be on the basis that there be no divisions and no quorums. It would mean that senators who have other engagements—bearing in mind the Senate would not normally sit tonight, that is understandable—will not need to be in the chamber. I understand that the motion will be put and concluded tonight. It will be able to be voted on and there should not need to be a division. It should be carried on the voices. I believe that is everyone's understanding. That is the government's intention: no divisions and no quorums after 6.50 this evening, to allow any senator who wishes to speak on this debate to do so, and for the debate to be concluded tonight.15:52:008487Carr, Sen KimSenator CARRAW5VICALP00—The opposition supports the motion as moved by the Manager of Government Business on the basis he has outlined—that is, no quorums and no divisions after 6.50 tonight. The calculation of time that he has made for the consideration of what is obviously an extremely important matter for the entire Australian community is that at about 2.30 tomorrow morning we may conclude this matter, if everyone takes their 20 minutes and if there are no further senators who wish to add their names to the speakers list.It is obviously a matter that will take considerable time and it is our view that, on a no quorums, no divisions basis, this matter should be put tonight. It is our understanding that that is the government's intention and there will not be a division on the matter itself at the conclusion of this debate. On that basis, we are happy to support the motion.Question resolved in the affirmative.Miscellaneous8487Debate resumed.15:53:008487Harris, Sen LenSenator HARRIS8HCQldIND00—I rise to support the government's motion welcoming United Nations Security Resolution 1264 and the peacekeeping party into East Timor. I sincerely hope that the peacekeeping force will be that, and that it will be a temporary situation leading to the just return of control of their land to the sovereign people of East Timor. I also wish to endorse the sentiments passed today in support of our Australian troops, and very clearly remind this nation of their families, their children, their mothers and their fathers whom they have left behind. I believe it is very important that we support Senator Harradine's sentiments in that we, as a nation, pray not only for that force and their families but also for the East Timorese people. We also pray that righteous people will be uplifted in Indonesia so that the real intention of the Indonesian people is heard around the world.Senator Faulkner called on the Indonesian parliament to pass legislation to allow recognition of the right of the East Timorese people to freedom and self-government. I believe, in actuality, that Senator Lees was far closer to the mark when she made the comment, `Why are we asking the perpetrators of this violence to give their permission so that the people on whom they are perpetrating that violence can have their freedom?' I believe that Senator Lees is correct in that it is an anathema that we are doing that. Senator Alston commended not only the countries of the world which have contributed to the peace force by way of members but the other countries which have pledged funds to support the East Timorese people. I would like to call upon the Australian government to reconsider the aid of approximately $120 million that it has appropriated for the Indonesian government—$8 million of which I believe was expressly for military purposes. I call upon the government to reconsider that allocation and to seriously consider transferring those funds ultimately to the people of East Timor. Senator Brown also went on to say that we should not mix up our responsibilities between economic and civil rights. I believe he has explicitly hit the nail in relation to the East Timor issue.I would like to take a little time to relate to the senators in the chamber and those people around Australia who are listening to this what I believe equates to a similarity with the emperor who paraded with no clothes. The advisers to the emperor were sufficiently articulate with words to convince the emperor he had the finest set of clothes when, in reality, the people could clearly see that he had none. You might ask: what does that mean in relation to this motion? I believe it largely depicts sentiments being expressed not only in Indonesia but also in Australia. I will share with the chamber some words, and I would like you to focus on them. The words are:Something happened here that moved me very deeply. It was so far outside our experience as Australians that we'll find it very difficult to convey to you, but we'll try. Sitting on woven mats, under a thatched roof, in a hut with no walls, we were the target of a barrage of questioning from men who knew that they may die tomorrow and cannot understand why the rest of the world does not care.Does that sound like a report from last Saturday night's news? It does. It has a familiar ring. But it is actually part of the last on-camera report by Greg Shackleton. It was filed on 15 October 1975. The questions being relayed to the government in that statement are no different from those questions we ask today. East Timor asks why the rest of the world does not care. Finally, 24 years later, we are committing Australian sons and daughters to a peacekeeping mission. All that foreign aid has done is reinforce behaviours that in many instances are repugnant to the world.When five journalists were murdered in Balibo in 1975 the Australian government barely flinched. Then, at a funeral of a young boy, Sebastiano Gomes, the Indonesian armed forces went on a killing spree, murdering between 100 and 500 innocent people. The honourable member for Holt declared:The massacre is not a matter of deliberate or calculated Indonesian government policy.The United Nations begged to differ, describing the incident as:A well planned military operation designed to deal with public expressions of political dissent.Throughout all of this, Australian governments kept the money flowing into Indonesia. Two years ago Pauline Hanson knew that this money would buy neither favours nor better behaviour from a basically corrupt government. She raised these issues during her time in the House of Representatives. I wonder whether regional neighbourliness and friendship is the real issue behind the funding that we pay to Indonesia. In November 1997 Pauline asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs:Why is it in the national interest for Australia to provide foreign aid to countries which have promoted military officers responsible for the murder of Australian citizens? It is suspected that Indonesian military—personnel—killed Australian journalists in East Timor . . . Australians feel morally obliged to assist people in the world as best we can. Unfortunately, the minister forgets we should also be morally bound to look after our own. We have now sent our defence force into East Timor, a force which has had its funds and, subsequently, training opportunities limited by a government determined to give Australian taxpayers' money to overseas countries to buy regional mateship. Yes, I suggest all we have tried to do is buy regional mateship.Let us not overlook the opposition's track record in their support of our Timorese friends. In 1991 an Australian government representative told the United Nations that Australia defends self-determination as a fundamental right of people everywhere. Yet, subsequently, the Hon. Gareth Evans, as Minister for Foreign Affairs, said:We cannot lend ourselves to an exercise which is premised on non-acceptance of the sovereign incorporation of East Timor into the Republic of Indonesia. East Timor is just a country, an area that was never a sovereign state . . . It was an abandoned colony.A colony that on 7 December 1975 was invaded not just by the sea but also by air. The East Timorese people were slaughtered, as we know they are being slaughtered today. The Australian public condemned these atrocities, but the government never committed itself to any action that could jeopardise the `special relationship' with Indonesia. For the last 25 years each party in this chamber has talked about moral and humanitarian obligations. They have given away billions of dollars of hard-earned Australian taxpayers' dollars in an attempt to buy the favour of our regional mates. I suggest that the special relationship with the Indonesian government was more important to our leaders than the rights of the Indonesian people.By the time one-third of the East Timorese had died as a direct result of the invasion, Australian politicians had signed a treaty with Indonesia on the Timor Gap, which had oil and gas deposits worth billions of dollars. Unfortunately, the only obligation our government upheld was the economic rights of the invaders. Short of a jab in the nose, I often wonder how much has to be done to alert the major political parties as to what is happening within their electorates, let alone in another country.Pauline Hanson's One Nation has certainly turned some—yes, I admit only some—of the thinking of the major parties around, to consider the will of the people. The government had been given advice about the possibility of violence following the Timor independence vote. Yet with great skill, finely honed through previous years in power, that advice was ignored. Really, the Prime Minister and the honourable Minister for Foreign Affairs know best what should happen in Timor. Never mind that respected East Timorese leaders asked that a cooling-off period of five years be adopted prior to the referendum, due to the military strength that was deployed in East Timor. Father Hilario, senior religious East Timor leader, said last October:I think my days are numbered.A senior Indonesian army official told the Sunday program:If the pro-independents do win . . . all will be destroyed.To allow a government with a brutal track record of violence to be in charge of security after the Timor referendum was negligent and a denial of reality. These very same people who told us back in 1998 that they were confident that they could manage any situation that arose now have blood on their hands. The great tragedy is that this blood could include that of some of our peacekeeping force members, who will have to try to broker a peace between hostile groups who are threatening to kill an Australian a day.We have always argued that we need to build up our defence forces spending, personnel and equipment. This must be coupled with a government that can spend these funds wisely with a minimum of waste. The tragedy of East Timor is a stern warning to the other rebellious provinces of Indonesia, namely Aceh and Irian Jaya. The Ambonese are mainly Melanesian, of both Islamic and Christian faith. The province of Aceh is also populated by people of Melanesian origin and contains valuable natural resources, as does Irian Jaya. While losing East Timor will not hurt the Indonesian economy greatly, the loss of those other areas would have a definite economic consequence, and I cannot see the Indonesian government allowing this to happen under any circumstances.I believe that the violence, the killing, and the burning of East Timor is a specific process set about by the Indonesian people to send a very clear warning to the other provinces, such that if they in any way move towards voting for independence they know exactly what is going to happen to them. I believe that the Australian government should repeal the Timor Gap treaty with Indonesia and renegotiate the agreement with the new East Timorese people.The East Timorese crisis has made us realise that we do not have a special relationship with the Indonesian government and never did have. Let us have an end to these special relationships with other countries. No one likes a groveller, not the Indonesians and certainly not the Australian people. In conclusion, Pauline Hanson's One Nation wants to thank from our heart the wonderful members of our Army, Air Force and Navy for defending the rights of the East Timorese people.16:11:008489Newman, Sen JocelynSenator NEWMANBE4TASLPFamily and Community Services; Minister Assisting the Prime Minister for the Status of Women10—I stand to support the motion on East Timor moved by Senator Alston. Can I first say, however, that I am so disappointed by the speech of the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate. At a time when unequivocal support from the whole nation is needed, to have what was, in my eyes, political opportunism in that speech was a terrible shame. I think that a political speech does Labor no credit at all, especially when many of us remember the 13 years when the Hawke and Keating governments made no effort at all to achieve a ballot in East Timor.I also note that the Leader of the Opposition, Mr Beazley, is rewriting history as fast as he can. He claims that Labor said at an early stage that there needed to be peacekeepers in place in order to have a vote. Yet in fact, on many occasions from February to April, he spoke against the deployment of Australian troops and for the control of the situation by the Indonesian military. Does he think that the record is not available to others?He has claimed that the Prime Minister did not raise the question of East Timor on his visit to the United States in July, and yet that is quite untrue. On 12 July the Prime Minister spoke to our media in the United States about discussions with President Clinton which went on at great length over lunch. So much for Mr Beazley rewriting history.I have also been appalled this afternoon to hear the frantic contribution by Mr Beazley in the House of Representatives. Does he think we forget that he was defence minister at a time when more and more help was being given to the Indonesian military and yet no attempt was being made by him as defence minister or by his government to draw on that close relationship to ensure a plebiscite in East Timor?It was his government that was so close to the Suharto government that senior military officers were invited to a guided tour of some of our defence establishments. Surely Mr Beazley might have had the ticker to convince the Indonesian military of the need to support an East Timorese plebiscite. So political opportunism and frantic shouting in the chamber today seem to me to be no solution to hiding Labor's record while in government.I now turn to some of the key issues, as I see them, in relation to East Timor. Our country has a compelling strategic interest in promoting peace and security in East Timor as it moves to independence. We also respect Indonesia's territorial integrity. We do not want to see a destabilising break-up of the archipelago. I recognise full well the focus in that nation, since the time of its independence, in trying to keep together a very diverse nation of many islands in the archipelago. I can understand that they have concerns about the future of their nation and that they want to avoid a destabilising break-up. We respect their territorial integrity. We cannot be secure ourselves in a region in turmoil.Our leadership of INTERFET is not only about being a good international citizen; it is just as importantly about our very strong interest in maintaining an effective relationship with Indonesia. Indonesia is a close and important regional neighbour. We have many shared security interests. The security of Australia can best be assured by having a close working relationship with our nearest neighbour. So the Australian government's intention is for the multifunctional force to carry out the mandate and hand over transitional authority to the United Nations as soon as is practicable.We must never forget—and there are no two ways about this; it is just like you cannot choose your family and usually you cannot choose your neighbours—that in this case Indonesia is our neighbour. That is a fact of life. They will be our neighbour forever. Their size and their population mean they will have a shared role in the Asia-Pacific region in future and it is best if we can restore friendly relationships between our two countries. It is best for all of us.In that context we must acknowledge and recognise that the Indonesian government and, in particular, President Habibie have done the right thing by allowing the referendum in East Timor and by agreeing to the peacekeeping force. We were especially encouraged by the reporting by the commander of INTERFET, Major-General Cosgrove, of the first-class cooperation he received from Indonesian military authorities during his initial visit to Dili on 19 September.I am particularly pleased to have seen the number of countries from Asia that have been prepared to contribute forces. The history of ASEAN has been that most nations have been very unwilling to ever publicly criticise another member of ASEAN, let alone take part in a peacekeeping force in one of the nations of the region. So it is very significant that it is not only Australia as a neighbour of Indonesia that is taking part in this force but also Thailand, the Philippines, Singapore and Malaysia. I am also very pleased to see the Gurkhas there—they are doughty military men. I think they will prove very effective in the peace enforcement role.The value of our military alliance with the United States has been reconfirmed. That was a key ingredient in helping us to bring INTERFET together so quickly. It is an issue that the opposition has used as a political hammer perhaps, but in ignorance or wilful disregard of the facts. Portugal also has played an essential diplomatic role in the process. Its contribution to the UN Trust Fund, together with that of Japan's financial support, is critical to ensuring the participation of a number of states who are unable to manage the cost of deploying their forces. The range of countries that have been prepared to contribute is wonderful, I think.Progress towards reconciliation will depend on the efforts of the UN but, of course, ultimately on the people of East Timor themselves. The process is going to be slow and painful and it may well take many years. So we urge the UN to start that work of reconciliation in the province immediately. INTERFET's role in that process will be to prevent the recurrence of the violence on the scale we saw over the last two weeks, to protect and support UNAMET and any other UN entities in their work of building political reconciliation and to facilitate the delivery of the humanitarian aid by protecting the agencies involved.While I pay tribute to the scale and the capabilities of the forces that have contributed to INTERFET from all over the world, we must recognise the fact that they are not sufficient to control security throughout the territory. That would hardly be possible with a force many times the size of INTERFET. We will do all we can in the time ahead of us to provide the most secure environment we can for the process of political reconciliation and humanitarian relief to go forward.I would like to speak briefly about Australia's defence preparation. Although no country anticipated the extent of the destruction after the referendum, Australia did make preparations. We decided in June to increase the training and operational readiness of a brigade size force in Darwin. We were enabled to do that because of the fact that we had protected the defence budget since we came into government. We had had a review of the expenditure within the department and reallocated moneys which were not going to the sharp end but now can. So the ability for us to have increased training and operational readiness for another brigade size force in Darwin has meant that these people were ready to go.We put the catamaran HMAS Jervis Bay into service. As a proud Tasmanian I am delighted that it is a Tasmanian vessel that is carrying our troops. I think it was Senator Lees who mentioned that maybe this will be an even greater support for an emerging industry in our state, because it is a sad fact that other countries are not very interested in buying military hardware from a nation unless they can point to the fact that it is already in use in the nation producing the item. This opportunity for the Incat vessel which is on lease for two years will, I am sure, make a significant impact in the region.I would think it is true to say that the Australian Defence Force has not been at such a high point of military readiness since the end of the Vietnam War. It is a tribute to the professionalism of our forces that they have made themselves ready for this task so quickly. The sorts of problems they will be facing in East Timor are the sorts of problems for which the Australian Defence Force—certainly the Army—has trained for many decades. They are leaders in the field around the world. I would say that the Australians, the New Zealanders and the Brits as well have some great skills which are going to be called upon—we hope not too much—in this expedition.Australia's commitment includes an initial deployment of land forces—a brigade group with two infantry battalions with associated support elements including engineers and reconnaissance vehicles, logistic support elements, and rotary wing support including Black Hawks and Kiowas. Air elements include C-130s, Caribous and B707s to provide transport of personnel and cargo and to maintain supplies for the mission. Naval components include HMAS Anzac, HMAS Adelaide, HMAS Darwin, HMAS Tobruk, HMAS Jervis Bay, HMAS Success and two heavy landing craft.I now turn finally to the support of families of ADF personnel deployed to East Timor. The measures that have been announced are quite significant, important and practical. A National Welfare Coordination Centre has been established to provide a 24-hour point of contact for families and the next of kin of personnel deployed. The role of the centre is to provide a central coordination point for all welfare and family support assets and to provide information on this to members of the deployed forces and their families.The tasks of the centre will be to provide the Defence Community Organisation with details of the families of deployed soldiers so they can establish contact and assess the family's needs and to develop family support plans in conjunction with regional Defence Community Organisation offices. This may include assistance in areas such as home maintenance. The centres will supplement the usual support provided to families by the Defence Community Organisation service delivery offices and FIND, the Family Information Network for Defence.The Defence Community Organisation has been participating in unit organised predeployment briefings for members and their families. Families will be given contact details for all regional Defence Community Organisation service delivery teams for support in such matters as how to contact the member, information on accessing local support groups, family crisis support, counselling, crisis intervention counselling support, suitable local referrals for specific problems and access to emergency financial assistance in periods of financial crisis or illness.The Defence Community Organisation will also sponsor social gatherings that promote networking and reinforce the valuable role that spouses play. The Family Information Network for Defence is continuing to provide a central information resource. The Defence Community Organisation web site will contain an East Timor information page. The Defence Community Organisation site also offers email links. I understand that already there have been 270 calls to the National Welfare Coordination Centre and 140 were made to the FIND line on the first day, yesterday. That certainly means that some people know where to find help.Although those things are very important, the announcement of those items themselves will not be enough to guarantee the support that is needed, the support that is so vital to the morale of the troops. I do not know whether the Australian people understand or not, but the support that is given to the families back home has a critical impact on how troops serving overseas can stick at the job, which is often so difficult. I would urge the Australian people to understand how vital their continuing support will be to our men and women. That is the prime need: to know that your country honours your service or the service of your loved one.It is not good enough in a debate in the parliament today for the Labor Party to endorse the motion before the parliament and to turn the occasion into an opportunity for political attack. It is not good enough for Labor to say that they support the troops and that the troops need the nation's support and then talk about how the men who came back from Vietnam needed that support. Do they think that the Army has forgotten who rejected our men coming back from Vietnam? Labor led a concerted attack on our soldiers and their role as well as delivering great hurt and resentment to their families who were left here to worry and to put up with the cruel abuse. I was one of those wives who was left behind who had to put up with the cruelty and the unfair treatment that was stirred up by the ALP against the men and their families, not against the government. Whatever it is they are trying to do, Labor cannot rewrite history now. Any Vietnam veteran in Australia will tell you the blame is firmly on Labor's doorstep. So the contribution of Labor today fills me with fear that their political opportunism will be the determinant of how long they `support' our troops.The Department of Defence and the ADF also need to ensure that the support mechanisms actually work, work well and continue to work. Some families, for example, are not near defence bases, and they will tend to feel isolated. They need special care and attention. Some will proudly refuse help but still need it. Many will be living thousands of miles from their extended families and need that bit of extra support. The Australian today reported on Mr and Mrs Geall of Biloela in Queensland, whose lovely daughter Jaclyn has left for East Timor. Her family are proud but naturally worried. They live a long way away from the usual Defence networks. My experience as the wife of an infantryman serving in Vietnam in 1967-68 was that the announcement of family support from Defence at the beginning of the tour of 2RAR sounded fine. The only trouble was that the actual effectiveness was pretty short lived. Our men and women may be away for some time—we do not yet know for how long—and I know that Ministers Moore and Scott will be paying particular attention to this support for the families. I urge all parliamentarians to keep an eye out for the support that they need.As the Minister for Family and Community Services, I too will take a close interest in the needs of those families who are supporting our peacekeepers. Let us start with something very basic and practical but terribly important: let us ensure that their mail is received regularly, something that has not always been the case in previous peacekeeping efforts. I am proud of our well-trained and professional troops and their leaders. I know they will do well, and I am glad that they are taking on this task with the total support of their fellow countrymen. Long may that support continue, and may they do their jobs and return home safely.16:28:008493Cook, Sen PeterSenator COOKRF4WAALP00—On 30 August, East Timor had a population of 825,000 people: 437,000 had enrolled to vote in the ballot being held that day under the watchful eyes of United Nations supervisors and international observers. Overwhelmingly, those eligible to vote did so. It was a fair ballot. Most attended early in the day. Correspondents reported long queues at polling stations all over the country.Initially sombre and determined, the mood gave way to expressions of joy and pleasure. People who had never known democracy were happy and proud at the sense of freedom and dignity the right of a proper election brings. Critically, those people had voted under UN banners proclaiming that the United Nations protected their right to vote, assuring them that they would not be persecuted if they marked the ballot paper according to their wishes to express their beliefs. Observers reported that this guarantee of protection by the UN gave the people of East Timor the confidence to freely exercise their opinion, and it was the reason for the large enrolment and the monster turnout.Since the Indonesian takeover of East Timor in 1975, 200,000 people have lost their lives. This was reason for the East Timorese to be cautious. But the UN had been from village to village, from door to door, to assure them. And they believed, and they came and they voted. In the event, in the nationwide poll, and despite acts of intimidation and threat, there was a 98.6 per cent turnout and a 78.5 per cent vote for independence.When an Australian led UN peacekeeping force landed in Dili yesterday, they encountered a vastly different East Timor from the one that existed on 30 August—just three weeks before. An estimated 20,000 to 30,000 people are now dead. The Red Cross say that 600,000 people have been driven from their homes and are at risk from hunger, disease or violence in the countryside. They also say that 200,000 people have been driven out of the country altogether and are refugees now in West Timor or elsewhere. Dili itself has been torched and levelled, its infrastructure and services destroyed. From the countryside, there are continued reports of massacre, fear and starvation. No-one can authoritatively say what is the condition of many towns and villages in the hinterland, but we fear the worst. The UN compound, which became a safe haven for 2,000 refugees, was besieged and all but closed, with a few UN staff courageously hanging on, the rest in Darwin, and the refugees hiding in the hills or repatriated on Australian Air Force Hercules to Darwin. The Red Cross office also sheltered around 2,000 refugees. They were not so lucky. They were removed at gunpoint by armed militia. Their fate is not known. Bishop Carlos Belo, the Nobel Laureate, was driven out, his home trashed, priests and nuns murdered.From 30 August until yesterday, when the peacekeeping force landed, East Timor had been abandoned to the gunmen. The United Nations promise of protection of a free vote had not held. A nation of people had the most vicious and catastrophic reprisal and revenge visited upon them. Mostly the world watched: action came too late to prevent a holocaust. Our civilisation cannot allow this to occur. Blame must go to those who perpetrated these terrible deeds—deeds which appear to be premeditated and according to an organised, systematic plan. Because it has happened, Australian lives have now been put on the line to stop it continuing and to bring order and, one hopes, peace and eventual reconstruction.Our thoughts go out to those Australian soldiers and their families today and in the future. In the service of their country and for the principles which we as a nation hold dear, they are at risk. They come from a long tradition of honour among Australians under arms—a tradition stretching back to Gallipoli. But this tradition should not blind us to the dangers. They are in harm's way. It is a huge sacrifice that we are asking of them. I am sure they will acquit themselves well. I hope and trust that they all return unharmed.Just as Sir Robert Menzies saw it as his role during World War II to point out what he perceived as weaknesses in the Curtin government's handling of the war, so Labor sees it as being only proper and also right for us to raise honestly and candidly the faults, the errors and the dereliction of our government's responsibility now. We are led to believe that these terrible events could not have been predicted. But we knew of the massacre on 6 April at the coastal town of Liquica where at least 58 people were murdered under the watchful eyes of the Indonesian military and the police mobile brigade. We know because our embassy in Jakarta sent two officers to investigate and report. Labor has asked for that report to be released. Our Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Downer, has declined the request.So could we have predicted this? In truth, there was an avalanche of warnings. Every East Timorese leader—Bishop Belo, Xanana Gusmao, Ramos Horta—pleaded for Australia and the international community to put security first. They implored us to insist on a transition process underpinned by reconciliation, disarmament and a United Nations peacekeeping presence. Fourteen days after the Liquica massacre, Father Francisco Barreto met Laurie Brereton in Sydney. He came in his capacity as Director of Caritas in East Timor. He also called on Foreign Minister Downer in his plea for Australia to do what was required to guarantee security. He spoke of his dreadful foreboding of what was likely to happen to his people if they were left at the mercy of the militia and their military controllers. His foreboding proved all too correct: Father Barreto was one of the first of the Catholic priests to be assassinated by the militia following the announcement of the ballot result. But even before Liquica, Australia knew what was likely to happen.On 4 March Australia's Defence Intelligence Organisation gave the government an assessment that pulled no punches. At the time when Foreign Minister Downer was still talking about possible `rogue elements' which might or might not be helping the militias, the Australian Defence Intelligence Organisation said:The military in East Timor are clearly protecting, and in some instances operating with militias . . . No vigorous action to rein in the military have been noted, implying that General Wiranto is at least turning a blind eye . . . Unless Jakarta takes firm action, the military will continue to support intimidation and violence or at least won't prevent it.They concluded:Further violence is certain and Dili will be a focus. But this was something the Australian government did not want to hear. After all, Australia was already campaigning to help Jakarta resist any move by the international community for peacekeepers. The first of Labor's many calls for peacekeepers came in February this year. We now know that the Clinton administration's pointsman in East Timor, Assistant Secretary of State Stanley Roth, also advocated peacekeepers. That same month, the month of February, he told the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Secretary, Mr Ashton Calvert, that it was essential to build a coalition to push for peacekeepers for, without peacekeepers, East Timor, he said, would collapse into violence.At every opportunity, Foreign Minister Downer rubbished the idea of pressing Jakarta to accept peacekeepers, though at times his argument got tortured indeed. He said:. . . we hope that there won't be a need for a peacekeeping force because if you need a peacekeeping force, you need a peace to keep and peace first has to be negotiated and we hope that when the peace is negotiated it will be a peaceful peace that won't require a peacekeeping force.Instead of pressing Jakarta to accept peacekeepers, pressing them to accept an international security presence, the Australian government put all its faith in President Habibie and the fact that General Wiranto stood alongside him at the Bali summit. This is very clear from John Howard's own words. On his return from Bali, the Prime Minister declared at a press conference outside his office:I have no reason to doubt the sincerity of the commitments that were made yesterday by both the President and also the other ministers who were present . . . There is no doubt that there has been a quantum shift so far as the assertion of control both in relation to the military by the Government and also the central control of the military in relation to its activities in East Timor . . . I am certainly satisfied from what's happened publicly from the presence yesterday of General Wiranto, his participation in the discussions and the general attitude taken by Dr Habibie . . . there is a realisation that things had to change, that things have begun to change.A journalist then inquired:Prime Minister, how can you maintain the confidence given that even with General Wiranto's presence at a peace ceremony in the territory itself still the atrocities continue and there hasn't been a disarming of the militia?The Prime Minister replied:. . . the confidence . . . I expressed as a confidence that things were infinitely better than they were a week or two weeks ago.That very day the foreign minister sang from the same hymn sheet when he said:. . . there isn't any doubt that the Indonesians through this process are committed to the laying down of arms endeavouring to achieve disarmament, using the Peace and Stability Commission which they established on 21 April to assist with that process but also to do so in consultation with the United Nations. I can say that much, and obviously we're delighted to get that commitment from the Indonesians . . . I think people will feel more confident with the police playing a much more substantial role on the ground rather than the armed forces.These were the very same police who helped oversee the massacre at Liquica. I think it is fair to say that these declarations, declarations just three weeks after the horror of Liquica, show that the die was cast. The Australian government embraced the plan to see the ballot through, to see it through come what may and without any real protection for the East Timorese people. Behind the scenes, Australia's intelligence assessments were quietly revised to remove any conflict with the government's acceptance of Jakarta's assurances. Against that background we were part of the United Nations encouragement to vote. It is not as if there is much doubt that there has been a major failure here.Respected media commentators have this to say. Brian Toohey, in the Australian Financial Review on 18 December, said:What was needed was unswerving pressure on [General] Wiranto. But Downer blew the chance of this happening when he rejected a plea back in February from a senior State Department official, Stanley Roth, for Australia to stop being "defeatist" and take the lead in building support for peacekeepers. Downer even boasted in Parliament that Roth was "grateful" for being lectured about the importance of the Indonesian military.Laurie Oakes, in the Bulletin on 21 September, said:The government argues it was necessary to solve the Timor issue to remove a constant irritant in Australia-Indonesian relations. There was, senior ministers say, no other way than to grab Habibie's referendum and run with it despite the awful cost. `Lives were often going to be lost' is an oft-repeated refrain. What has happened since the ballot, in the government's view, is the massacre we had to have.Robert Garran, in the Australian on 16 September, said:Australia has stumbled into East Timor by accident, over an issue that defence planners did not consider a top priority.Greg Sheridan, in the Australian on the same day, said:The deepening tragedy of East Timor represents the greatest catastrophe in the history of Australian foreign policy.. . . . . . . . .This has been a bloody and appalling failure of Australian strategy and policy.Louise Dodson, in the Australian Financial Review on 17 September, said:Mr Howard argues that he had no choice: it was either that [the current situation] or no ballot. But if Australia had better marshalled support from the UN, the United States and other countries at the time of the August 30 ballot, faster international diplomatic reaction and maximum international pressure could have prevented two weeks of bloodshed.Peter Hartcher, in the Australian Financial Review on 18 September, said:Howard and Co need to understand that this is not just a joust with Labor in the Parliament. This is serious. Carelessness in a crisis is not helping the East Timorese, and it is not helping Australia.Other commentators have also spoken in similar terms on that same subject.We as a nation now have a responsibility to give East Timor our most generous support. Sending our troops to lead the peacekeeping mission is a vital first step. We must also be prepared to provide them with humanitarian support on a massive scale and to commence the enormous task of reconstruction. We must play a key role in institution building for a free East Timor, a new independent nation on Australia's very doorstep.Now, at its very beginning, we must end our de jure recognition of Indonesian sovereignty. This may seem a formality, but it is not. We should not wait for the Indonesian MPR to implement the ballot result. Indonesia's claim of sovereignty has no legitimacy whatsoever. We should do the right thing and end de jure recognition now. We must also be prepared to recognise a provisional East Timorese government—headed, one anticipates, by Xanana Gusmao—as soon as it is formed.At the same time, it is tremendously important that Australia make a clear distinction between the Indonesian people and the Indonesian military and their militias who have been responsible for all of this horrific violence. The criminals who have directed the appalling events in East Timor must be held fully to account for their actions, but all Australians have a responsibility to ensure this condemnation does not extend to the Indonesian people whose own democratic aspirations are now in jeopardy. The tragedy in East Timor will indeed be even greater if the present crisis wrecks Indonesia's emergent democracy.Australia must do the right thing by East Timor, but we must also support Indonesia's democracy. There is a responsibility for everyone in public office to ensure anti-Indonesian outbursts have no place in our nation's response to the East Timor crisis. We must make every effort to avoid a dangerous spiral of nationalistic rhetoric that will only damage democratic hopes and produce an enduring estrangement between our two countries.As Australian troops are now on the ground led by Australian officers in an international peacekeeping force in East Timor, it is also important to remember that under their rules of engagement they are working alongside Indonesian military, some of whom have been associated with the atrocities that have occurred up until now. They are working in a situation in which they are not able, under their rules of engagement, to forcibly disarm militia of their weapons. They are working in a situation in which they do not have the right of hot pursuit of guerilla activity in East Timor across the border into West Timor. They are working in a situation in which it is estimated that some 175,000 refugees are still being held in Kupang in West Timor, the furthest point on the western shores of that country.They are working in a situation of great military difficulty. They are working in classic guerilla mountain country in which it is possible to sustain guerilla warfare over a long time with an ever increasing scale of casualties being inflicted. This is indeed a very difficult operation for the United Nations peacekeeping force. What is a priority is to ensure that those East Timorese forcibly held in West Timor do not become hostages in this conflict. I applaud the efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in trying to get them to have free passage back home to East Timor. That becomes an important priority. If there is a military engagement on the ground in East Timor, I fear that the militia, given the humanity they have expressed thus far, will start venting their spleen even further on those refugees they hold in custody against their will in West Timor. It is very important that steps to protect their rights proceed urgently.It is also very important that the rules of engagement, subject to the circumstances on the ground in East Timor, be able to be revised if Australian troops are put in a situation in which they are further endangered. This is a situation, as I have said, in which a guerilla war can be waged over a long time which will inevitably sustain rising casualties. I do not think a peacekeeping force with the requirements on them that this peacekeeping force has is entirely in a position of being able to fight without one of their arms tied behind their backs. Those things which restrain them should be now removed.There is a major question as well about the rehabilitation of East Timor. As a country, its subsistence is as a farming and agrarian economy. It is not a strong economic superpower, and now they have the daunting task of rehabilitating a nation that has been devastated by hoodlums and by thugs and at the point of a gun. Any of those of us who have seen film of the devastation of Dili can anticipate what the scenes look like in remote country townships around the country. One expects a nation with no infrastructure.There is a huge cost here to be paid in rehabilitating this economy for those people who honestly voted under United Nations protection on 30 August for independence. The 78.5 per cent of those in a 98.6 per cent turnout who voted for independence should be given a chance to start their life in a new country in the circumstances of that country at the time in which they voted. The cost of rehabilitation becomes an international question now. Certainly, it is a cost that goes to the custodians of that country at the time. It is a cost Indonesia must bear. (Time expired)16:49:008497Bourne, Sen VickiSenator BOURNETW4NSWAD00—The story of East Timor is one of almost unbelievable courage and also one of almost unbelievable barbarity. In fact, I cannot think of a word bad enough to use for what has happened in East Timor, particularly since the vote. We should also pay particular attention to the acts of courage of every single East Timorese who went to vote on election day, 30 August. These were people who knew what would happen. They knew that the place was going to erupt once the vote came in. I suspect that the Indonesian government did not realise how strong the vote would be for independence, but I must say that pretty well everybody there did realise how strong it would be.There had been intimidation, there had been harassment, there had been murders, there had been massacres, there had been torture; there had been everything you can possibly think of to try to stop people from voting for independence. But, even so, and we just heard the statistics from Senator Cook, so many people turned out. Some 98 per cent of registered voters actually turned out to vote, and most of those turned out to vote in the morning. By the time we on the official observer delegation from Australia got to one of the polling booths at 1 o'clock, there must have been about 12 people standing in line. We went and asked if there was intimidation or what was going on. We were told, `No, most people have already voted.' That was 1 o'clock in the afternoon and the polling booths were staying open until 4 o'clock. I think we in Australia do not realise how lucky we are. We complain about having to vote. These people were begging to vote. They all turned up. There were thousands of them there before the polling booths opened.So we saw the courage of these people. They had fled to makeshift camps in the mountains and then came down the night before the vote. When we were coming back into Dili the day before the vote after visiting a few polling booths, we drove past dozens and dozens of people walking along the roads—getting off the road so we could drive past—coming down with just a bag, with the children and with a sleeping roll. They were going to sleep at the polling booth and vote in the morning and then flee back to the mountains because they knew for an absolute fact that the world would turn to dust after the vote because the vote would be so strongly for independence. And, of course, it was. So there was spectacular courage shown by the people of East Timor.It is interesting, too, that I have heard of a lot of other individual acts of courage—and not just from the people who are the good guys. There were spectacular acts of courage from CIVPOL—the civil police attached to UNAMET. We, on the observer delegation, put one instance in the report we gave to Mr Downer. I hope that that report will be tabled because I think it is particularly interesting for people to read. It was certainly particularly interesting for us to hear. There was a report by CIVPOL, which we had met, about a particularly dangerous area at Gleno in Ermera. There were reports in other areas, too. We heard about particular acts of bravery from CIVPOL throughout the three months—and after the vote as well. We also heard about particular acts of bravery from POLRI, the police.We have heard a lot about the Indonesian police and their role in this ballot. As a whole, I think they have very little to be proud of and a lot to be ashamed of. Equally, I can think of two instances of important acts of heroism which I heard of. One was where an Indonesian policeman probably saved the life of a Western journalist, an Englishman. I spoke to the journalist later and he was very impressed. He was sure that it was all very genuine and that this man had risked his own life in doing that—and he was an Indonesian. There was another where a policeman attached to our own delegation was probably instrumental in saving a journalist from a lot of trouble, if not saving his life. There were a lot of acts of heroism and not all were on the side of those who we see as the good guys. There were acts of heroism all over the place. There were also almost unbelievable acts of barbarity. I cannot even tell you some of the worst stories that I have heard because they are so bad and so appalling—such as the things that happened to babies—that it is impossible to talk about them.However, both incredible courage and incredible barbarism have been evident for decades in East Timor. I was horrified and shocked, but I was not really surprised at the barbarity after the vote. Evidence of barbarity has been available to this parliament and to the Australian public. Not everybody can be interested in everything, and I certainly take that into account. There are a lot of subjects of deep importance to a lot of Australians that I have absolutely no interest in whatsoever, so I do not expect everybody to know everything about East Timor or even to know what there is to be known about East Timor. But evidence has been available in the Australian parliament for many years about the barbarity—the appalling acts of violence, torture, terrorism and intimidation—almost exclusively on the part of ABRI, which is the former name of the previously constituted army of Indonesia in East Timor. We had an exhibition of photographs of tortured East Timorese a couple of years ago. I cannot blame senators and members for not wanting to come to that. I did not particularly want to look at it myself. It was absolutely unbelievably awful. They were genuine photographs of what ABRI had been doing in East Timor to the East Timorese who they thought were in favour of independence, not just a couple of years ago but for more than two decades. It is pretty shocking that I have seen photographs over probably 10 years of what a severed head looks like. I should not know what a severed head looks like. Children should not know what a severed head looks like. But these things—and they are not things; they were people—were actually put on poles outside schools. We have known that this has been happening for decades. But it is not just that; other dreadful forms of torture have been happening for decades, and we have known about them for decades.Over the last few months, I have been told by various people from both the government and the Labor Party that it is fairly useless to go back over history and that we should all now be looking to the future. I think it is actually quite useful to have a look at history and to see that people from all the parties and the Independents that have made up the Australian parliament over the last 24 years have been very firmly of the opinion that the East Timorese should have a say in their own future and should be able to determine what they want to be—whether they want to be independent or part of Indonesia.Even though these people have been there all along and have not been able to be shut up—and I give credit to a lot of people who are in the parliament at the moment—those at the top of the different parties—not the Democrats, but the Labor Party, the Liberal Party and probably the National Party—were very firmly of the view that East Timor was a part of Indonesia and would remain a part of Indonesia and there was nothing that any of us could do about it. I am sure that, on occasion, when ministers went overseas they did mention that there was supposed to be barbarity and torture going on in East Timor. I am sure they asked whether they could please be assured that it was not, and I am sure that they were assured that it was not. I know when I went to Indonesia I was assured that it was not by General Try Sutrisno at the time. But it was, and we knew it was. I do not think that we did enough.Two election campaigns ago, I remember I was at a policy debate in Brisbane—I think at the University of Queensland—with Mr Downer and the then Senator Evans. As part of the policy which the Democrats have had for the last 2½ decades, I said that I believed we should be removing our de jure recognition of Indonesia's sovereignty over East Timor and encouraging a vote of self-determination for those people. This is something that, starting with Colin Mason in 1978, the Democrats have been saying in this place.Both former Senator Evans and Mr Downer demonstrated to me how naive I was, how this was just silly, how this would never happen and how it was not in the best interests of the East Timorese nor those of Australia nor those of Indonesia. We have heard that all before. I remember there was one man up the back of the audience who got up and demonstrated to me in this chain reaction of dominoes falling how, if Australia removed its de jure recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor, it would inevitably lead to World War III, and then we would all be in terrible trouble. He was serious; he actually thought this would be the case. It was probably just a couple of months later that New Zealand removed its de jure recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. And guess what? World War III did not break out. In fact, nothing really happened, except that the Indonesians had a bit more pressure put on them to do something about East Timor. If Australia had done that a bit sooner, it would have put a lot more pressure on the Indonesians to do something about East Timor and to do something about that torture.I could table photographs of and reports about what has been going on and what we all hope to heaven will now stop in East Timor, but I will not, because they are so awful. I have tabled those over the years. As I said before, I went to East Timor as an official observer. I would like to thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs for asking me to do that. I would also like to thank the leader of my own party, Senator Lees, for putting up my name as the official Democrat on that observer mission. I did not think I would ever get into East Timor; I have tried in the past and have not been able to. But the Indonesian government were very good. They gave me a visa. I went over there, and it was one of the most moving experiences of my life. I am sure Senator Payne will agree with me when she speaks on this a bit later. She was on that observer mission as well, as were a number of other Australians. Tim Fischer led the delegation. We also had Laurie Brereton, Pat Walsh, Anne Wigglesworth, Rae Perry from local government and a lot of people—I think it was four people—from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Everybody worked really hard on that delegation.It sounds odd to say it, but we all enjoyed our time there immensely. It was difficult, but it was incredibly inspiring to see these people carrying out huge acts of bravery by voting when they had been well and truly warned about what would happen if they voted for their own independence. And it did happen; in fact, it happened on an even worse scale. It is almost impossible to believe there could be a worse scale, but this probably was. They had been warned. There were statements about rivers of blood flowing if they voted for independence, and they did flow. Rivers of blood flowed because they voted for independence.One young man came up to speak to me. He was so happy. He had voted for independence, and he wanted to thank the international community for giving him the opportunity to do that. I asked him why he was not going to vote for autonomy if the threats were so bad—and they were; we heard about them from Bishop Belo, Father Barretto and a number of people before the vote. We knew this would happen. He said, `You would not believe how bad it is here. It's got to get better. If we vote for independence, it's got to get better.' I hope to goodness that, from now on, it will.There is no civil war in East Timor. I do not think anybody in this parliament is still using that term, but commentators are. It is not a civil war, because it is just one side attacking the other. It is the side that wants East Timor to still be part of Indonesia attacking the side that does not. The side that does not is at least 80 per cent of the population and probably more. The side that does can never get rid of them. They cannot get rid of them all. They might have taken 300,000—which is the latest estimate I have seen—out of East Timor and either killed them or put them in West Timor, Flores, South Sulawesi or goodness knows where, but they cannot get rid of all of them. We know there are far too many. We have to worry about those refugees, those displaced people who are now not in East Timor anymore. We have to worry about the ones who are in East Timor now, but we have to worry probably even more about the ones who are not. They have to be able to get back there if they want to, and 300,000 is an awful lot of people.We also have to worry about whether there will be destabilisation in the future. We have to worry about whether, when East Timor becomes independent, as I believe it will, anyone will run a deliberate campaign of destabilisation of East Timor because other parts of Indonesia have to be shown what happens to you if you try to get out of Indonesia. We have to worry about that too. We should also be thinking about the presidential election that will happen in November, because that will give us a pointer to exactly why many of the things that have happened have happened.It is also really important that we tell the ordinary Indonesian people that, if more noise about this crisis seems to be coming from Australia at the moment, that is because we are the closest nation to them amongst a huge community of nations around the world that feel exactly the same way as we do. It is not just Australia saying this; it is the entire world saying this. Even the Security Council gave unanimous support to the motion that set up INTERFET, an international—it is called international for a good reason; it is not just an Australian organisation—body of peace enforcers to go in and enforce a peace that the TNI either could not or would not enforce. I am pretty certain it is `would not', because some amongst them seem to be able to snap their fingers and turn the violence on and off. The Security Council gave unanimous support to the setting up of that peace enforcement body. The Security Council, as we all remember, includes two nations that traditionally do not like to see peace enforcement in somebody's country. I suspect that is because they think it may happen to them. But every single nation in the Security Council voted for this one.I hope the Indonesian people themselves will reflect on that, because it is going to be a difficult time and it may last for years. It will certainly last for months, but I suspect it may last for years. I want to say to the many Indonesians who want to bring about democratic reform—and there are hundreds of thousands of them, probably millions—that their endeavours and their successes are of immense importance to us in Australia. What has happened in East Timor demonstrates just how important democratic change is to Indonesia. They do not want this to happen elsewhere and there is one way to stop that—that is, make sure the torture, the intimidation and those things that happened in East Timor do not happen elsewhere.If Indonesia were at the stage now of upholding universal human rights within this region, then they would be more inclined to cooperation rather than confrontation. We have to think in that context about those human rights organisations and supporters who have supported human rights there for many years, usually at considerable cost to themselves. Also, what about the 300 Indonesian students who actually came to Timor for the plebiscite to give support to the Timorese? There was a lot of that as well. Reports in the Jakarta Post demonstrate that an increasing number of intellectuals and academics in Indonesia are questioning what is going on in Indonesia and supporting democracy there. So there should be scope for us, as a real democratic society, to help further the formation of a truly democratic society in Indonesia.So where to from here? Let me just finish on this. Of course we should be encouraging the democracy movement in Indonesia. Of course we should be reopening Cox Peninsula—I will say it again—which was started by Sir Robert Menzies, particularly so we could get into Indonesia, and they should be able to hear it in Jakarta right now. Of course we should be ending de jure recognition. Of course there should be a war crimes tribunal. And of course we have to do everything we can to support our troops and support East Timor. (Time expired)17:09:008501Vanstone, Sen AmandaSenator VANSTONE7E4SALPJustice and Customs10—I rise to support the motion on East Timor being debated today. I acknowledge Senator Bourne's contribution. I can say to her that, from discussions I have had with Senator Payne, I do understand what that trip to East Timor was like and the difficulties you witnessed. Even though you said it is odd to say you enjoyed it, I can understand that you would and I do not think it is particularly odd to say that at all. It must have been a fascinating experience, and I agree that you were very lucky, as was anyone who had the opportunity to witness it.It makes you think twice about the people who complain intermittently when elections are held about the bother of going to cast a vote when there are people who are prepared to die to have that opportunity. It just seems incredible really. But come next election, Senator Bourne, you will strike someone and I will strike someone who will give us a mouthful about why we are not worth voting for and why they should not have to go to the bother of casting a vote and having the chance to have a say in how their lives are run.I want to spend most of my time today focusing on the contribution that the Australian Federal Police made prior to the need for the UN Security Council resolution that we are debating today—prior to the need for us to be sending a peacekeeping force into Timor. As I am sure we all understand, the Australian Federal Police formed a significant portion of the UNAMET contribution that was in Timor. The Australian Federal Police responded in a very timely fashion when first approached by the government in April this year to provide personnel for a possible contingent. People may not realise the sort of work and logistical changes that need to be made in order to get people ready. I understand it from a police perspective dealing with 50 people, so I can magnify it to a certain extent to imagine what the Defence Force might have had to go through.There was a time when we were not sure if the contingent would be required and the appropriate planning was made. On 25 May, 50 members began training for the deployment to East Timor. Then in June, the former AFP general manager, Alan Mills, was selected by the United Nations to head the civilian police contingent of UNAMET. That contin gent consisted of 272 police from a wide range of countries, and I might mention some of them: Ireland, England, the United States, Canada, New Zealand, the Philippines, Malaysia, Sweden, Mozambique, Japan, Pakistan, Russia, Uruguay, Zimbabwe, Bangladesh, Austria, Thailand, Brazil, Nepal, Egypt, Korea, Ghana and Senegal. That highlights what Senator Bourne said—that the view being expressed about what should happen in Timor is not a view that is entirely an Australian view; it is very much an international view.The Australian Federal Police provided training in Darwin for all of the police contingents prior to their deployment to Timor. On 21 June the first deployment of police personnel to Timor commenced, with all of them being successfully deployed by the beginning of July. All in all, 50 Australian police were deployed across all regions of Timor—that was 50 out of the 272, in addition to the leader, Alan Mills, whom I have mentioned.It is important to understand what this UNAMET contribution did. It ensured that the ballot could be properly conducted, that people could safely get to the polling booths and cast their votes unhindered—other than by the occasional ill-advised journalist—and that the votes would be properly counted. That was a very significant contribution because that is what allowed for this overwhelming expression by the East Timorese that they wanted independence. If you do not provide a mechanism for a free and fair ballot, if you do not provide a mechanism to ensure that the ballots are properly counted, you cannot rely on that expression of view. We are able to rely on it because of the United Nations civilian police force that was there.I will just give you a couple of examples of what happened on the ballot day. The ballot was held on 30 August. During this ballot, one of the locally engaged United Nations staff members was stabbed by militia members during the escort of ballot boxes duties. There were significant efforts made by two Federal Police members to resuscitate that person, who sadly later died. Those officers were themselves endangered by ongoing gunfire into their residence. From that time on, all of the members endured various degrees of difficulty, none of them minor—conditions which we here I am sure can only imagine. In many cases, they witnessed the death of people whom they had been working with and developed friendships with over the weeks they had been there. They were deprived of their own liberty, in many cases being under siege within their own compounds. They gave refuge to the sick and the needy and administered first aid to those where they could.As we all know, with conditions deteriorating in East Timor it became necessary to evacuate the majority of UNAMET personnel. But what many people perhaps do not appreciate is that a number of the AFP contingent, including its commander, Mr Alan Mills—who, as I said, had previously retired but had then come back into one of the most volatile tasks that the AFP could offer—volunteered to remain at the UNAMET compound in Dili to ensure the safety of some 1,600 refugees who had sought United Nations sanctuary. Those volunteers had a very clear view of what would happen to those refugees if the final UNAMET people left. Such was the dedication and devotion of the AFP members and the courage they displayed in fairly adverse conditions and despite grave threats to their personal safety. We could see these happenings on our televisions from the comfort of our offices here or in our lounge rooms at home—but watching those things occurring in Dili on television is entirely different from actually being there and putting your own life at risk to ensure that other people's lives are in some way given a greater chance.It should be noted that the AFP had trained a further 50 contingent members who, under normal rotation, were to replace the first 50 who had been sent there. Despite the non-deployment of these personnel to East Timor, 17 members of that detachment were deployed to Darwin where they provided essential support to the United Nations and the Northern Territory Police service in assisting with the relocation of refugees from Dili to Darwin. In summary, it was a very profes sional and dedicated job by the Australian Federal Police, of which I am sure all Australians can be proud.It is important to conclude by highlighting how many other people also have played roles—smaller, sure, than the Defence Force are playing now, and smaller than perhaps the Federal Police played by being there. Nonetheless, people ought not to watch their television sets and imagine that forces just fly into Darwin and it is all easily handled. Take Customs, for example. You might think, `Well, what could they possibly have to do with the sorts of activities that are going on in East Timor?' Obviously in order to handle the inflow of East Timorese and UNAMET personnel and to handle the inflow of goods, arms and weaponry that might come in here before going to Timor, we needed a number of things done. Regulations needed to be changed, and changed very quickly. So somewhere in buildings around Canberra there were people working quite late at night to ensure that their task in this effort was completed and completed on time.We have had assistance from people in Customs—only 20 of them; not many. But what I am trying to highlight is that I am sure this kind of contribution is replicated in other departments all around Australia—people who, having had an hour's notice, agreed, left their homes and families and went up to ensure a smooth transition for the people coming in and out of Darwin who, admittedly, have a much more important role.In conclusion, I again congratulate the Australian Federal Police on the job that they have done in this. I agree with the motion, and I wish our troops well who are there. I also highlight the role that has been played by a whole lot of other people who do not normally get mentioned.17:18:008503Schacht, Sen ChrisSenator SCHACHT4J4SAALP00—I rise to support the motion on East Timor which has the unanimous support not only of the Senate but of the Australian parliament. The issue of East Timor is one that has been before the Australian parliament in one form or another since 1975. Those of us who have had involvement in appropriate committees of the parliament—I, myself, particularly as a longstanding member of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade—have been dealing with the East Timor issue. Not only has that issue been dealt with as a particular reference of that committee I have just mentioned, but also it has been before the parliament itself. One has to recognise that it has been an agonising issue for all of us on both sides of politics.In early December 1975, when Indonesian soldiers marched into East Timor, Australia was facing, and involved in, its greatest constitutional crisis. The Governor-General had sacked the Whitlam government on 11 November, a caretaker Fraser government was in place and the subsequent election did not take place until 13 December. So at that particular time, Australia was utterly preoccupied with its own constitutional problems. Also at that particular time, I do not believe matters were helped by the then deputy leader of the coalition, Mr Anthony, saying, `We do not want East Timor becoming the Cuba of South-East Asia.' Such remarks, in my view, were intemperate and only encouraged the Indonesians to take the action they did. We were in no position to respond diplomatically in the lead-up to the Indonesian invasion or in the immediate period afterwards.By the late 1970s, the Fraser government had accepted the incorporation of East Timor into Indonesia as that country's 27th province. The Labor Party at that time opposed that acceptance. When we came to government we had a lengthy debate at the 1994 national conference of the Labor Party and reluctantly accepted the incorporation but still demanded that there be an act of self-determination for the East Timorese people. That act was a long time coming and, of course, only took place two weeks ago. But with various episodes occurring in East Timor all through the eighties and nineties, many of us in this parliament as well as in the Australian community were led to express grave concerns about the treatment of the East Timorese people—that clearly they did not want to be incorporated into Indonesia and wanted to have their own community, their own culture and their own independent country.In 1991 I remember there being considerable outrage not only in Australia but also around the world at the so-called Dili massacre, when probably well over 100 unarmed East Timorese who were peacefully demonstrating were massacred by the Indonesian army. At that time, I was chair of the Human Rights Subcommittee of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade. I remember our holding a special public hearing at which evidence was given by one of the survivors of the massacre, an Australian aid worker who was in Dili on that day. We also had the showing of a film which had been taken secretly of the massacre in the cemetery, with the aid worker describing his own observations of the event, who did what to whom and how dreadful it was. The Australian parliament was one of the first in the world to expose what actually happened in Dili on that dreadful day way back in 1991.In 1992 the joint foreign affairs committee conducted a major inquiry into Australia's relations with Indonesia. I led that delegation to Indonesia. We requested a visit to East Timor; we were refused on the grounds that it was not secure for us to visit. I think that that was more to do with the fact that the Indonesian government was embarrassed by the fact that a lot of East Timorese may have taken the opportunity to indicate to the Australian delegation their support for independence.While we were in Indonesia, Mr MacKellar, the then deputy chair of the committee, and I had an almost two-hour conversation with the then Vice-President of Indonesia and head of the armed forces, General Try Sutrisno. We spent most of that time arguing about Indonesian policy in East Timor and the need for the Indonesian government to substantially reduce the armed forces they had based in East Timor that were part of the problem of significant human rights abuses. I must say the discussion was not successful in one sense—they did not reduce the number of soldiers—but I think it was useful that, at that level, this very senior member of the Indonesian government and head of their armed forces knew Australia's strength of view on this issue. Later that night, quietly—and, I must say, secretly—my colleagues Laurie Ferguson and Colin Hollis and I had a meeting with a number of East Timorese students who were living in Jakarta and who gave us a briefing on what was happening in East Timor. I have to say that it was a particularly moving occasion for the three of us to get first-hand information about what was going on and the treatment of the East Timorese people.The parliament of Australia has on and off, but quite consistently, been debating and dealing with the issue of East Timor. When we debated the Timor Gap Treaty, the future of East Timor was debated. Whenever there has been some aspect about human rights in our relations with Indonesia, East Timor has always been part of it. Some people said that the real issue was that we should not have any dialogue at all with Indonesia, that we should declare our complete opposition so that we did not support the incorporation and that we should put our relationship with Indonesia on hold and freeze it. I do not think we could have afforded to do that, though the moral issue was very difficult. Indonesia will always be our nearest neighbour. With 200 million-plus people, as the biggest Muslim country in the world and as the third or fourth most populated country in the world, it is impossible for Australia not to have an ongoing dialogue and relationship with Indonesia, whatever the rocky parts of that relationship are.The real issue is to work out how far we can push the envelope on human rights and democratic issues in Indonesia overall, as well as in East Timor, and that is an argument about degree which this parliament has been having for well over 20 years—since the invasion of East Timor. But we have also had this argument on the issue of general human rights abuses in Indonesia. Whatever it does to our relationship with Indonesia, I do not think that we should back away from the fact that, when the human rights of individuals in Indonesia—particularly their political human rights—are removed or reduced, we should take up the call as a democratic country to defend those people.As part of the delegation's visit in 1992, we raised the fact that at that time there were human rights abuses in Aceh. In our report, if people care to read it now, we said that we estimated that over 2,000 people in Aceh province had been killed by the Indonesian military over their dispute for some form of autonomy. We also found that in the early 1990s the Indonesian government was still executing people who were involved in the so-called coup of 1965. More than 25 years after the event, people were still being executed in Indonesia. When we raised this with the Indonesian government, they said, `Our review and our appeal processes take their time in our country,' which makes our lawyers look positively speedy by comparison. But we did raise those issues.I know other parliamentary delegations have consistently raised human rights issues. Despite the fact that we now have a very difficult relationship with Indonesia which needs to be rebuilt, we should not give up the right to criticise or raise human rights issues with Indonesia—or with any other country. I remember that when an Indonesian member of parliament said we were being too tough on Indonesia I pointed out that the then Australian government had raised human rights abuses with the American government over their use of capital punishment in the United States. There seemed to be a very high proportion of poor, black Americans being executed in America, whereas if you were a rich white you could always find a way to escape capital punishment.As others have said, I strongly support the Australian men and women who will be serving in East Timor, and they go with my best wishes and those of everybody else. It should be noted that 57 years ago the East Timorese people supported for almost a full year the Australian Independent Company—the 2/2nd, a commando unit—and later other units in their guerrilla campaign in Timor against the Japanese forces. The only reason that the Australian commandos lasted so long before they were withdrawn was that there were the support of and sacrifices made by the civilian population of East Timor. Although the East Timorese people may say it is a little late that 57 years later our soldiers are now returning to help restore their country to peace and order to enable them to proceed to being an independent country, I still say that it is better late than never.I suspect that many of those veterans who are still alive in Australia from those commando units who were in Timor for almost a year in 1942 would be delighted to see Australian service men and women returning to East Timor to help that country establish itself after the terrible events of the last two or three weeks.I would also point out that on my visit to Indonesia in 1992 the delegation had the opportunity to lay a wreath at Oeseau Village outside Kupang in West Timor, which is where a number of Australians were killed in fighting the Japanese in February 1942, at a memorial maintained by the Timorese people in memory of those Australian soldiers.The issue now faced in East Timor by the international peace enforcement group led by Australia is, of course, to restore peace and order, to enable the East Timorese people to again have some confidence that the rest of the world will not let them be murdered, raped and pillaged by the so-called militia. I am sure the Australians service men and women and the other international forces will do that job and do it well, even at some risk to themselves. Unfortunately, we may sustain some casualties. That will be very sad, but I think all Australians understand that this is a commitment that has to be made.The next very important issue that must be dealt with is UN Security Council resolution 1264, the resolution to establish the force to go into Indonesia. In paragraph 7 on page 2 it says:7. Stresses that it is the responsibility of the Indonesian authorities to take immediate and effective measures to ensure the safe return of refugees to East Timor;We now have calculations that several hundred thousand East Timorese refugees are in West Timor, on the island of Flores and on other islands that they have fled to—or have been taken to—to escape the mini holocaust in East Timor. It is paramount that those refugees are able to return as soon as possible to East Timor. Even though there is not much left of East Timor in infrastructure, we have to return the people to make sure that the country has a viable future. If we do not return those refugees, then the militia have half achieved their own objective, and that is to not allow a viable East Timor to be established as an independent country.We have to ensure that the Indonesian government does not allow militia forces to dictate in the refugee camps who can return or to threaten people not to return, and that is a must for the Indonesian government. It is in the UN resolution. We and all of the other major countries represented—particularly the permanent members of the UN Security Council, led by the United States of America—must not back off when it comes to putting our influence on the Indonesian government so that these refugees can be safely returned to East Timor to establish their independent country.It is clear that not only do we have a commitment running into hundreds of millions of dollars to maintain our service people in East Timor to return peace and order but we are going to be faced over the next couple of years within our aid program with having to spend several hundred million dollars a year to re-establish the infrastructure so that East Timor can be a viable independent country.There has often been a debate in Australia about the level of foreign aid that we give. Often, unfortunately, if there have to be cutbacks for fiscal reasons in the budget, foreign aid often takes the first hit, because Australians are not directly beneficiaries of it. But we will be beneficiaries of expending several hundred million dollars on restoring East Timor's infrastructure to be a viable country. If we do not, we will then have an enormous refugee problem in the region, which will be even more costly to resolve. Several hundred million dollars in infrastructure, humanitarian and development aid over the next couple of years will result, in my view, in a very good return and be cheap at the price. The government should not be mean-spirited in making that money available in foreign aid.We also have to understand that, as a result, Australia will be required to make a commit ment to East Timor for many years to come. It may be a requirement that we have service people and Federal Police there to maintain security. In particular, I imagine over the next decade or more we will be asking schoolteachers, nurses, doctors, other humanitarian aid workers, development workers—people with particular skills—to go to East Timor and help build the country to make it a viable entity.At the same time, though, we have to work on re-establishing a relationship with Indonesia. We must ensure that Indonesia becomes more democratic, and that the decision in their parliament in the coming election of their president reflects the election result that took place two or three months ago.EP5FERGUSONSenator Ferguson—How can they do that? It was only 30 per cent.4J4Schacht, Sen ChrisSenator SCHACHT—I would suggest that somebody who got 35 per cent or 32 per cent of the vote is a more likely representative of the people than somebody who did not even stand at the election. Even if it upsets some forces in Indonesia, our view is that electing a president who has not gone to a general election of only three months ago really does give a very bad signal about where that country is going.I know that this may be seen by some Indonesians again as Australian paternalism. It is not Australian paternalism. It is actually making it clear that the Indonesian people have expressed a view in an election where a number of people stood for election to be the President. If, in one form or another, one of those candidates is not elected—and, I would have to suggest, if it is not Sukarnoputri—I really think that the country will have considerable difficulty convincing a lot of people around the world that it is on the right path to having a more democratic form of government. We should not be backward in expressing that view—because, overwhelmingly, Indonesians want that as well.At times, people tell us that we are interfering. I do not think we are interfering when we support the popular view expressed in a democratically free election that took place only a couple of months ago. Whatever the case and whatever the difficulties ahead, all of us in this parliament and in the Australian community know that, whether we like it or not, we are going to have to slowly but surely rebuild our relationship with Indonesia, because we have no alternative. The alternative is too awful to contemplate. We have to have a relationship with the Indonesian people and we have to encourage them in their development and in the development of a more open and democratic society. That will bring peace to the region more than will any other development. I hope that in the years ahead this parliament and the governments of Australia can, in a constructive way, build a relationship again with Indonesia. (Time expired)17:38:008507Stott Despoja, Sen NatashaSenator STOTT DESPOJA3I6SAAD00—The Australian Democrats are proud to be associated with the motion we are debating today. We support the motion, which acknowledges East Timorese independence and the UN resolution in relation to peacekeeping forces and humanitarian support. Of course, we send our best wishes and support to the Australian troops.As the Leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Lees, emphasised in her comments, support for the brave Australian men and women who have gone to East Timor is pretty much universal. Clearly, there is cross-party support in these chambers for those brave men and women. We very much applaud their commitment not only to their nation but also to peace in the region and the upholding of human rights.The primary focus of the world's response to the situation in East Timor following that overwhelming vote for independence has been on bringing about peace and resolving the massive humanitarian crisis which has developed—and it is quite right that our emphasis should be on that. Clearly, some of today's speeches have focused on the role to be played by Australia and, of course, the United Nations in bringing about peace in East Timor. Certainly, the Leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Lees, and our foreign affairs spokeswoman, Senator Vicki Bourne, have made reference to these aspects. Obviously, Senator Lees highlighted the signifi cance of the UN, the issues surrounding the UN in this day and age, and its importance in the global community.I was particularly proud to hear Senator Vicki Bourne's comments in relation to the strong history that the Australian Democrats have on the issue of East Timorese independence. Clearly, our party has long supported independence in that region; and I am very proud to acknowledge the work of former senators from the Australian Democrats in this place, whether that be Senators Macklin, Mason, McLean, Vigor, Chipp, Coulter and Powell or many others who have all spoken against the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. Our party policy has long reflected that. What is so unfortunate—and we have expressed this on a number of occasions, including in the speech by our previous speaker, Senator Bourne—is that it has taken so long for Australian governments of either persuasion to shift their ground on this issue.Turning away from the sometimes shameful history of this nation on this issue to the future, I would like to focus on justice for, and in, East Timor and in particular on something to which Senator Bourne alluded, and that is the issue of war crimes trials. On Friday of last week, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights released a damning report on the human rights situation in East Timor. For many people, this was just another in the series of distressing reports on human rights abuses in that region. But the report is far more significant than that. It is evidence of a massive and fundamental change in the nature of the High Commissioner's work.Mary Robinson, the High Commissioner, has adopted an approach which has managed to sustain an international focus on human rights. As the situation in East Timor rapidly deteriorated following the announcement of the referendum results, the High Commissioner consulted with the Secretary-General of the United Nations and decided to visit Indonesia. She flew to Darwin and Jakarta to assess the situation and she met with the relevant parties. She was briefed by UNAMET CIVPOL officers, military liaison officers, the evacuat ed UNAMET international and local staff and their families, and UN volunteers.In Jakarta she also met with the Indonesian President, as well as senior government representatives, the chairman and members of the Indonesian Human Rights Commission, civil society leaders, and Xanana Gusmao, the leader of the East Timorese independence movement. These meetings were extremely influential. They were an influential step along the path to the approval of UN intervention by the Indonesian executive government.Mary Robinson's report also details some of the more recent human rights abuses. At the risk of repetition, I would like to quote a couple of rather telling sentences. The report says:According to reports from Kalyanamitra, women were raped and sexually harassed by militia and Indonesian military in Dili between the 7-10 September. Sexual violence allegedly also occurred during the forced movement of people to West Timor. Reports have been received that many women were raped by militia on a boat taking displaced persons to West Timor from Dili. Furthermore, information has been received that women are being raped in the camps in West Timor.This is not intended as an indictment of Indonesia or the Indonesian people but perhaps of a number of individuals in Indonesia and East Timor. These reports, as many people would recognise, are distressingly similar to reports which we have heard from places like Somalia, Rwanda, Chechnya, Kosovo and many other places. We have heard some incredible stories, and I have no doubt there are more to come, from those parliamentarians in the delegation that visited. They would have been aware of, and would almost have witnessed at first hand, some of these tragic occurrences.One of the major questions that must now be resolved is how the international community can and will actually respond to these reports. The first step is obviously to bring about peace to the troubled territory of East Timor. Reconciliation and justice are far more complex issues and are quite clearly central to the long-term social and political health of East Timor.The processes cannot be rushed, but it is significant that they have been raised at such an early stage. Discussions on the role of a war crimes tribunal are just beginning in relation to East Timor, but in a place like Cambodia the need for justice continues to be a central theme in society. It is gratifying to read that the Cambodian Prime Minister has acknowledged the importance of justice in his first speech to the United Nations, but it is clearly important that this process is viewed as fair, impartial and just by all parties. The establishment of international war crimes tribunals provides an important demonstration of the concerns of the world community and the need for an impartial perspective. I can only hope that this horrific situation provides further impetus for the establishment of a permanent international criminal court.It is very important that we start gathering evidence of alleged crimes as soon as possible so that we can minimise the loss of important testimony and facts, and to ensure that responses do not become further clouded by the complexities of the political situation. There is a long history to the circumstances in East Timor and swift but fair justice will be crucial in building a future.It is difficult to understand the motivations of the militias and the extent to which they have been directed and/or supplied by the Indonesian military. I have no intention of finding people guilty in this speech, but there are many questions to be resolved about their involvement. From all reports, it appears that there has been a level of systematic control and coordination of the militias and we do need to find out who those people are who are responsible. To quote again from the High Commissioner:There is overwhelming evidence that East Timor has seen a deliberate, vicious and systematic campaign of gross violations of human rights. I condemn those responsible in the strongest possible terms.We should all concur with those sentiments. This must not continue any longer.We must also remain conscious of the need to build the institutions of law and order in East Timor as a major contribution to peace and security. This is something the former speaker, Senator Schacht, alluded to in this debate. This is not going to be easy, but this is one of the fields in which Australians have proved that we have expertise and experience. Australians were primarily responsible for the creation of a law and justice system in Somalia during the United Nations deployment there. We recruited and trained civilian police officers and built a respected legal system. I also acknowledge the words of Senator Vanstone in her speech earlier when she talked about the effectiveness and the superiority, if you like, of law enforcement officials in this country, especially those who went over to supervise the election process. We need to be mindful that a central part of our role is clearly to assist in establishing a civilian framework for law, order and government.I am well aware that the words and actions of Australians continue to lead to increased tensions between Australia and Indonesia. I am certainly not trying to contribute to that perception. Australia has had an excellent relationship with Indonesia over many years. In retrospect, I think it is unfortunate that some of our relationship appears to have been based occasionally on silence and acquiescence. At this difficult time I must also draw attention to the dramatic changes that have occurred within Indonesian politics and society during the last two years in particular. Throughout Indonesia there has been very dramatic political change. After 30 years of government by President Suharto there is now a new willingness to discuss politics and some of the less desirable practices of those years. I fear it will be a long time before there is peace and trust among the Indonesian people.It has been a very difficult time of transition in Indonesia, with pressures coming from so many different directions. From the South-East Asian financial meltdown to the spread of ethnic violence across the archipelago, Indonesia has been through some very difficult times. The political situation in Indonesia remains complex and almost opaque to outsiders. In particular, few of us understand the pervasive and multifaceted role of the military in Indonesia. This is not the time to analyse recent Indonesian history, but I need to remind Australians that Indonesia is only part of the way through that transitional period.Earlier this year it was unthinkable that the Indonesian government would ever enter into an agreement about the future of East Timor. We have now moved far beyond that and, despite complications, there has now been agreement about the presence of United Nations forces in East Timor. In a sign of how far the Indonesian government has travelled on some of these matters, it must be noted that the Indonesian military has only admitted to earlier military casualties in East Timor in the last 48 hours.We now need to assist the East Timorese in developing a future. I hope that we can take a much longer term view of our involvement in East Timor than we usually do during a humanitarian crisis. I certainly echo Senator Schacht's words. We will be involved, I hope, for a long time and we should begin with that thought in mind. Urgent humanitarian and security needs must be attended to, but we must always be sensitive to the need to build a viable society for the future. Education and training must be at the centre of our response. It is not enough to shower problem situations with donated food and shelter in the short term. Real aid is long term and constructive, rather than diversionary. I think all Democrats and others in this chamber would agree with Senator Schacht's comments that aid should not only be available for the medium to long term; we should think very carefully when we are approaching budget time and lopping funds from our international aid budget, especially in this region. So let us help build the new nation of East Timor with sensitivity and care.I have acknowledged the role of my party in this debate and that of former Democrat senators such as Colin Mason. I would like to pay tribute to many people who have worked so hard to bring the plight of the East Timorese people to world attention. It is certainly not a comprehensive list, but a number of people have had my admiration in this debate over a number of years. I should acknowledge Senator Bourne, who is sitting at the back of the chamber, and Jim Dunn, who is in the parliament at this very moment. He can be justly proud of his long-term efforts—no doubt now to bring peace as well as autonomy to the region. I also acknowledge the work of people like Andy Alcock, who comes from my home state of South Australia and has been very much involved in the campaign for a free and independent East Timor. He has been working particularly hard in the last couple of weeks to provide support for refugees, to galvanise that wonderful expression of support for the East Timorese people that we have seen in the community and to call for peacekeeping forces in the region. Jim Aubrey has worked in the state of Victoria to bring about freedom and peace in East Timor. I also mention Kath O'Connor, Jefferson Lee, Max Lane, Andrew McNaughtan, Pat Walsh, Vacy Vlazhny and Ken Fry. I have already acknowledged Colin Mason but, with Senator Bourne sitting at the back of the chamber, I feel compelled to do so again. Others include Justice John Dowd, Jill Jollife, Gordon Macintosh, the late Allen Missin, Tom Uren and the old warrior, Paddy Kenneally. There are many others—EP5FERGUSONSenator Ferguson—Julian McGauran.3I6Stott Despoja, Sen NatashaSenator STOTT DESPOJA—I will leave that to you, Senator Ferguson. Most importantly, of course, there are the patient and gracious people of East Timor. We must never remain silent in the face of human rights abuse. It has taken Australia too long to respond to the pain of East Timor. People must always come before profit, and people must come before short-sighted views of national interest. Along with my other Democrat colleagues, I commend the motion before the chamber. We are proud to be associated with this motion for the reasons that I described earlier. Most importantly, I end by expressing my support for those Australians serving with the multinational force and by reiterating our full confidence in them. We look forward to seeing them home safely.17:53:008510Ferguson, Sen AlanSenator FERGUSONEP5SALP10—I rise to give my wholehearted support to the motion relating to East Timor that is before the chamber today. Unfortunately, I am rather sad because, in the speech made by the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Representatives, which was repeated here in the Senate by Senator Faulkner, partisan politics reached another low ebb today. Some of the content of the speech that was made by both of those leaders in each of the chambers was in stark contrast to Senator Lees, who spoke, I thought, with maturity and bipartisan support, wholehearted support, for the decision taken today by the government to move this motion.I listened as carefully as possible to the speech that was made by the Leader of the Opposition, and it was rather two faced. He initially started by saying how important it was that we support the decision taken by the government and then highlighted all the reasons why he believes that that decision should never have been needed to have been made, and I will just make a couple of comments as to why. Mr Beazley attempted to rewrite and revise history and, indeed, his own position in relation to the East Timor situation. He said only last week in a doorstop:We said at a very early stage, there needed to be an effective peacekeeping operation for a vote. And that if there wasn't certain consequences would flow.He also said the day before in Adelaide:If we had had control of the situation we would have made sure that the peacekeeping arrangements matched the threat. This is not hindsight. We were saying it at the time.I would suggest that Mr Beazley read a bit of recent history because, on 10 February in a doorstop in Canberra, he said:I would be against the overseas deployment of Australian troops in circumstances where there's not agreement within a community that they wanted a peace keeping role performed.If that is not a rewrite of history, I do not know what is. One week ago he said, `We would have had peacekeeping arrangements in place,' when fewer than six months ago he said he would be against `the overseas deployment of Australian troops in circumstances where there's not agreement'. He also said on 3 March:And this requires a very considerable effort on the part of the Indonesians to ensure that that does not occur. There he is talking about the activities of the armed militia. A little later, on 6 April in Perth, he said:But the issue of stabilisation on the ground in the first instance is fundamentally a problem for the Indonesian authorities and they need to act.There is no talk of a peacekeeping force there; there is only talk of what the Indonesians should be doing. A little later on he said:. . . you could never get a peacekeeping force here in time to do that.There he is talking about the disarming of the militia. He went on to say:It has to be done by the Indonesian military and the Indonesian military has to get ownership of this, if that is at all possible. But, in the long term, as the Labor Party has said repeatedly, we don't rule out Australian troops as being part of a peacekeeping operation at all.That was only in April, and there was nothing about what he said the other day—that they would have had a peacekeeping force in operation. He was asked only as recently as 15 July: is it time to bring in United Nations peacekeepers? What was his answer? He said, `You would want to be guided by the United Nations now on this.'This is Mr Beazley's attempt today to rewrite his own position and, in other instances, to misrepresent the position of the Prime Minister and the Australian government. Only last Friday Mr Beazley claimed that East Timor was not raised in the Prime Minister's visit to the United States in July, when he said:That visit clearly required the Prime Minister to discuss the security issues of the region immediately around us and he failed to do so.That claim is abjectly and totally wrong. If he would care to take note, on 12 July, the Prime Minister spoke at a doorstop interview with Fran Kelly about discussions with President Clinton on Indonesia and East Timor and said that the issue had been discussed at very great length.The situation today is that Mr Beazley, the Leader of the Opposition, has suggested that their position in relation to peacekeeping would have been totally different from the government's. In fact, he has gone against all the things that he said earlier in the year by making a claim to suit his political argument of today, which I thought was very faint-hearted support for the motion that is before us today.A little over 3½ months ago, I was very fortunate to lead the Australian observer delegation to the Indonesian elections—the first free and democratic elections in Indonesia for over 30 years. That was an experience in itself because I saw the enthusiasm of the Indonesian people who had the opportunity to register a first truly democratic vote. That means that virtually nobody under the age of 60 had ever exercised a truly democratic vote in that country, and it was certainly an experience that I will not forget. We need to remember that that election was brought about because of the overthrow of President Suharto and the promise that was made by President Habibie that elections would be held.I have to say that, of the 25-member delegation that went to those elections, not one person from any side of politics could fail to be impressed by the effort that the Indonesians put into that election in trying to achieve democracy. Within three months, in that great archipelago of islands—over 10,000 islands stretching for nearly 5,000 kilometres, from halfway up the Malay peninsula to the Irian Jaya boarder with Papua New Guinea—they put in place an election process that required 330,000 polling stations and some 660,000 independent monitors. They put all the framework in place in that time which enabled them to have what I believe—and I am sure that Senator Woodley would agree—was a truly democratic election.The Indonesians showed, with their enthusiasm for that election, just how important democracy was to the people on the ground. I think a total of nearly 90 per cent of those who registered actually voted, which made Indonesia the third largest democracy in the world, behind India and the United States. We have no doubt, having been there and observed it for a couple of weeks, that it was democratic.Of course, democracy goes a certain way and it provided the framework for the elec tion. Interpreting the results of that election was always going to be the most difficult part of the process, because in fact nobody got an absolute majority. Unlike Senator Schacht, who said that someone who got 30 per cent of the vote or the majority of the vote should be disappointed if they did not become president, I am quite sure that if there was a coalition of other forces amongst all of the other parties that were there that came up with over 50 per cent, then we would have to recognise that that came about because of the free and open democratic elections that they had.The overriding issue, even at the time we were there at the elections, related to East Timor. We quite often asked, `What about East Timor?' A number of people asked, `What do you think about East Timor?' It was a totally different situation, because in Indonesia we had an election that was conducted by the Indonesian government; in East Timor we had a referendum presided over by the United Nations. Because it was presided over by the United Nations, it was not accepted in the same way that the election in Indonesia, which was done by the Indonesians themselves, was accepted by the people concerned.The situation in East Timor was one that I am quite sure was of concern to the Indonesian people. I say this genuinely, because when you have this enormous archipelago of islands and you have unrest in a number of provinces like Aceh, Irian Jaya, Sulawesi, Ambon and then in East Timor, I can understand the concerns of that nation. However, the election was held and the referendum result was overwhelming. The overwhelming result meant that there was always going to be a reaction from the Indonesian people, and I do not think that anybody anticipated the reaction would be as strong as it was, particularly because of the overwhelming result.It is very important that in the case of East Timor, in the case of Indonesia in general, we do have ongoing, concrete relations and good relations with this large democracy in our area. When you have 210 million people, political stability in South-East Asia is of the utmost importance to both Australia and the whole of the south-east region.One can only hope that the introduction of the peacekeeping forces, which we are supporting in this motion today, leads to political stability and that all of the unfortunate events that have happened can be remedied in the best way possible. Those Australians serving in this multinational force have our total confidence and they know that the political process in Australia is supporting them all of the way—not just with a few sentences at the start of the Leader of the Opposition's speech but with genuine political support for the process and the fact that they have gone away.Senator Julian McGauran, sitting on my left, has been a very strong advocate of freedom for the people of East Timor. He has been passionate about it for a number of years. I know the events that are happening in East Timor must be of particular concern to him, because I am quite sure that he would have liked the transition to independence for East Timor to have been a peaceful one. We ought to acknowledge that over a long period of time, certainly since I have been in this chamber, Senator McGauran has been an outspoken supporter of the independence movement in East Timor. I am quite sure that the result of the referendum is one which heartens him greatly.There are a number of other issues that I would like to raise, but I am aware that there are an enormous number of speakers on the list and if everybody spoke for 20 minutes we would be here until about 2 o'clock in the morning, so I want to give my colleagues an opportunity to speak too.A lot has been said about the armed forces and the troops that have gone to East Timor. We certainly wish them well and hope that they have a safe return to Australia. Without going overboard about the role of the troops, they are members of the armed forces and this is what they are trained to do. It is not as though we have suddenly plucked a group of people out of the Australian nation and said, `We would like you to make a sacrifice and go to East Timor.' The Army and the people that are involved in East Timor are doing the job that they have been trained to do.Together with Senator Quirke, who I notice is in the chamber, I was fortunate enough to do a tour of the defence bases in northern Australia in July. We could not fail to be impressed with the readiness of the troops in both the 1st Brigade in Darwin and the 3rd Brigade in Townsville. I am quite sure that those professional soldiers who choose this career and know that events such as this are likely to require them to serve their country overseas—whether in a peacekeeping role or another role—are ready, and I know that they will do the job well. I am sure my colleagues would agree with me in saying that I hope that their presence in East Timor is effective and that they do the job that they are trained to do well. And we certainly hope that they have a safe return to Australia when that job is done.The real question is: when will that job be finished? I for one believe that it will be an ongoing commitment for a considerable period of time. To actually get East Timor back into a situation where they can protect themselves—when all of the things that have happened and the destruction that has occurred in the last two weeks is put right—is going to take some time. I think we have an obligation to make sure that we do everything that we possibly can to ensure that that rehabilitation and their peaceful occupation of their own country is something which they can look forward to with some confidence. This motion before the chamber has my wholehearted support in every way. I certainly hope it is a long time before we have to pass another such motion in this Senate.18:07:008513Quirke, Sen JohnSenator QUIRKEZS6SAALP00—Before I start on the main substance of what I want to say here today, I want to wish the men and women of this particular force that has gone into East Timor all the best. Whatever lands they come from, I think we in Australia should thank them for the services that they have embarked upon and will provide to the people of East Timor, especially those Australian soldiers, both men and women, who will be up there for some indeterminate time in the future at considerable risk to themselves. It is a necessary job. I fully support the deployment. I fully support the motion before us here today. For democratic countries to deploy forces overseas is one of those episodes in life that is very, very difficult. And let's not muck around about this: it is a very dangerous peacekeeping operation. I think peacekeeping is a very difficult task. But the task that these people will fulfil, and I think will fulfil well, is a much more difficult task. They deserve our full support and at least from me they are going to get it.A couple of things need to be said about this. There has been some argument here today about the relevance of history and how we got into this situation and whether or not it is worth raking over the coals to see if we can learn some lessons. I think it is necessary to rake over these coals and pull out some of the lessons. I almost thought of starting here today by asking for a moment's silence—silence for all those poor people in East Timor who have been raped, who have been burnt, who have been robbed and who have been mutilated and murdered in some of the worst circumstances, not necessarily in the last 22 days since the ballot but indeed for many, many years—for decades—and not just during the Indonesian occupation of that island.I must say that, despite the fact that the Australian government has recognised the incorporation of East Timor within Indonesia, I, for one, never have. I must also say that the Portuguese role in that part of the world was not exactly an exemplary one. The Portuguese colonialists were some of the worst. Indeed, in their time up until 1974, Portugal had three or four what could only be described as brush fire guerrilla wars in Angola, Mozambique and, to a much lesser extent, Timor. The people of Timor understand what torture is all about. They had some good teachers—the Portuguese. Then after that they had the Indonesians.I think we ought to have had a moment's silence too for the bureaucrats in this town in particular and for the politicians, I am sad to say, on both sides of politics who, for one reason or another, either did not want to admit or it did not suit them to admit the real nature of that regime to our north. Since the 1960s, defence and foreign affairs analysts in this country have perceived that the only threat to this country could come through the Indonesian archipelago, not from the Indonesian archipelago, and in fact I agree with that assessment. I think the Indonesian army and the Indonesian state is much more set up for its own internal security—and I will come back to that in a moment. But the perception around this town and around government was that whatever we had to do it was necessary to keep in sweet with the Indonesians because this would be the way any threat to Australia must necessarily travel.If you take that premise and then take it a bit further, you wind up doing a few other things. Firstly, you start turning a blind eye to a few things that are going on up there. There has been an awful lot of that in several regimes in this country and amongst bureaucrats. Lately we have been finding out that intelligence assessments, even from quite lowly levels within the service, were being doctored as well. In fact one of the reasons the Americans are not too happy with the present Howard government in this country is that they are not too keen on doctored intelligence: they prefer to know the bad news.There has been a progression of people in this country who did not want to know the bad news, did not want to believe in it. With wishful thinking they had hoped that Portuguese East Timor would slide into the Republic of Indonesia and the problem would go away. In a sense, that possibly could have happened. If the Indonesians had not gone in there with the brutality that they did, if they had not gone in there and fought a 25-year war, if they had not gone in there and treated these people the way that they did, it may have just worked out. I think as recently as maybe 18 months or two years ago, despite the fact that something like 20 per cent or more of the population of this province had died violently as a result of these military escapades since 1975, it still could have been incorporated into broader Indonesia. I think that, had the Suharto regime offered autonomy on the conditions that Habibie did, the East Timorese probably would have grasped at it, but it was not offered to them.One of the problems in this whole debate is the misunderstanding of the nature of the Indonesian regime itself. Indonesia is not this homogenised group of people that we in this country anticipate or expect. It is a series of provinces. We are now starting to see the Republic of Indonesia as being Java in the centre—the powerhouse, the largest populous island—with a series of other provinces which, in varying degrees, have some level of autonomy but not very much. In essence, Indonesia is a Javanese empire. As a result of that, any attempt to have a situation where one of the provinces is demanding autonomy and independence is something that is feared in Jakarta. It is feared in the real power structure of Indonesia, because the real power structure of Indonesia is in the military and in the elites that dominate that country.I sincerely hope that the signs which are starting to come of Indonesia getting its democratic act together will continue. I sincerely hope that all those bureaucrats who said that we do not understand Indonesia and that it is really a state in transition are right. I think that, in a sense, belatedly, they probably will be. Once the people of Indonesia have had a taste of some democratic government—and indeed they have now—they are probably going to want more. It is going to be very difficult for the new regime to be stood over by the military like this one has, but I do not think we should have any illusions about the role Australia has played since 1974. Our assumption that this province would slide straight into Indonesia and that that would suit us in this end of the world was fanciful, and fanciful in the extreme. The one group of people who should have been consulted about this and were not were the East Timorese. They have made it crystal clear that they see a very different future.We also need to look at the lessons from the immediate past days, weeks and months. Again, I do not think it is a very good story. We turned a blind eye for 24 or 25 years to what was going on in Indonesia because we thought we always had a spin on it. Even when a couple of hundred people were shot in a cemetery in the worst circumstances you can imagine, Australians were running around the place saying, `Well, look, it could've been worse,' or `We don't know the extent of the damage,' or `Look, the army's a bit out of control,' and all the rest of it. We just do not understand how armies operate in provinces where they have to garrison against the will of the population. You can pull out a dozen societies where this has happened in the last 50 years, and it is always the same story—military reprisals, military oppression, torture. The whole scene is all there. It should have been obvious to blind Freddy what was going to happen after the last six to eight months. It was a bomb waiting for someone to light the fuse.I do not know how seriously I can take politicians who tell me that they thought there might be a little bit of trouble after the vote came down but that, at the end of the day, the Indonesian military had promised that they were going to look after the place, like they have looked after it for the last 25 years. The militia—and the evidence is now coming out quite clearly—were armed, financed and directed by the Indonesian military, by TNI or its predecessor, ABRI. It takes a lot to dispossess 300,000 people. It takes an enormous effort to shoot 20 per cent of the population of a whole province. It takes proper organisation in a country that does not have much, other than the Indonesian military, to be able to do the wanton destruction that has been done there in recent times.There are a couple of things about this for which we in Australia ought to hang our heads low. Firstly, I refer to the assessments that came in which were doctored and the broad belief that somehow or other these problems were not going to lead to the most horrific violence and, in the words of Mr Downer, a holocaust. Indeed, I find it somewhat surprising that we did not put the same pressure on the Indonesians three or four months before the vote. I heard today that the present government's spin on that is that there would not have been a vote and there was no way that the international community was going to be allowed to put a peacekeeping force into East Timor. I do not know whom that is meant to influence, but it does not do much for me. The reason it does not do much for me is this: the Indonesians would not have allowed this force in there today—it would not be in there now—if the Americans had not picked up the phone and told the Indonesian government what was going to happen if they did not do it. The reality of this is that this government has been fiddling around while East Timor has been burning. What is more, while the people who were going to burn it were openly threatening with the matches and the fuel that they were going to chuck all over the place, very little was being done here in Australia.I am grateful that the military in Australia took this exercise seriously. Indeed, when Senator Ferguson, myself and a couple of other people visited the bases to the north of Australia, it was quite clear that our forces were preparing for this particular peacekeeping mission. I am proud of what I saw up there. I hope I will be proud of the result. I am sure I will be. But one of the worst episodes in this whole sorry saga has been the last so many months when we could have picked the phone up and properly briefed the Americans about what was going to happen in East Timor and we did not do it.It was another example of wishful thinking that somehow or other the regime up there would not sanction and would not do the terrible things that we have seen in the last few weeks. What was that based on? What assessment or premise could anyone use to come to that conclusion? There have been 24 years of brutal, violent repression and, all of a sudden, there were going to be a few flowers of spring. It did not happen and it was never going to happen. Only people here in Canberra—the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Prime Minister and I presume all of the bureaucrats at the top end—thought so. Somehow or other they do not want to deal with the East Timor problem because they like a nice stable world, where things go quietly for them and we can spend less on defence. We all agree with that. But at the end of the day, the stability we have had at this end of the world for 50 years has gone. That world is not here anymore. It was not here three or four months ago.You hear about war crimes trials and this, that and the other. I think there will probably be some war crimes trials. There certainly ought to be in this exercise. How that will unfold I do not know, but I can tell you that there are a few blind Freddies around this town who ought to be called to account as well. They ought to have known. If they did not know, they have no IQs and should not be in the jobs they are in. At least 7,000 to 10,000 people are no longer with us in that poor province because we did not take the game seriously, and we did not take it seriously early enough. I can thoroughly understand our allies being angry with us. They see a group of people who want just to bury their heads in the sand. There are ostriches all over this world that are trying to find out how the Prime Minister and the foreign minister can bury their heads so deeply in the sand.What has happened here this year is an absolute disgrace. Although we are here today very importantly debating a resolution of support for our soldiers, I think we have to draw the lessons out of this whole exercise. We have to confront bad news when we see it, tell our allies and give them frank and proper assessments. If we are not up to the job, we ought to put people in there who are. The other lesson in this whole episode is that, while it might be convenient and it might suit—to put it in nice words—our geopolitical ambitions at this end of the world to say that colonies like ex-Portuguese East Timor can just be slipped into Indonesia because that is going to be cheaper for us—and it certainly would have been—I am afraid that what is easy for us is not necessarily what is right.I want to finish off today by saying that I get a tremendous boost from the people of East Timor. They were shot at and beaten by the Portuguese. They were shot at even more and beaten even harder by the Indonesians. They got up and decided that after a couple of hundred years of this they had had enough, so they were going to risk their hand at a vote. I think they knew what was coming. They voted accordingly that they had had enough so that their children in the future could pick the place up. It is not a very wealthy place. I am told that the average per capita income there is about $US50 a year. They did not have very much to start with, but they knew that, with one last titanic struggle, they could get free and make some determinations for themselves in the future. I admire them for that, because there were not too many people standing there. There are a few more now. These people have been sold out and sold down the river for many years. For them to get up at the end of the day and say, `We've had enough of this. We're going to stand up for ourselves,' is something that I can be proud of.18:27:008516Woodley, Sen JohnSenator WOODLEYHX5QLDAD00—In this debate today about the situation in East Timor, I want to begin where Senator Ferguson was in his speech and to simply refer to the fact that I was part of the delegation which monitored the general election in Indonesia in June. I support what he said. Everywhere we went, the Indonesian people were obviously celebrating the fact that they were voting for democracy. I want to underline what Senator Ferguson, as the leader of that delegation, said. We were received with open arms by the ordinary people of Indonesia, we were feted and we were seen as the guarantee of their ability to vote in that general election.So what has happened? In answering that question, I want to make a very clear distinction between the ordinary people of Indonesia and the Indonesian military and elite leadership. We must make that distinction if, in the future, we are going to restore our relationship with the people of Indonesia. I certainly hope that we can restore that relationship. While I acknowledge the contribution that our own forces will make in East Timor, that contribution has been well covered today by other people, so I am not going to dwell on it at any great length. The Democrats certainly support our soldiers. I pray that they will not only accomplish their mission but eventually return safely to these shores.I want to remind the Senate that, as Australians, we contributed to the training of the Indonesian army for many years in this country, knowing—as Senator Quirke has very eloquently pointed out—not only what the Indonesian army was doing in its own country but that in our own region most defence forces are not put in place to defend their nations against external threat. Most of the so-called defence forces in our region are in fact used to oppress their own people.I want to remind the Senate who supplied the arms for the Indonesian army. The largest supplier of arms in the world today is the United States. Forty per cent of the total arms sales to the developing world has been supplied by the United States, and the second largest supplier of arms to developing countries is the United Kingdom, which supplies 25 per cent of arms to developing nations. When we are talking about military contributions, we ought not to forget these facts. We also ought to learn from them.I want to recognise a young man—he is younger than me—who is a member of the Brisbane Catholic worker community, a man by the name of Jim Dowling. For many years he has protested publicly about the training of Indonesian soldiers in Australia and about other issues of social justice. He is today in prison for those protests. He was arrested last year at the Canungra Army Base for protesting there about the training of Indonesian soldiers in Australia. He is tonight in jail in Brisbane for those protests, and he is on a hunger strike. I want the Senate to understand what it has cost some people in Australia to continue this witnessing.I also want to place on record the contribution of the churches and individual Christians to the people of Indonesia over many years. I admit that in many countries the contribution of the churches is not always an even-handed one or even one that we could commend. But for the people of East Timor, and generally for the people of Indonesia, both the Roman Catholic and Protestant churches have made significant contributions. I recognise here just a few people whom I have met and who have informed me about the situation. It is worth putting their names on the record even though, in doing that, I leave out many more who should be mentioned. We all recognise the contribution of Bishop Belo and of many Roman Catholic priests and religious sisters in East Timor. They have paid for that contribution with their lives. I recognise people like Helene and Gerry Van Klinken, who are friends of mine; Professor James Haire, who was a missionary in Indonesia for many years and who has been working closely with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade because of his contacts there; Father Gerry Hefferan, who is working in Darwin at the moment with the refugees from East Timor; Brother Paul Toon, who set up the East Timor office in Brisbane; and Reverend John Barr from my own church. They have helped me to understand the situation. Some of the information which I put on the record now comes from them.They all spoke about the situation in West Timor, and it is important that we recognise that situation. I am told that there are now about 30 camps in West Timor with upwards of 200,000 refugees. Those refugees are experiencing many problems, especially if they are related to pro-independence activists. The food in many of those camps is extremely restricted, particularly for those who are recognised as being pro-independence. Many of the men are missing, and those camps are still under threat from the militia and the Indonesian military—particularly those who are now fleeing East Timor themselves, who are a threat to the people in the border regions. Little has been done to disarm the militia in West Timor, and they are presenting a very serious threat.The UNHCR has told us that safe haven visas are being blocked by the Indonesian government and military for third-party nationals and also for a number of religious sisters who have applied for these visas. In one camp there are eight toilets for 12,000 refugees and in another camp five toilets for 9,000 refugees. Many do not have beds and are sleeping on the ground. The water supply in many of the camps is contaminated. I understand the provincial government in West Timor is trying to get a grip on the situation. There are some very good people amongst the West Timorese who are desperately trying to help the refugees in their midst. But the militia still seems to have a free rein to continue its terrorist activities.Another issue I wanted to address was the issue of Muslims versus Christians. There are some Christians in Australia who very simplistically seem to think this is what the whole conflict is about. This is a very simplistic analysis and is simply not true—although some information has come to me that the military have tried to use traditional tensions between Muslims and Christians to make the situation worse. There is information that some Muslims from Ambon have been brought to East Timor to make up at least some of the militia. The National Council of Churches of Indonesia reported after a visit to Dili that one militia leader admitted being transported from Ambon to Dili along with five others in order to continue the terrorism in East Timor. However, the military have not only used Muslims against Christians; there is plenty of information that the Indonesian military set up at least one fundamentalist Protestant Church in Dili to try to counteract the influence of the Roman Catholic Church in East Timor.So it is far too simplistic to describe this as simply a religious conflict between Muslim and Christian, or between Protestants and Catholics for that matter. It is a dreadful situation and the Indonesian military must bear the brunt of the blame for what has been going on. Not only is it not a religious conflict, but also most of the Protestant clergy in East Timor—as with the Roman Catholic clergy—have been supporters of the independence movement and some of them have died as well.Although I am conscious of the time, I will tell the story of Reverend Fransisco as told by Joy Balazo from the Uniting Church. Reverend Francisco was shot only a few days ago, and I will read a little of the story. `Please tell people what is happening to us,' were the last words of Reverend Fransisco de Vasconcelos Ximenes. That is what he told a staff member before they parted ways after martial law was declared in East Timor on 7 September.The Indonesian military sponsored militia shot Fransisco only two days later as he led his people to the safety of the Timorese mountains. He was the General Secretary of the Christian Church in East Timor and in the absence of the moderator, who was taking refuge overseas in fear for his life, Fransisco was also the acting moderator of this church, which has approximately 30,000 members, both Indonesian and East Timorese. I simply wanted to put the lie to the analysis by some people in Australia that at the heart of this is some kind of religious conflict.Another issue I want to raise in my contribution is the issue of Indonesians in Australia. There are a number of stories of the fear Indonesians are experiencing in our country. That in itself gives us pause as we begin to understand how they feel about our attitude to them. We must ensure that those who are resident here are not treated as perhaps some Australians might fear they would be treated in Indonesia. I know of some Indonesian families in Brisbane who have packed all their belongings and are ready to flee Australia because they fear what might happen to them. I am not going to tell you their names, but they are known to us.An Indonesian lecturer at Sydney University who has been there for many years has received death threats from within Australia. Indonesian students at Griffith University conducted a friendship day last weekend. They were very apprehensive about this, but I am pleased to say that the friendship day went off very well. It is good that, along with the stories we might hear about Indonesian people in Australia who are fearful, there are also people who are able to offer their friendship and break through those walls of fear. Let us ensure that those kinds of things do not continue in our nation through any kind of jingoism that might be present within our midst.To save time, I would like to incorporate a letter, which I have shown to the various whips, which I received from the Uniting Church just this afternoon. It will put on the record some of the things which are happening in West Timor particularly, and it does make some good suggestions about what should happen. I believe it would be helpful for the Senate to have this letter on the record, so I seek leave to incorporate it.Leave granted.The letter read as follows—The Uniting Church in AustraliaUnity and International MissionLevel 5, Piccadilly Court222 Pitt StreetSydney(PO Box A2206, Sydney South, NSW 1235)Telephone (02)9287 0900E-mail: uim@nat.uca.org.auFacsimile (02)9287 090921 September 1999Senator John WoodleyParliament HouseCanberraFax No. 02 62773725Pages: 2Dear JohnWarm greetings from the Uniting Church National Assembly. I have just been in contact with Kupang, West Timor. My contact is Rev Dr Tom Therik who is the Rector of Artha Wacana Christian University. He is co-ordinating a program to provide relief to displaced people from East Timor who are residing in refugee locations in West Timor. He is also involved in providing a network to protect East Timorese who are being hunted down and killed by the militia. I understand Tom will be interviewed tonight on the ABC `Lateline' program.Tom mentioned a number of points:(a) Pro-autonomy militia are still searching for people who are suspected as being pro-independent. Tom says this action must be stopped and he calls on the Indonesian government to recognise and protect the right of East Timorese people to be pro-independent.(b) The border area of West Timor with East Timor (Belu Regency) has to be demilitarised as there is no indication that an independent East Timor or the multinational peace keeping force will present a threat to the people of West Timor.(c) A war crimes tribunal must be established to deal with the crimes against humanity arising out of the conflict in East and West Timor.(d) A process has to be developed where displaced East Timorese now in West Timor are able to make a decision to return to East Timor if they wish to. This must be an independent process which is free of intimidation. Tom suggest such a process should be facilitated by Indonesian and foreign personnel. Under the current situation, people who say they wish to return to East Timor are considered to be pro-independent and their lives are at significant risk.(e) International attention must also focus on West Timor. `A resolution to the East Timor issue cannot be solved without dealing with West Timor' (quote from Tom Therik). I also just spoke with Jamie Isbister from World Church Service (National Council of Churches). Jamie has just returned from Indonesia. He was in West Timor last week. Gam raised the following issues:(a) The UNHCR must be able to establish a presence in Kupang and Atambua (border region of West Timor). Safe access to refugees must be given to UNHCR personnel.(b) Militia must be removed from all refugee locations and all militia must be disarmed in West Timor.(c) It is important to recognise the role of the church in West Timor as it provides a pivotal role in supporting and protecting East Timorese refugees. Major aid organisations and NGOs are not able to operate in West Timor. The church has an extensive network at the grassroots level and is able to be effective in assisting East Timorese people.(d) Requests that the Australian government work in consultation with the church both in Indonesia and Australia. The National Council of Churches and the Uniting Church in Australia maintain close contacts with church workers on the ground in Indonesia. It is important that opportunities be provided to the NCCA and UCA for extensive consultation with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and AusAID.Thank you for this opportunity to provide you with information. We are deeply committed to the people of East Timor and Indonesia and we greatly appreciate your assistance with these matters.Yours sincerelyRev John BarrIndonesia Area SecretaryUniting Church in Australia National AssemblyPhone 02 8267 4251Fax 02 8267 4222Email jbarr@nat.uca.ogr.auHX5Woodley, Sen JohnSenator WOODLEY—I want to close my contribution tonight by reading part of a lament for Timor which was written by Laurel Barr. The lament is a very telling one. It was used at a service of worship last Friday at the United Theological College in Sydney. It is a lament or, if you like, a prayer for the people of East Timor. The lament closes with these words, and I think they make a fitting ending to what I have said:Save them in their distress. Move in the hearts of the evildoers. Stay the hands of those who would kill.Beat the machetes into ploughshares.The Spirit of life flickers in the darkness. May a flame of compassion and hope burn on the island of Timor again.18:43:008520Tambling, Sen GrantSenator TAMBLING6E4NTCLP10—Yesterday's deployment of Australian troops in the UN multinational peacekeeping force, INTERFET, to East Timor marks a turning point for Australia in more ways than one. It marks a line in the sand in our relations with one of our nearest neighbours and some of our oldest allies. It challenges our strength as a military force as we engage in real-life armed service on foreign soil for the first time in more than 30 years.But there is also the opportunity for Australia to reaffirm its position as one of the leading diplomatic, political, economic and military powers of South-East Asia through the restoration of calm in the eastern provinces of Indonesia and the subsequent establishment of an independent East Timor. In the meantime, the situation remains tense. Australia will need to instigate a delicate balance between using whatever force is necessary to rid the region of malevolent violence and unrest and diplomacy as Australia attempts to restore fledgling relations between a fledgling independent East Timor and Indonesia, between Indonesia and Australia, and between Australia and one of its oldest Pacific allies, the United States, whose reluctance to fully support a UN multinational peacekeeping force with ground troops caused strain and comment.Despite almost 78.5 per cent of East Timor's 450,000-strong electorate voting in favour of independence on 30 August, the following period unleashed untold horrors by militias and their military supporters which we saw on our television screens on a nightly basis and which branded itself into our collective consciousness. The will of the East Timorese people must be allowed to take effect.As Australians, we have made clear our protest at the persecution of the East Timorese people, particularly in respect of East Timor's geographic, cultural and economic importance. I know that I speak for all Australians when I restate in the strongest terms my earlier condemnation of the murders, forced removals and other acts of violence perpetrated against the East Timorese people.At the National Party Federal Council on 11 September, I moved a successful motion in strong terms. Let me quote it:This Federal Council of the National Party of Australia, in acknowledgment of the debt of gratitude felt by many Australian families for life-saving assistance rendered by the people of East Timor to Australian personnel during World War II and the validity of the 30 August 1999 vote on self-determination in East Timor, as verified by Australian and other UN observer delegations:(a) deplores in the strongest terms the murders, forced removals and other acts of violence perpetrated against the people of East Timor;(b) applauds the courage and determination of the Australian Federal Police, UN and aid personnel and all others of good will in Indonesia in their efforts to alleviate the humanitarian emergency;(c) endorses the continuing effort of the federal government in seeking an international resolution to the crisis;(d) calls on Indonesian authorities to take urgent and immediate action to restore civil order and secure the safety of all citizens in East Timor;(e) expresses its disappointment at the reluctance of the United States of America, as a long-term Pacific ally, to fully support a UN peacekeeping force, and urges the US Congress to become closely associated with an international solution; and(f) requires the Australian government to maintain at an appropriate stage of readiness a force of arms sufficient to play a significant and effective partnership peacekeeping role in East Timor.The Indonesian government and its military have an obligation to all people of Indonesia as it is presently constituted. They must ensure that this obligation is met by ensuring the safety of all Timorese, irrespective of their politics, ethnicity or home province. This obligation is also recognised in the Security Council resolution authorising the INTERFET deployment to the territory.Australia's bond with the East Timorese people has never been so apparent as it is now. I think it is important that we do not lose sight of the human face of this conflict and the lasting impact that it will no doubt have on the East Timorese and their friends and relatives in Australia, particularly in Darwin. I spoke last night in the Senate on the support given so generously by so many volunteers and public servants. We only to have look at the ties between the countries to understand just how close to home the atrocities are. As a Territorian, I am particularly conscious of them and the evil and criminal actions that were so patently obvious. Darwin is just 730 kilometres from Dili. Darwin is physically closer to Indonesia's capital, Jakarta, than it is to Australia's own national capital, Canberra. Similarly, our ties in terms of friendship and culture with both Indonesia and East Timor span back to World War II, when a debt of gratitude was expressed by many Australian families for life-saving assistance rendered by the people of East Timor in particular to Australian personnel.Following the Asian financial crisis and the end of the Suharto era in May 1998, rapid social, political and economic change has occurred throughout Indonesia. Coincidentally, the Northern Territory in particular has spent the last 10 years developing relationships with the various players in the region. With those relationships comes responsibility in terms of commerce, health, education and, of course, maintaining a secure, peaceful neighbourhood for all concerned. Although Australia is now dealing with arguably the most intense military situation in decades, the openness of those past discussions now stands us in good stead for the future. It provides the hopeful basis for dealing with human rights abuses and maintaining relationships of integrity with people demonstrating goodwill.The lasting effects of the current conflict will be apparent on both sides of the Timor Sea for decades and, most likely, for generations to come. East Timorese people will face real social problems in the future—re-establishing homes, educational facilities, commercial enterprises and even the most basic infrastructure we take for granted here in Australia. Very large numbers of East Timorese have been displaced. Australia, and the Northern Territory in particular, will be heavily involved in aid and assistance to the East Timorese for years to come.It is on that point that Australia must always maintain at the forefront of its thinking the reality that we are dealing with real people with real lives in our neighbourhood. We have to remember that an incorrect decision could cost many lives, whilst the correct one could save many and set up a positive future for the East Timorese. Australia has a real social responsibility to do right and to be right on human rights. We are now not only in a peacekeeping mission but in a humanitarian mission as well. Australian troops can be doubly proud of the fact that not only are they doing what is right for the Timorese people by maintaining the peace and assisting with getting the independence process back on track but also they are part of a vital humanitarian effort that will save thousands of lives.Even before the current events unfolded, Australia's defence forces, foreign affairs and intelligence officers had been instrumental in preparing a robust response to the potential for the collapse of law and order in East Timor. Australia, through the federal and Northern Territory governments and the Australian Defence Force, from as early as March of this year, has planned for the deployment of troops and equipment to strategic posts in Darwin in anticipation of a peacekeeping role. In April this year the Northern Territory government published a capability statement of the Territory's potential for support for East Timor. That planning was both prudent and prescient.Darwin, currently Australia's strategic centre, is now set to become the focal point of the international community as it greets the spotlight as the main military base for the INTERFET force. Darwin, with its provision of defence support to incoming troops as well as its immediate and willing response to the plight of the East Timorese refugees, has showcased the range and efficiency of its services and the crucial support role it will play in the next few months for Australian and international troops in the lead-up to the United Nations peacekeeping role.Although I acknowledge the skill and the preparatory work put in by the Australian Defence Force in the Northern Territory in past months, make no mistake: Australia's defence forces face a real risk of serious casualty. However, I note that East Timor's resistance leader, Xanana Gusmao, has thanked Australian soldiers for their presence on the ground, while other groups have pledged assistance to our troops. There is also the incredible support garnered from the 14 or so other countries working in partnership as INTERFET. But with risk comes opportunity—the opportunity for Australia to make another historic contribution to the peaceful transition to an independent East Timor and to do the right thing in humanitarian terms. The impact of this deployment has obviously been great on the Northern Territory community. But while it is sad to see our troops leave the safety of home, it is heartening to see the outpouring of support and gratitude for those who have become such an integral part of Northern Territory life so quickly. It is imperative that this cooperation and goodwill continue.Australia, Indonesia, Portugal, the United Nations and, most importantly, the people of East Timor must look to the future. There must be a long-term solution that will promote stability and promise an economic future for the region. Consultation and mediation between all players involved are vital. In the immediate future we will need to see the reconstruction of infrastructure. Already there has been a disruption of services which will need to be restored to ensure accessibility to important services within the various regions of East Timor. Recent events have had the potential to disrupt the momentum and the integrity of the relationship between Australia and Indonesia. Nevertheless, the Australian-Indonesian relationship is a long and close one that will stand the test of time. The questions Australia needs to ask—ones well worthy of reflection—are: firstly, how do we restore peaceful relations with Indonesia; secondly, what are the longer term issues Australia will need to face in its peacekeeping role; and, thirdly, what is our commitment to the new independent state of East Timor? In the wider sphere of Indonesian nationalism, the November parliament will provide a new slant on the picture. Very obviously, once the new parliament is constituted, a new flavour of government will come to the fore, providing an opportune time for Australia to reaffirm that the Javanese administration, and its strongarm military tactics, will no longer be acceptable.Australia needs to guarantee that its influence and responsibility come to bear to ensure that the Indonesian puppet-masters do not have the upper hand in any new democratisation within Indonesia. Australia must play a visionary role that underpins its commitment to human rights and restores the peaceful atmosphere in our immediate neighbourhood. As a senator for the Northern Territory—the most crucially important strategic centre in this matter—I trust that the efforts to restore peace and security by military action, under the leadership of the United Nations and Australia, will be successful and will ensure the climate for the necessary reconciliation to which we all aspire.18:56:008522Hogg, Sen JohnSenator HOGG7L6QLDALP00—I rise to speak in this debate today because I have had quite an interest over a long time in what has been happening in Indonesia and in particular in East Timor. As chair of the Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee, I have been involved in an inquiry into East Timor. Also, through the estimates process I have been involved in placing many questions on the record on East Timor and the operations of Indonesia within East Timor.One of the things that surprised me today was the fact that there has been a call from some of the people on the other side for bipartisanship. I believe in bipartisanship. I just wish I could have had that bipartisanship shown to me during the estimates process on 9 June, when the government did everything that they could to try and shut me down and stop me from asking some very incisive questions on the issue of East Timor. So let us get our facts straight. If you look at the estimates of 11 February, 5 May and 8 June this year, you will see that I had great cooperation from the government in questioning people from the Department of Defence and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Come 9 June, things were starting to get hot and the government could not handle the issue. Every attempt was made to gag me, but I persisted in asking a range of questions at that time. So much for bipartisanship—but I believe it is an issue that should be approached in a bipartisan way. It is an issue that affects us in a great way in that we have 210 million people on our doorstep in the large nation of Indonesia and we have 800,000 people or thereabouts in East Timor, who are struggling for the very threadbare necessities of life.One should not underestimate how these people have been torn apart, ripped asunder, by the pillage and the carnage that has taken place at the hands of the TNI and the militia in East Timor. No-one should have any doubt whatsoever of the fact that these people have lost every trace, every vestige, of what we would consider basic human decency. It will be extremely hard to rebuild in that environment, particularly when you take into consideration that these people voted in favour of becoming an independent state or nation in their own right only on 30 August. But if you look at the 5 May agreement that was signed by the Indonesian Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, article 7 gives them some hope of the prospect of a peaceful transition after their vote. Article 7 says:During the interim period between the conclusion of the popular consultation and the start of the implementation of either option, the parties request the Secretary-General to maintain an adequate United Nations presence in East Timor.We went in there as Australians and told them that we would do everything within our power to see that this was maintained. They believed not only us but others that they would be delivered a peaceful environment in which to live after their striving for independence over a long period. But, of course, the TNI had other things in mind for these people. The TNI had premeditated and well-planned the looting, the carnage and the pillaging that took place within one week of that vote having taken place. It was something that was not just thought up in the week prior to the vote for independence; it was something that—from the evidence that I have heard through an inquiry that I am involved in— was well and truly in place over a long period.The fact that we failed to protect these people, the fact that we failed to put sufficient pressure on the United Nations and on the United States—who are the big players in the field—and the fact that we failed to deliver to these people a safe environment post the ballot is something that we will have to live with and regret for at long time to come.The fact is that we are not the major player that we are trying to make ourselves out to be. There is no doubt in my mind and in the minds of many of the experts that have appeared and given evidence before the committee that I am involved in—though I do not claim to speak on behalf of that committee tonight—that it was quite clear that, unless there had been US involvement early, the Indonesians were not going to respond purely and simply to our pleas. We needed the United States to be the trigger, the party with the big clout to get in there and make the Indonesian military—and, to a lesser extent, civilians—respond in a positive way.Of course, we were found to be wanting. We were found to be lacking in that area. Whilst the United States are playing a reasonably low-key role at this stage, one can only hope that they will continue to apply pressure and to keep a presence in this whole issue. Without their force, one could only see that the whole situation in East Timor could go completely wrong in the future.Having said that, some very positive people have appeared before the committee that I am involved in. One notable group was Paxiquest, who are professional conflict resolution consultants. Whilst they may well earn a dollar out of it—and that is their business—they did put forward to us two important points. Firstly, that all the parties in the conflict must sit around and resolve the conflict together. You cannot exclude anyone, and that is what was wrong with the 5 May agreement. The 5 May agreement excluded one very important group—the East Timorese themselves. You cannot have conflict resolution unless you have the people involved in the conflict actually there.We now have a real need to have all of those who are involved in the conflict in East Timor involved in the process of resolving the conflict that exists, leading to the proper establishment of the rule of law. It was put to us by Paxiquest that, if this is not carried out in the proper way, then we will undoubtedly have an ongoing saga of problems in East Timor for years to come. If the processes of conflict resolution and the establishment of the rule of law are not put in place properly in the first instance, then the long-term hopes for a peaceful and emerging independent East Timor are indeed very doubtful.The other point that I want to make is that there is a real need to secure the border with West Timor. Whilst I have not been to Timor, it has become quite clear to me that the border is very blurred. Of course, this could allow for easy movement between West and East Timor of those militias who have sought sanctuary so far in the West Timor province of Indonesia. One can only hope that sufficient pressure is applied to ensure that that border is secured, so that we do not have unnecessary incursions occurring across the line. Of course, one takes for granted that one will see those people who have been forcibly removed from East Timor repatriated to their homes in East Timor to live a reasonable lifestyle.The other thing—and with so many speakers to follow I am conscious of the time—that is of concern to me is the decision by this government in its early days to wind back the operation of Radio Australia and, in particular, to cut back the operation by shutting down the antenna at Cox Peninsula near Darwin. Undoubtedly, that was clearly something that was completely misplaced. If one had Radio Australia operating at Cox Peninsula, then a different view may well have been projected into Indonesia and also into East Timor.I do not believe that the people of Indonesia are understanding what ordinary Australians are saying in this debate. One must understand that most Australians are not anti-Indonesian. They are very much anti the antics of the TNI. There is no doubt about that. They are very condemnatory of what the TNI, the Indonesian military, have done but not of the Indonesian people. Yet that view does not seem to have got out to the ordinary people in Indonesia.Also, if we had a proactive Radio Australia—which was always respected for its independence, not being an arm of government, like so many broadcasters overseas are, such as Voice of America and the likes—this vehicle could have been used quite successfully to put into the East Timorese environment much about what was really happening. But, of course, that was cut off with the government's decision back in 1996 to close down or severely curtail the operation of Radio Australia, particularly through the Cox Peninsula.The only other two things I want to mention go to the issue of our relations with Indonesia. As I have said, the problem is not with the Indonesian people. The problem is with the TNI. It has to be clearly understood that we need to have good relations with Indonesia. I know that Senator Payne probably would agree with me that the evidence we have heard in the committee was that there is a need for good relations between Australia and Indonesia. It is absolutely vital for our future and also for the future of East Timor. What we need to see is the development of good relationships not only between Australia and East Timor and between Australia and Indonesia but also between East Timor and Indonesia. Of course, that is a Herculean task in its own right. No-one should downplay the need for good relations with our near neighbours.The last point that I want to make is about a concern that I have in respect of aid. I am concerned that, when it comes to putting aid into East Timor, there will not be the proper coordination and prioritising of aid to be given. There are many people out there who are very well-intentioned and have a great desire to put aid into East Timor; but I have a fear, from some of the evidence that I have heard, that the aid may not be prioritised in the right way or that it may not be the right aid in the first place. So I make a plea that, if we are going to help the Timorese people once we have established a safe environment, we give them prioritised aid and the right aid, so that we do not have aid agencies and many good organisations falling over themselves and duplicating and wasting the aid, which will be very precious indeed within East Timor.Last but not least I want to say that, like many others, I wish our defence forces all the best in their involvement in East Timor. They have not gone in as a peacekeeping force, as a number of people think. They are there for peace enforcement and peacemaking. There is no doubt that there is quite a difference between peace enforcement, peacemaking and peacekeeping. They have gone into a hostile environment, and I feel for their families. I know that they are well trained and capable people in their own right, and they deserve the support of all of us in the hard task that they have undertaken. They should not in any way feel that they will not be welcomed back to these shores. I think that that message needs to be said over and over again, because these people are going in to help, as I said, a nation that has been stripped of everything—a group of people, many of whom have not only lost their dignity but had every last vestige and trace of humanity taken away from them. So the peace enforcement defence personnel who are there currently have a hard task initially to establish a safe environment but an even harder task to then ensure that peacekeeping can be maintained for the long period that is going to be required to bring about a revitalisation of the East Timor nation so that the people there can live with the respect and dignity that we take for granted.19:12:008525Allison, Sen LynSenator ALLISON1M6VICAD00—The last few months have demonstrated to us just how vulnerable aid workers are when they operate in war zones. Steve Pratt and his colleagues are testimony to the way that hostile governments can bite the hands that feed them. We go into East Timor this week with a grave fear that our soldiers and our aid workers will be likely to be singled out for attack by the militia and the military as they try to assist the very people who have been terrorised by that group. We are all gravely fearful for the estimated 150,000 people who have disappeared or who have been forcibly removed from East Timor. Militias who have operated in East Timor are perpetuating their terror in West Timor, away from any protection that the Australian troops might provide.I think we have good reason to fear for the lives of those people. Reliable sources say that the militias are searching for independence supporters and that they have taken men and boys from camps to unknown fates. Apparently they are now being asked to indicate to local authorities whether they wish to return to East Timor or to become permanent transmigrants in West Timor. Of course, in these circumstances, saying that they want to return would be putting themselves at some risk. ACFOA reminded us this week that there is no safe access to West Timor for international aid workers, who have been harassed and threatened by militias. Local Indonesian, church and non-government organisations are completely overwhelmed by the huge number of people in extreme need. ACFOA says:The militias are also terrorising local West Timorese residents. They roam the streets, pillage shops and market stores. Local NGOs and church groups hold grave concerns that serious violence may break out in West Timor.I want to take the opportunity tonight to take a few steps back and to talk about Australia's overseas aid programs and the situation for East Timor. Some months ago, Jose Ramos Horta explained to me why it was that East Timor was not ready for independence. He said that the country had almost no professionally trained people; they had no airline pilots at all, very few teachers and very few professional people of one sort or the other. He said that the level of schooling was very low and there were very few opportunities for East Timorese to go on to university.In 1998-99 Australia provided just $7 million in direct assistance to East Timor. We have provided only $45 million between 1980 and 1999—that is almost 20 years. Of that, $13 million has been given in emergency and humanitarian aid, $21 million in water supply and health projects, $8.9 million in agriculture and just $400,000 in education projects. Only l2 East Timorese students have been given postgraduate scholarships to study in Australia in subjects such as economics, public sector management and agriculture. The population of East Timor was estimated to be 906,000 in 1997. Our aid last year works out to be just $7 for each East Timorese. I would like to pose the question: what exactly is the Australian economy gaining in terms of oil from the Timor Gap? I suspect it to be much more than $7 million a year.Three-quarters of the formal economy of East Timor is controlled by non East Timorese. Non East Timorese occupy the majority of senior administrative, technical and professional positions. Let us look at why this is the case and let us look at the education system in East Timor. Fifty-six per cent of women and 39 per cent of men in East Timor are illiterate. In 1983 the illiteracy rate was 80 per cent. In 1997 only a quarter of the population over 10 years of age had completed primary school, seven per cent junior high school and five per cent senior high school. Only 1.4 per cent of the population had completed tertiary education of some form, not including those educated overseas.Since 1975 the Indonesians have significantly increased the number of schools in East Timor. By 1996 there were 62 kindergartens, 763 primary schools, 112 junior high schools, 37 senior high schools, a polytechnic and a university. But there are few supports for those educational institutions, the quality of teachers is extremely poor—most being inexperienced graduates from outside East Timor. Seventy per cent of secondary school teachers are non East Timorese. Presumably, they have now all left the country.The AusAID submission to the Senate inquiry into East Timor says:The current and future training needs of East Timor are vast and span basic primary, secondary and tertiary levels, vocational training, training for government administrators and upgrading for teachers and medical personnel.Of course, that submission went in before the devastation of East Timor. The difficulty in taking students from East Timor into our scholarship program is apparently the low level of education and the difficulty of finding people who meet the academic requirements for entry.Australia gave just $30,000 between 1992 and 1997 to support polytechnics in Indonesia, including one in Dili. One wonders just what one can buy for $30,000 over that period of time. We are spending $3.4 million over five years to provide vocational training in East Timor and, over the same period, $51 million for Indonesia for training in good governance which is intended to cover East Timor, but the figures cannot be separated—nor, presumably, can we be sure that the money will get through to East Timor.There is little doubt that the financial crisis in Indonesia has exacerbated levels of poverty in that country and that East Timor has suffered in that respect more than most parts of that country. East Timor is poorer now than any province in Indonesia. The health problems in East Timor reflect that poverty. The AusAID submission to the Senate inquiry into East Timor notes that the common diseases there are respiratory infection, malaria, influenza, diarrhoea, tuberculosis and skin problems. Infant and maternal mortality rates are among the highest in Indonesia. For every 1,000 live births, 124 children under five years of age die, and 55 per cent of children under five are malnourished. While the number of health centres is relatively high, their quality and location mean they are hopelessly underutilised. Without significant donor support, rural health services are likely to deteriorate as health staff at district level and above, particularly doctors, are non East Timorese and continue to leave. In March this year, there were only 81 GPs and no public surgeons in the government health system in East Timor. Only 19 of these were indigenous East Timorese.Apart from a small amount of funding for local non-government organisations, AusAID has not had a long history of direct support for health in East Timor, even though East Timor is one of our closest neighbours. We have contributed to water and sanitation projects. We also funded a tuberculosis program through Indonesia to train health workers and provide research into tuberculosis drug resistance.The immediate needs of the East Timorese are of course for security, food, medical assistance and shelter. A population in which half its children are already malnourished cannot last long hiding in the mountains without food. The delay in reaching the estimated 35,000 who fled from Dili and other burning towns may have already devastated their number.The logistics of getting aid into these people and the refugees in West Timor is daunting and no doubt every effort is currently being made to reach the people in need. I do not criticise the Australian government, which is funding the Red Cross, Care Australia, Community Aid Abroad, Oxfam and World Vision to deliver emergency relief. It is my hope, too, that Australians are digging deep and contributing generously to that effort. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs is contributing to the relief operation and all Australians would hope that this aid can save what is left of the East Timorese. But I think it is now time for us to take stock and to look well into the future for the needs of the East Timorese. To say that East Timor has been neglected in the past by Australia is an understatement. We know that East Timor will need an enormous amount of assistance to rebuild even the minimal infrastructure that it once had. The political climate in Indonesia is such that no doubt East Timor cannot look to Indonesia for assistance to do this.East Timor will need assistance from Australia in institution building and this means in politics and government, the public sector, legal and criminal justice systems, and health and education services. They will also need assistance in establishing media and other telecommunication services. They will need help with family planning, reproductive health and economic development in families and villages as well as in the nation as a whole. East Timor's electricity supply came from Bali and was very easy to shut down in the recent conflict. Building energy infrastructure and providing clean water and sanitation must be a high priority once East Timor is made secure.It goes without saying that Australia's aid budget must be increased. This should of course not come from other aid programs, including humanitarian aid programs in Indonesia. Australia's defence cooperation budget with Indonesia is worth, I understand, $7.88 million. Diverting this money into East Timor would double our 1997-98 budget. The Democrats have said again and again that it is important that we maintain good relationships with Indonesia to ensure the continuation of economic and human rights reforms, and we do not want to jeopardise Indonesia's transition into democracy.We have also said it is important that we do not nurture anti-Indonesian sentiment towards Australia. We must make it clear that we do not support the Indonesian military's action. We understand that it is not the fault of the vast majority of Indonesians that there has been slaughter in East Timor on such a huge scale. We do not, however, need to join with Indonesia in military exercises. Jose Ramos Horta expresses the need to distinguish between government policy and the will of the people. He has said:We, the East Timorese, were on the receiving end of 23 years of Australia's betrayal but we never expressed any anger or resentment towards Australia and we never confused between what is the diplomatic position of the government with the position of the Australian people.I think now it is time for us to repair the damage done by those 23 years of betrayal and for us to invest in East Timor. It will be costly but the East Timorese have paid with their lives in an effort to be free of oppression and terror. I think this is the least that we can do.19:26:008527Payne, Sen MariseSenator PAYNEM56NSWLP10—In speaking to this motion this evening, I firstly want to indicate my pride in the strength of the Australian leadership of the INTERFET and indicate that I am indeed very proud of all those Australians making a contribution in the force. At this time I, as with many other speakers this evening, also think of their families and their loved ones. They also deserve our recognition and support at what is a very difficult time.We will have up to 4,500 ADF personnel in East Timor in this operation and it is not an easy task that they are facing. I read today's stories about their successful arrival in Dili with interest. But in the coming days and weeks, as the force fans out across East and West Timor, we have no idea what they may encounter. The state of much of the rural areas is unknown to us through lack of communications, and many of these areas were previously militia strongholds.As we keep an eye on the safety of our Australians we will also look, I hope, to the safety and wellbeing of the East Timorese—proud, gentle, strong and now independent; a people who have in the past weeks and the preceding decades paid the ultimate price for the freedom and democracy that we take for granted.I was particularly struck with the bitter irony of the world's perspective on democracy at the recent local government elections in New South Wales. As people moaned about having to drag themselves to their local polling place to cast their vote, I thought to myself, if only you could have seen what I saw in East Timor on the morning of the popular consultation—people walking with their children for miles and miles in the night to polling booths, to be there when they opened and to cast their vote, and then melting back into the countryside.My experience as a member of Australia's official observer delegation from Thursday, 26 August to Wednesday, 1 September, puts this motion today into perspective for me. I want to express my thanks to the Foreign Minister, Alexander Downer, for the opportunity to participate in that delegation. I describe it as, so far at least, the most extraordinary experience of my life. People keep asking me what it was like, and I keep failing to find the words to describe it.The delegation was led by my National Party colleague the Hon. Tim Fischer, with the Hon. Laurie Brereton and Senator Vicki Bourne as the other parliamentary representatives. There were three non-government organisation representatives—Pat Walsh from ACFOA, Rae Perry from the Victorian Local Governance Committee and Anne Wigglesworth from CARITAS—and three DFAT officials accompanying us from Australia—Stephanie Schwabsky, Anthony Pearce and Kirk Conningham.We were officially accredited as observers by Jeff Fischer, Chief Electoral Officer of UNAMET, to observe the ballot on polling day in accordance with the code of conduct as specified by UNAMET. I am international observer No. 1348, for the record. The guide to observers at voting centres was very clear: firstly, only registered voters, observers and UNAMET workers were allowed inside the 200-metre perimeter of the voting centre; secondly, the observer has freedom of movement but must not interfere with the voting process; thirdly, the observer must not go near the voting screens; fourthly, the observer should report serious breaches of the voting process to the DEO; fifthly, the observer must not speak to voters before or after voting; and, sixthly, the observer must not speak with local UNAMET staff. The role then was to provide independent international scrutiny of the ballot process to support a free and fair ballot.I want to record some comments about the popular consultation, as it was styled, because, notwithstanding the tragedy and the horror of the past two weeks, the ballot process remains as an important and permanent reminder and record of the determination of the East Timorese to stand up for themselves, to turn out in record numbers of 98.6 per cent, to vote with a very high level of formality and to vote overwhelmingly for independence.The review of the process of popular consultation is, I guess, highly coloured by understandable feelings of desperation at the plight of East Timor—not just now but for over 20 years—and most starkly, recently, their treatment at the hands of the militia and, therefore, the Indonesian military involved in these groups. But I think that a base political debate like that chosen by the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Representatives and the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate today will not serve to assist one single desperate East Timorese person. Those people and the future of their nascent independent nation are my primary concern.The considered remarks of Senator Bourne earlier this evening about the history of this tragedy, in contrast to the arid diatribes of Senator Faulkner and Mr Beazley, place a valid historical perspective on the record from a long-term committed campaigner for freedom for the East Timorese.The Australian delegation observed, in their respective roles, Australian UNAMET, civil, political and electoral staff and CIVPOL officers from the Australian Federal Police. To a person, their work was being carried out in difficult, challenging and, for many of them, also dangerous circumstances and they brought enormous credit to Australia in the way in which they each performed their roles.I think it is also important to record the quality and the value of the program put together by DFAT staff in Jakarta and Dili. It was an extraordinary effort, given the fraught environment in which Ambassador McCarthy and Consul General James Batley worked every day.We arrived in Dili to continued campaigning in the streets, with truck convoys and milling people—mostly boys and young men—and, on that particular day, violence in the Becora area leading to some deaths and certain injuries. But so quickly was the situation shifting and so sensitive were senior officials in reporting to us on the violence that, between visits to the police chief at the POLRI headquarters and the East Timorese military commander, efforts to obtain an accurate status report were fruitless.The very personal element of that tragedy was brought home to us the next day in the village of Baucau. It was supposed to be a quiet day. Permission had been given for one side to hold a closing ceremony for the campaign but it had turned into an unauthorised rally. So we arrived in town to trucks circling the village covered in campaign colours, a lot of noise, a lot of dust, a lot of colour and movement, and a fairly healthy degree of tension. We were very well briefed by Australian CIVPOL and UNAMET, who were very generous with their time in that difficult context.But one of our meetings with a local official was stopped by an ear-piercing cry from one his staff from just outside our meeting room, followed by anguished sobbing. As it transpired, that gentleman's brother had been killed in the previous day's violence in Dili. And it is actually quite difficult to explain to the Senate how it feels to find yourself spectating, as it were, on a personal tragedy like that.On the Sunday before the poll, we attended 6 a.m. mass in Bishop Belo's compound. Of course, that compound no longer exists and several members of his church community have been killed tragically. There were hundreds and hundreds of people at the mass—families, the young and the old, many nuns and priests. At the mass that morning there were several people wearing black armbands—people whose family members had been killed in Dili in pre-poll violence. If we needed another demonstration of the strength and unity of those people before the ballot, that mass, with hundreds of children singing, the solemnity of the communion and its all-pervasive emotion, spoke volumes.Again near Baucau, at one of our polling booth observations in a village called Ailili—which means `sweet water'—we met an Australian UNAMET electoral official who was training his local workers for polling day. They did a role play for us, showing what you would do if you had an old infirm voter, and one of them did that; and what you would do if you had a blind voter, and one of them pretended to be blind.The East Timorese UNAMET workers were incredibly proud of what they were doing, but they knew the risks. The Australian UNAMET official told us that, as they had received their UN IDs, they asked whether that would make them more identifiable to those opposing the ballot and therefore more vulnerable. The simple answer to that question was yes.We heard extraordinary stories in Dili from journalists from all over the world, but particularly from Australia. I think it is important to make a special mention of the extraordinary efforts of all of those journalists to tell the stories to the rest of the world and to keep doing that long after their personal safety was under threat.We ate breakfast one morning with a British journalist who had escaped with an Australian colleague of his from the area of a militia attack on the village of Memo near Maliana. Memo is divided into two levels, upper and lower. The British journalist described how the militia had burnt lower Memo to the ground—the homes, the vehicles, everything—and that the villagers of lower Memo had fled.I did not realise at that stage that I would, in fact, visit Memo on polling day, but I did. We drove past the burnt-out homes on the Monday—they were still smouldering in some places—and past the destroyed vehicles. We came to a polling booth with long queues of people standing in the hot sun waiting to vote. They had come back—past their burnt-out homes, past their destroyed village—to cast their secret vote for the future they wanted for their people.In another area, Ermera, we met several Australian CIVPOL and UNAMET staff. In later days, from the poll on, those Australian CIVPOL were involved in leading the defence of the UNAMET office against the militia—protecting the ballots themselves, protecting the international and local UNAMET staff and getting them safely back to Dili in a convoy. As I understand it, they did not just do that once, they did that again when they finally left Gleno later in the week.Their bravery, their determination to do the job they had been asked to do as members of the Australian Federal Police in UNAMET, their efforts and those of the many other Australian CIVPOL in East Timor, are acknowledged but I want to record that again here, as someone who saw them in this environment, who saw the work they were doing and who saw the immense contribution they made to that process.In another village, Aileu, Australian UNAMET and CIVPOL were running electoral training and working every day on ensuring the safety of the ballot, particularly one young female Australian CIVPOL, who was using her language skills in Bahasa to assist in managing what was a very tense situation in a nearby village.Local UN workers were clearing and preparing the local school for polling day and, again, were enormously proud of the job they were doing. There were other young children from the village who were watching curiously from outside the classrooms, although I admit they may well have been watching us—a particularly curious delegation in this small village in East Timor, given the couple of Australian senators, an AFP agent, a couple of DFAT officials, associated drivers and hangers on. I am sure it was the first time they had ever seen the like.There was one very young girl there with her little nine-month-old sister, Lia, who was very taken with the fact that some of the DFAT officers could help with speaking Bahasa. Her nine-month-old sister certainly did not look nine months old. If you put an Australian baby and her side-by-side at the same age I think you would be quite surprised. I cannot help wondering where people like that actually are.We met some American nuns from the Maryknoll order who were speaking to us in almost sanguine tones about the activities of the local militia and the fact that they knew that 100 automatic weapons had been delivered into the village in the preceding days and that this was the battle their community may have to face.I want to briefly record some experiences of polling day and put those on the record. Let me start with leaving Dili at 3 a.m. to travel to Maliana and seeing hundreds and hundreds of families walking through the early morning hours in the pitch black, carrying toddlers, breastfeeding babies as they went, just quietly and patiently making their way to the booths. But coming up the road towards the main polling station in Maliana, seeing literally thousands of people outside the local hall just quietly waiting to vote was a physically jolting experience. That was an expression of democratic purpose which was simply stunning in every sense of the word.Maliana was expected to be a trouble spot and it certainly had been. Many Australian MLOs and CIVPOL will attest to that. It certainly went on to be, given what has occurred in Maliana and environs since the poll. But, at that stage, the greatest danger to voters was being crushed by the wave of people behind them waiting to vote. That polling station was also controlled by the Australian CIVPOL who, in consultation with the local Polri, kept good order for the day.As a politician, sitting in a chamber like this, it is almost impossible to imagine the feeling of being asked at 6.30 in the morning to check that a ballot box is empty before it is sealed and polling commences, when there are thousands of people outside waiting for you and your colleagues to do that.They voted under a sign that said in Bahasa and Tetun, `UNAMET guarantees that your vote is secret.' No wonder some people elsewhere in East Timor were, and I will use the word `concerned', about an Australian journalist at another polling station going from person to person in the queue asking them how they were going to vote. Every time I think of that I am reminded of provision 5 of the UN Code about not speaking to voters before or after voting.In the booth at Maliana one voter took everyone's attention. It was an enormous hall and he was a very old man who was profoundly crippled. He had sticks under his arms, his legs were permanently bent in a sitting position. He had to vote at the station furthest from the door because that is where he had registered. In what seemed like an excruciatingly long time, he made his way to the voting position, he was given his ballot paper, he was assisted appropriately by UNAMET officials and he voted. He could have gone straight out the back door—very effective efficiency from very valuable UNAMET arrangements to come in one door and out the other, particularly when there are 3,000 people waiting to come in behind you. But he insisted on turning around and going back on his sticks the full length of the voting hall because he had just passed what was for him, from my observations, the most important vote of his life. He intended to make sure that people out the front knew about it.The other polling station in the Maliana district was a chapel in the hills, but it was an area from which most voters had fled their homes. But on polling day hundreds of those displaced people came back to vote. They lined the hillsides and they queued patiently in the road to participate in a popular consultation. In fact, by the time we arrived mid-morning at Balibo, the Mexican UNAMET electoral officer at the second of the polling stations in the school there reported that they were 75 per cent through their voter number, such was the enthusiasm of the voters and the efficiency of the UNAMET process. But he also reported that they had done training with their local workers the previous day and that local militia had stoned the roof of the school for the duration of the process. The day before the ballot: continuing intimidation and continuing efforts to undermine the process.To UNAMET we had asked, day in and day out, many questions on voter education and on intimidation preventing people voting. Those questions were answered by the results: 98.6 per cent voter turnout and 78.8 per cent support for independence.I have watched with growing horror the events of the past week and I understand the anger of those who campaigned for so long. I have never before had the experience of receiving phone calls to tell me that somebody I had met, somebody who had assisted a delegation of which I was a member, had been killed or was missing. That is just one of the reasons I find it hard to answer the relatively simple question about what the visit was like.I want in closing, though, to look forward. Our argument is not with the vast body of the Indonesian people but it is with the perpetrators of the crimes and the brutality and the violence. The East Timorese who are in West Timor, taken to camps both voluntarily and forcibly, need our humanitarian assistance. I, for one, want them to know that we are determined, through the appropriate war crimes forum, to pursue the perpetrators of the barbarism and outrage against their people.I saw the East Timorese take the most extraordinary step on 30 August, and for those of us who claim to support and protect democracy, the really hard job for us starts now. In the reconstruction of the society, let alone the physical nation, the East Timorese must be involved at the ground level. This is their nation we will help to rebuild and they must play the fundamental role in that.Many, many more men will have been lost to the community in the abomination of the last 20 days. For the society to reconstruct itself, much of the burden will necessarily fall on the shoulders of the women of East Timor. The United Nations and government to government processes do not always take account of that. But in this case, we should.19:45:008532Denman, Sen KaySenator DENMANFY5TASALP00—I seek leave to incorporate my speech in Hansard .Leave granted.The speech read as follows—I wish to associate myself with this motion.I have been a member of Coastal East Timorese Support group on the N.W. Coast of Tasmania for approximately eight years and have been a supporter of their search for independence for some time and this is still my view.However its is not the legitimacy of their quest I will examine here today for none of us would question a nations right for self determination but the need to understand the Indonesian predicament with in the context of East Timor.This should not been seen as an excuse for the horrendous actions of the militia or some sections of the Indonesian military rather an acknowledgment of what we have all known for some time.That is that Indonesia is really one country in name only and to often the popular comments fails too or gives a superficial analysis to this occurrence.Additionally the Indonesian army is not one army but has many factions and since the departure of Suharto has the potential for deep political division that may have implications for the future for true independence for East Timor.Until November there is no legitimate leader in Indonesia and many other players in the Indonesian political system have made no commitments to East Timorese independence. Indeed Megawati has stated "East Timor cannot be decided by Mr Habibie's Government because it does not have the legitimacy to do so."Thus there are warnings, as there were prior to the vote in East Timor that the vote may not be recognised, this in large part will depend on who rules Indonesia after November and the rest of the world's williness to apply consistent pressure on the powerful economic groups in Indonesia that are often the same people that control the military.It seems that the Howard government placed too much importance on the close relationship that Australia had with the Indonesian government. Even if this was true under Suharto and possibly true of Habbie the ability of the latter to truly deliver was severely compromised after the Indonesian election and will not be settled until the ratification of the election in November.Thus questions naturally arise regarding our rush to agree with the Indonesian Governments desire to have the East Timorese election prior to the ratification of the Indonesian election. It could be assumed that Indonesia's design was to have an escape clause built in.As there was a period of months between the Indonesian election and the choosing of the president it should come as no surprise that a period of internal instability in Indonesia was highly probable.Given the likelihood of instability why would the Indonesian government schedule the East Timor election in the middle of that instability knowing that even if there was a vote for independence it would be months before the vote could be legitimised.Thus it becomes clear that the most probable motivation for Indonesia to allow the East Timor election was an internally driven political agenda not a genuine concern for the sovereignty of the people of East Timor.The question that is more serious is not necessarily related to internal domestic designs of Indonesia but what appears to be a lack of understanding of the political climate of Indonesia by the Howard Government or even worse political expediency.Only one of these explanations can be used to explain why Mr Howard and Mr Downer were so willing to give in on their original request that suggested the best outcome would be achieved not by rushing into a feel good election, but by encouraging a gradual handing over as a part of a process moving towards an election.This point of view supported the opinion of Xanana Gusmao who suggested that a ten-year time frame might be appropriate for a smooth transition toward East Timors independence. Gusmao knew that the vote was only a small part of truly gaining independence for his country.He realised that most of the public service, teachers, and health workers were Indonesian nationals that a sudden withdrawal of expertise and infasructure could lead to internal chaos setting the preconditions for a protracted civil war in his country.That is why a man that has fought for independence for over twenty years was prepared to wait another ten.Thus the Howard governments reluctance to support Gusmao's point of view should be seen as a politically driven decision with a quick resolution being the desired outcome rather than a considered policy based on the long term interests of the East Timorese.In closing my observations I do support the involvement of the multinational force lead by Australia and thank the United Nations for finally authorising the existence of such a force.And I add my voice to many others supporting the sons and daughters of our nation for their safe return.19:46:008533O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'BRIEN8O6TASALP00—The motion before the Senate today and before the House of Representatives is a motion which enjoys, I think, the unanimous support of both houses. From the contacts made with me and with my office by members of the public, there is no doubt that the motion enjoys the support, overwhelmingly if not unanimously, of the Australian people. It is clear from the responses that I have received in the last two weeks to the abhorrent violence, the actions of the militia and those behind the militia, and sections of the Indonesian military that the Australian public were horrified. It is also clear that a great many members of the Australian community wanted Australia to do what was probably the unthinkable, and that was, irrespective of the wishes of Indonesia, to commit troops to East Timor. That would, of course, have created the opportunity for those within the Indonesian military and sections of their community who oppose independence for East Timor—and who, indeed, opposed the democratisation of Indonesia that occurred, at least in part, earlier this year—to take steps to put back, at the very least, the democratisation of Indonesia, if not the aspirations of the East Timorese and the process of independence in East Timor. It would have caused irrevocable harm to the relationship between Australia and its near populous neighbour, Indonesia. It was unthinkable.Indonesian citizens should understand that, just as Australians rejoiced in moves towards greater democracy in Indonesia earlier this year, we also rejoiced in the decision of Mr Habibie to grant residents of East Timor their right to determine their future democratically. It is also clear that elements of the Indonesian military disagreed with that decision and that they are in large part responsible for what occurred in East Timor leading up to the UNAMET controlled ballot and during the two weeks that followed it, prior to the agreement by the Indonesian government for the introduction of the multinational force to restore peace and security in East Timor.We all want to express our full support for the Australians who will be serving in that multinational force, together with our full support for members of the military forces of other countries that will serve alongside Australia's armed forces. We want the men and women who represent us and the men and women who represent other countries in that force to serve without loss of life and without harm, and we sincerely hope that is what occurs. Of course, there are grave concerns that that will not be the case.There is no doubt that the Australian community has full confidence in our men and women who will be serving in that force and those who provide the infrastructure support for that force back here in Australia. It will not be possible for that force to do its job properly without the support that is provided from Darwin and the rest of Australia, and other forces will rely on that base in Darwin for their continued functionality in what was the province of East Timor and will soon, I am sure, become the independent nation of East Timor.We talk about democracy, and this chamber and the House of Representatives demonstrate part of Australia's great tradition of democracy. On many occasions we talk about the problems that our economy endures, and the opposition has made it plain that it feels that there are significant problems in the Australian economy today and that there are many indicators of this—which I am not going to seek to enumerate now. The opposition believes that the short-term effect of this government's failure to properly manage the economy will lead to a situation in this country where there is an increasing gap between the haves and the have-nots.There are many economic consequences of this government's actions which might be dwelt upon, but while the cost of economic mismanagement in Australia must lead to falling living standards and fewer opportuni ties for our children, most of us will survive. Australians will have a chance to throw this government out. We are still in a democracy. Victoria on Saturday proved that, if we needed proof. We still have a chance to recover the economic ground lost under the stewardship of Mr Howard and Mr Costello. The errors made by this government in managing the Australian economy can be overcome. But, tragically, the errors made by Mr Downer and Mr Howard in relation to East Timor cannot. The opportunity to play a proper, effective and responsible role in the safe transition of East Timor to independence has now been lost for all time. We, along with many other nations, must now deal with the devastation that has been inflicted on these people.At the beginning of February this year, Mr Brereton called on the Howard government to give a clear, in-principle commitment to contribute Australian civilian and military personnel to a United Nations monitoring force in East Timor. Mr Brereton said at that time that Australia had a historic opportunity to do the right thing by the East Timorese people, and he was right. However, within a few weeks the government strategy for East Timor became clear because, speaking on the ABC AM program on 15 March, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Downer, indicated the government's approach. He said:We hope that there won't be a need for a peacekeeping force because if you need a peacekeeping force, you need a peace to keep and peace first has to be negotiated and we hope that when peace is negotiated it will be a peaceful peace that won't require a peacekeeping force.I remind senators that that is a direct quote from Mr Downer.This was not a plan to assist East Timor. It was a strategy built entirely on hope. It is also clear that the government knew well what would happen after the vote was taken. Mr Howard, Mr Downer and Mr Moore knew well that pro-integrationist militia, actively supported by the Indonesian military or elements of it in East Timor, were certain to carry out further violence. Yet Mr Downer's plan was a hope for a peaceful peace.The advice the government received on this matter was correct. At the beginning of this year, just nine months ago, East Timor had a population, some say, in excess of 800,000 people. East Timor had a political structure at a national, regional and local level. East Timor had effective religious leadership and the social security that was brought to it by that religious leadership. And East Timor had an economic infrastructure in place. At the beginning of 1999, the social, economic and political ingredients for self-determination were—although inadequate—present in East Timor. All of that has now been destroyed.The population in East Timor is now widely dispersed, with the exception, of course, of those who have been killed. People have been forced across the border into West Timor. They have fled into the mountains, pursued by the militia, to seek safety there. And some have had to be evacuated to Australia. The church has been destroyed and many priests and nuns murdered. It is no longer a safe haven to be in a church in East Timor—or at least one could say that for most of the country, if not all of it, up to today. The social infrastructure of the East Timorese community has gone. The economic infrastructure has been destroyed.Australia's capacity to properly respond to this heightened crisis has also been compromised by this government. The administration of the Defence portfolio under Mr Howard has fared just as poorly as the economy. The Department of Defence has experienced the same negative, short-sighted approach to public administration that has become the trademark of Mr Howard's prime ministership.Look, for example, at the conditions of service of military personnel. The vast majority of allowances paid to our soldiers, sailors and air men and women are designed to compensate them for the unique circumstances of service life. Let us not forget that most members of the ADF are below middle income working men and women economically and are unable to access normal industrial laws. They are often on call 24 hours of every day, seven days a week. They are also subject to the Defence Force Discipline Act. They are never paid overtime, but they work it on a regular basis. They are told where to go and when to go. As we have seen over the past week, service personnel can be sent to a potential or actual conflict without notice. They must immediately put their personal interests, their obligations as husbands, wives, fathers and mothers, to one side in the interests of the nation. These are not normal working conditions, by any stretch of the imagination, but this government has sought to treat them as such.The Minister for Defence, Mr Moore, has had little interest in and even less understanding of the employment conditions and needs of the 56,000 troops for which he is responsible. When the shadow minister for defence, Mr Stephen Martin, asked him about the impact of the government's policy on youth wages and the ADF, he said:The government policy on defence pay rates is well known.Full stop. He has no idea how service personnel will be affected. Clearly, Mr Moore sat through the cabinet debate on this matter and did not ask how thousands of service personnel might be affected. When Mr Moore was asked about low income families in the ADF and the application of the fringe benefits tax, he said that this was a matter before the cabinet so he would not comment. What sort of rubbish is that? Again, he sat through the debate about this matter in the cabinet room and, again, he either did not understand or did not care.Mr Moore endorsed the value of FBT entitlements being grossed up on the group certificates of defence personnel. The fact that many would be denied access to government payments to which they were rightly entitled as a result of this decision was clearly of little interest to this minister. He did not understand or ignored the fact that the FBT appearing on the group certificates would also mean an increased financial obligation on separated personnel through the Child Support Agency. This minister and, before him, Mr McLachlan have also seen the decline, almost to the point of crisis, in Australia's ADF medical support capacity. Both have applied unrelenting pressure to downsize and outsource what is an essential component of our defence effort.While Mr McLachlan and then Mr Moore set about undermining our defence capacity, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Downer, was talking up a key regional security role for Australia. The rhetoric about our role and responsibilities in this region from Mr Downer was way out of line with our strategic defence capacity. Since coming to office in March 1996, and despite all Mr Downer's talk, the Howard government has set about developing what is no more than a stay-at-home defence policy. This is the starting point for the ADF as we belatedly accept our responsibilities in East Timor. Not only is the Australian Defence Force now significantly under-resourced, the failures of this government in the lead up to the vote for independence in East Timor have made the task we now confront far more difficult.The consequences of the failure to ensure security for the East Timorese people prior to the vote has been laid before us on the nightly television news. The cost in human lives and suffering has been shocking. Not only has there been unnecessary loss of life and great suffering, but the economic and social infrastructure of East Timor, as I said earlier, has been all but destroyed.There are two tasks the government must undertake as a matter of priority. It must immediately investigate the activation of elements of the Australian Defence Reserve Forces to assist in the peace enforcement process in East Timor. Because of the extent of the devastation in that country, our role will be both extensive and protracted. The resources that will be required are well beyond our present full-time capacity. It is essential that our reserves be put on an appropriate state of readiness.Unfortunately, Mr Moore's failure as minister is further highlighted by the fact that the government failed to fill half of its recruitment target for the reserves last financial year. Figures released yesterday show that the Defence Reserve was left 2,300 short of its goal of 4,760 vacancies. The government is now, after the event, looking at ways to fix that problem.The government must also review the defence budget. We are now faced with the financial demands of securing and rebuilding East Timor, but we are also confronted with the financial consequences of the block obsolescence of defence equipment. The savings from the Defence Reform Program were more than subsumed by increased personnel costs well before the demands of East Timor.The government is seeking a national consensus in support of its action to support what is left of East Timor and it wants a bipartisan approach. There must also be a bipartisan approach to defence policy generally, and that includes the level of resources that we as a nation want to commit to our defence effort. The regional political landscape has now changed, arguably for the worse. There must therefore be a full and open debate on what sort of defence force this nation now needs to not only ensure our security but to enable us to play an effective role in the region in which we live. We cannot afford to allow our strategic defence capacity to fall well short of our regional defence obligation, as has happened under the management of Mr Moore and Mr Downer.Finally, and importantly, we must now commit whatever is required to the rebuilding of a devastated East Timor. We have an obligation given that we, after Indonesia, bear a heavy responsibility for what has happened in East Timor. We need to think outside of the square in terms of what we do and look to providing actual support for rebuilding the infrastructure of East Timor in the provision of building materials and in the provision of skilled labour to rebuild part of that economy. One thing that we have to make sure of is that those who sought to destroy this country's infrastructure and economy forever are not rewarded. We must show those who sought to punish the East Timorese for the exercise of their democratic right that the outcome is a better society than the one they destroyed.20:05:008536Ridgeway, Sen AdenSenator RIDGEWAY8G6NSWAD00—I rise to speak in harmony with all of the voices that have spoken today in favour of the motion on East Timor. In speaking to this motion I would like to refer the Senate to a recent message of solidarity from the indigenous leadership of Australia to the East Timorese people. In that message the leadership made the following comments:We express our solidarity with the East Timorese people and their leadership in their enduring fight for self-determination.We also express our abhorrence at the continuing genocide in East Timor.The Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders of Australia believe the international community must now act decisively to ensure the fundamental human rights of the East Timorese are restored and their democratic vote for independence is validated.The people of East Timor must be allowed to exercise their right to self-determination without further bloodshed.It should be understood that Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights both affirm the rights of all peoples to self-determination.By virtue of that right, they should be free to determine their political status and free to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.This is clearly understood by all Indigenous peoples around the world.It was clearly expressed by the people of East Timor on August 30.Their collective voice should now be heard loudly and clearly.Every death in East Timor is one too many.It is also important to note that, in addition to this message of solidarity, indigenous people have expressed to me their personal feelings of solidarity with and commitment to the East Timorese people. Les Malezer of south-east Queensland, and ATSIC Commissioner Geoff Clarke, said to me only last week that they would be prepared to sign up and don the khaki greens and to make their own direct contribution. I think that there are many indigenous people in Australia who feel equally passionate about the situation in East Timor, and that bodes well for the future.Today, I would like to call on the Australian government to continue to show its leadership in relation to the rights of the people of East Timor. The Democrats believe it is important that, as well as focusing on what needs to happen in the immediate future, we as Australians also have a responsibility to ensure that the foundations for the restoration of the rule of law are put in place as soon as possible. This is the first crucial step that must occur if we are to seek peace and security as an outcome and to return this as a gift to the people of East Timor.Restoring the rule of law is not a simple or quick exercise. In addition to contributing our own forces to the UN authorised peacekeeping forces, we also need to consider what longer term contribution we can make to ensure that, once peace is made in East Timor, it can be maintained by the East Timorese. This will require an effective justice and police system to be put in place. It will require the rebuilding of public infrastructure and public services to enable economic and social development to occur once again, but it will also require a significant injection of investment capital. If called upon, we as a nation should be ready to assist. But, following the overwhelming desire of the East Timorese people for independence, all of these developments will need to take place in the context of the East Timorese being able to exercise their right of self-determination.A peaceful solution to the conflict in East Timor cannot be achieved without respect for human rights, and these rights include the right to self-determination, freedom of opinion, expression and assembly, and the safeguards of due process of law. The right of the East Timor people to self-determination lies at the heart of the struggle for fundamental human rights, as it does for all peoples. The people of East Timor continue to demonstrate their enormous courage and determination to exercise their fundamental right to self-determination, and that is an inspiration to me personally and to many indigenous peoples who are struggling in their own countries to achieve the same outcome.In partnership, we need to offer every assistance to the East Timorese people to lay the foundations for their future development and independence. Planning with the East Timorese leadership needs to start now. As one person who is grappling with the pain and the errors of the past in my own country, I have great empathy with the East Timorese people. Like us, they too are faced with the challenges of achieving reconciliation, reconciliation amongst the civilian population who supported East Timorese independence and those who advocated autonomy under Indonesian sovereignty.There must also be reconciliation between East Timor and Indonesia and between Indonesia and Australia. I would like to refer the Senate to the words of the UN Secretary-General, Mr Kofi Annan, who said recently to the Indonesian government:It is your chance to settle the question of East Timor peacefully, it is your opportunity to launch a new era of reconciliation.The Australian Democrats believe that this call applies equally to the East Timorese people and the Australian nation. The Democrats, therefore, beseech the parties to engage positively and constructively to seek out the path of reconciliation, to put the mistakes made by each party in the past and to focus on building a stable future.The Democrats would also like to recognise the enormous contribution of the East Timorese under the guidance of Mr Xanana Gusmao. It has astounded even East Timorese activist Mr Jose Ramos Horta that the East Timorese resistance forces that have spent the last 24 years fighting a guerilla war against the Indonesian armed forces are now sitting in containment areas, despite extreme provocation.While the Indonesian armed forces have violated the UN agreement, terrorising the population and harassing the United Nations mission, the 3,000 members of the Falantil resistance movement have strictly obeyed the UN agreement. Their orders have been to remain in their containment areas and not to attack, except to defend themselves in response to Indonesian advances.It is this combination of visionary politics and discipline that has exposed the brutality and injustice of the Indonesian armed forces in East Timor. Had the resistance forces responded in anger after 5 May, the inevitable bloodshed would have been cast instantly as civil war, potentially tempering the moral outrage and frightening foreign governments away from committing troops to what appeared to be another intractable conflict.The maturity and discipline of the East Timorese forces since May this year augurs well for the transition to democracy, the restoration of law and order and respect for civil society through the democratic processes. It is also a very positive sign that the leader of the East Timorese, Xanana Gusmao, commands the respect of his people and exercises his authority in a manner that befits a world leader. He is in fact a leader in our midst. It is a leadership that I believe is the calibre of Nelson Mandela.In closing, I would like to draw attention to the plight of the East Timorese refugees in Australia, West Timor and other places around the world. My heart goes out to these people when I imagine how it must feel to be driven from their homes and their country under threat of violence and death, not knowing when they will be able to return and what they will return to. Many of them carry with them horrific memories of the tragedy that has befallen their country, their families and their communities.The decision by the Australian government to head the peacekeeping force now in East Timor offers hope to the East Timorese people in a very dark period of their struggle for independence. It is a sign, I believe, that Australia will be there with them. We must now ensure that our support is strong, unwavering and generous.To the Australian men and women who are in East Timor now with the peacekeeping forces, I want to send my best wishes and support to them for their commitment to upholding peace and human rights, because that is admirable in our region. We have every confidence that they will achieve their mandate.Finally, I would like to give special mention to the East Timorese community in Australia, which has worked so tirelessly and resolutely to provide a voice for their brothers and sisters in East Timor. May their patient struggle and commitment to their country and the goal of independence be rewarded in the very near future. I believe that their reward will come in the happy smile of a child.20:16:008538Crane, Sen WinstonSenator CRANEUW4WALP10—I rise to support the motion which is before us today in this chamber. I note that we have now been debating this motion continuously since 2 o'clock. There have been many fine contributions made in this debate, although I do not agree with some points that have been made, and I will deal with those. At this stage, considering the time that we have been here, it is worth repeating the motion which, in its first part, says:(a) notes the overwhelming choice for independence exercised by the East Timorese people on 30 August 1999;In dealing with that component of the motion, certainly my sympathy and my feelings go out to those East Timorese who have suffered incredible injustices since they exercised their choice for independence. I am sure that every Australian would join with us in expressing that sympathy.I am proud to say that the Australian government has accepted its responsibility, and coming out of that we will see a rebuilding of East Timor over time and I believe we will see true democracy operating in that country. It will not be easy; it will be difficult. Considering the loss of life and the loss of infrastructure that has occurred, it will take them a long time to recover—if they ever do. But it will be part of the process that the East Timorese have been seeking for many, many years. It is going to require enormous help from the Australian people, not only through financial assistance and our peacemaking role but also through the communication that we can provide to them as a people. The second part of the motion states:(b) welcomes the United Nations Security Council resolution 1264 authorising a multinational force to restore peace and security in East Timor, protect the United Nations' mission in East Timor and facilitate humanitarian assistance;I shall deal with some aspects of that later in my contribution. The final part of the motion reads:(c) endorses Australia's agreement to the United Nations Secretary-General's request that Australia contribute to and lead the multinational force;(d) expresses its full support for the Australians serving with the multinational force and its full confidence in them; and(e) looks forward to their safe return.In listening to the contributions of Senator Faulkner and the Leader of the Opposition, Mr Beazley, I had real difficulty in believing that they were saying what they were saying. What did come out of what they said was their real embarrassment over the agreement Mr Keating signed with President Suharto some time ago when Mr Keating was the Prime Minister of this country. It was an agreement that did not go to cabinet; it was unilaterally decided at that time by the then Prime Minister, Mr Keating. It was really an agreement about peace at any price. Unfortunately, I can only describe that agreement as corrupt appeasement; it could not survive.I think the motivation behind what Senator Faulkner and Mr Beazley, the alternative Prime Minister, had to say came out of their embarrassment at what occurred at that time. The criticisms that were delivered there today need analysing very carefully. What Senator Faulkner was saying was that Australia should have gone into East Timor unilaterally and declared war on Indonesia.ZF4CROWLEYSenator Crowley—That is outrageous, Senator.UW4Crane, Sen WinstonSenator CRANE—That is the impact of what he said today. First of all, to go in there, you needed an agreement with Indonesia. President Habibie, as Prime Minister Howard has already said on a number of occasions, made it totally clear before the referendum took place that the answer to that question was a definite no. Further, we needed to go in there with the support of the United Nations. At that particular time, there was not any hope whatsoever—despite the efforts that were made by the Prime Minister, by Mr Downer and by others—of getting the support of the United Nations. Even if we could have got that support, I have no doubt that it would have been vetoed by China or Russia or both. Of course, we now have their support.Had we taken the action suggested, which I do not believe was a practical or sensible answer to the situation which was before us, it would have pre-empted the decision. And you can bet London to a brick that President Habibie would have called off the referendum and it would not have taken place. When you look at these things and get emotional about them, you must also look at the facts and at what you can achieve in going where you want to go. That is the reality that was faced by not only Australia but the rest of the world.When agreement was finally reached, at the end of the day it only took, as I understand it, 16 days after the referendum was held for an agreement to be reached to put a peacekeeping force in place, which is by far the fastest time that a peacekeeping force has ever been put in place through the United Nations. In fact, some have taken well over 12 months. Unfortunately tonight we do not have the time to go into all of those. But it was very important that 1264 was a chapter 7 resolution. It had the support of China, it had the support of Russia and it had the support of numerous other Asian countries, including Singapore and Malaysia, in terms of what had to be done, but it also gave the Australians and the other partners in this peacekeeping force the right to defend themselves when they were going into a very difficult situation. I think it would be quite irresponsible for Australia to put our service men and women in a position where they did not have that right.In the last eight years of the Labor government, who was it who regularly and consistently cut defence spending in terms of our capability? When we got into government what did we do? We froze further cuts to defence spending and we also started rebuilding our defence forces—a task that is going to take some years yet and which is certainly, unfortunately, hurried along by this particular decision.We must also look at the importance of what has occurred in Indonesia in recent times with their elections and the importance of the development of democracy there and the protection of democracy and the right of the East Timorese to make their decision and have that protected, which we are doing. But I want to say to my many Indonesian friends in both Jakarta and Denpasar: I hope the situation is resolved quickly and successfully and I hope the new found democracy in Indonesia survives as equally as it stands and survives in East Timor.In saying that, I note that it is incredibly important that the linkages, the many joint ventures, which exist between Australia and Indonesia survive. Some years ago I was invited to an expo in Jakarta at which there were some 200 Australian, mainly Western Australian, businesses which had partnerships or joint ventures in various parts of Indonesia—mainly in Jakarta but some in other parts. I think it is very important, as we come out of this, that these particular developments—which are important to Australia, important to Indonesia and important to East Timor—get back on their feet as quickly as possible.I also want to say to my many Australian friends and business colleagues in joint ventures all over Indonesia: may you continue, albeit with difficulties, and may you soon be back to normal. I think it is important that we understand that those people are now living in a very difficult situation. They are Australian citizens. They are making a contribution to both the economy of Indonesia and the economy of Australia and they are very important to both countries in the future. It is incredibly important—in fact it is imperative—that the situation there be stabilised as quickly as possible.Finally, to our service men and women and the support staff, I look forward to your early, safe return at the completion of a job well done.20:26:008540Crowley, Sen RosemarySenator CROWLEYZF4SAALP00—I found myself interjecting on the last contribution and it was simply due to the suggestion—even a faint whiff of a suggestion—that the Labor Party would be interested in proposing we go to war with Indonesia. While we might have points of dispute here, I think it is very important that we place on the record that it never was and is not now the intention of the Labor Party to suggest that it was appropriate to consider war with Indonesia. I think the Labor Party's concern has been the slowness with which support and protection has been offered to the people of East Timor.I do note that a number of people commented that this is the quickest peacekeeping group that has ever been assembled—16 days or so during which time, as we have noted, goodness knows how many East Timorese have lost their lives, have lost their homes, have lost their possessions. So it is expedient maybe from one perspective; devastatingly too late from another. And we all know that. That is the tragedy that is East Timor and it is why today in both houses of this parliament we are debating this very solemn motion:That the Senate—(a) notes the overwhelming choice for independence exercised by the East Timorese people on 30 August 1999;(b) welcomes United Nations Security Council Resolution. . . . . . . . .(c) endorses Australia's agreement to the United Nations Secretary General's request that Australia contribute to and lead the multinational force;(d) expresses its full support for the Australians serving with the multinational force . . .(e) looks forward to their safe return.That is not a complete reading of the motion but it highlights the points. There are just a few points that I want to make. First of all, I join in supporting most of the contributions, certainly the contributions made by my colleagues, and in large part the comments made by others in this chamber—but not those points that are scathing in their attack on the Labor Party nor any comments that would suggest the Labor Party intended war at any time with Indonesia.The concern I wanted to raise first of all is the interesting and I think remarkable response of the Australian people to what happened in East Timor following the ballot. It was widely reported and understood by the Australian population that something like 78 per cent to 80 per cent of East Timorese people had voted for independence and, as we know from following the preparations for the ballot, at considerable risk to themselves. It may well be a judgment on the Australian people. I think it is and I am proud of it: `Oh, well, that is the result of the ballot,' so you accept it and get on with it. That is certainly the behaviour in this country in the largest part.I do not quite know really why Australian people reacted so unanimously across the country in outrage to the disregard of that ballot result in East Timor and the murder and mayhem that followed that result. But react they did and feel very angry they did at the seeming impotence of government and the United Nations to move in and do anything about it. I suppose that is also why so many people in this country wanted to support, or at least acknowledge with applause, the actions of the union movement in Australia to move so quickly, for instance, to boycott or picket outside Garuda Airlines and to refuse to load and unload shipping.I note that there has been no negative comment about union activities. Perhaps one should never say `no' and `never', but I have read almost none. Most of the people I have heard in the community have said, `Well, good on them. At least they did something.' What is more, as some people said to me, the unionists made a point and put no Australian lives in jeopardy. It is also important to take the opportunity to acknowledge that it is one of the things the union movement does and it is often a contribution to our community that most people do not acknowledge—that is, outside wages, working conditions and industrial relations, the union movement plays a considerable role in a much broader social agenda.Most Australians were very proud of the contribution of the union movement to the voice from the Australian people that described our distress and disgust at the response to that ballot in East Timor. All Australians are extremely pleased that there now is, following the United Nations resolution, a multinational force to restore peace and security in East Timor. I have not seen or heard anywhere any voice raised in protest at this action. Everyone has breathed a collective sigh of relief that at last it is under way and that it is now on the ground in East Timor and beginning to deal with the extremely difficult situation there.I would also like to acknowledge Major General Cosgrove, who seemed to be at pains to pour water on any attempt to throw petrol at him. In relation to any of the questions that might have been asked or any of the challenges put to him, he said, `No, we're not going to fight. We're not going to stir things up. No, that is not our role at all.' It would be very edifying for all sorts of people to watch the interviews with Major General Cosgrove as he very calmly, very reasonably and very directly pointed out what he understood the role of that peacekeeping force to be and how he intended to go about doing it. In particular, he was clear about the relationship of that force with the Indonesian military. He knew, and made it clear, that the force had been assembled following the acceptance of Indonesia of its establishment and its presence in East Timor. There is not a war between the Indonesian military or the Indonesian people and that force. That needs to be made clear, and Major General Cosgrove did make it clear.One of the other things that I wanted to particularly note is that Major General Cosgrove regularly referred to the `men and women' in our Australian contribution to the multinational peacekeeping force. For the record, I note that not everybody does. I hope everybody prays for our sons and their safe return, but I would like to think that they prayed for our daughters too. I would like us to acknowledge that there are men and women in the multinational force serving overseas in Dili and that we do not talk only as though our armed forces are men. It has changed and it needs to be recognised. The major general recognises it. I think it is very important that everybody else does too.I have been listening in my office to the contributions today and I note any number of people who have referred to the men and women, but it seems to me that others have slipped up, and reference to men only or to wives at home is not a sufficient description. There are actually wives serving with the Australian force in Dili. We have to worry about the husbands at home, to say nothing of the mothers and fathers. I do not wish to labour it or make it a tedious point, but I think we should acknowledge the contribution of our men and our women. We do hope for the safe and speedy return of our men and women, of our sons and daughters. That, I am sure, is the sentiment of the largest number of Australians.I was interested to hear some of the last comments of Senator Crane. I want to endorse them. Whilst we should look at the importance of assisting East Timor and the East Timorese people and whilst the first and immediate challenge is to make life safe and healthy for them—that is, that there be sufficient food, that there be clean and potable water, that there be sanitation and that there be housing and protection over their heads so that slowly East Timor can establish itself again as a viable group of communities across their territory—at the same time we must not overlook any number of friendships and connections with the people of Indonesia. It is a shame that a number of people are reporting the lowest level of relationships between these two countries.While that might be the official line or it might be the case, there are many thousands—indeed, the vast bulk of the Indonesian population and, as Senator Crane said, goodness knows how many Australians—who would just simply be described as close friends or contacts. We have education. We have trade. We have any number of reasons for Australians and Indonesians to work together. That work is continuing, maybe with some difficulty at the moment. In many cases, perhaps it is not, but it is also important that we acknowledge the importance of maintaining our friendship and our ties with Indonesia. This is a big hiccup in that relationship, but I hope—and I am sure I am joining in many people's views—that that hiccup does not turn out to be a final cut.Like many who have already spoken, I have also had the opportunity to visit Jakarta and I attended a conference and a very significant Australian trade exhibition while I was there. The enthusiasm and interest in things Australian at that trade exposition cannot be overstated. I also had the opportunity while I was there to visit community health centres and to look at the infrastructure on the ground to assist with women's health. I met with any number of women's organisations. I know the powerful network of Indonesian women in not only community services such as the provision of child care but also so-called small business, but many of them are running businesses with considerable turnover each year. In fact, they quite often might be described as much larger than small business. I hope that those connections can also be sustained and maintained through this extremely difficult period.I am interested that there has been a large amount of perhaps disparaging comment about the efforts of former Prime Minister Keating to establish close ties with Indonesia. There was talk of treaties that were not worth the paper they were written on. I find it quite interesting that people can be so disparaging about the establishment of such a treaty and then so outraged when the piece of paper is torn up. If it was not worth terribly much when it was established, I am a bit surprised that it is worth so much outrage when it is torn up. It is interesting that efforts have been made over time to make sure that we have closer and closer ties with Indonesia and with an emerging democracy in Indonesia. I would have thought that a lot of us would argue about whether the balance has been right over time. Many of us would say that, from time to time, that balance has not been quite right, but I do not believe that all of those points need to be so readily dismissed.With the best will in the world, there have been efforts to try to make sure that regional relations in this part of the world are fruitful, productive and constructive. I hope this continues. In particular, I note that in our motion we express full support for the Australians serving in the multinational force. I have already mentioned that briefly. I would also like to think that we were expressing our full support for our allies as well as for the Australians who are participating in that multinational force. I think it is, as most people have commented, much better that it is a broad multinational force rather than one made up of a single country or two or three countries. Perhaps, by definition, a UN Security Council resolution would require a multinational force but, while our resolution does not expressly address our appreciation of the contribution of our allies, I think it is the intent. Anyhow, I make that comment for the record.It is another layer in the building of a network of close relations with our Asian neighbours. We have been strengthening those relations over a number of years through a series of different forums. This is perhaps not the nicest forum that you would look for in establishing or strengthening those networks, but it is to be noted and appreciated. In particular, the deputy of this multinational peacekeeping force is from Thailand and so we should acknowledge the contribution of Thailand and our other neighbours, in particular those from the local region—if you can use `local' to describe that region.This is not a cheerful motion. It is about recognising those young men and women—from whichever country they come but in particular from Australia—who have taken up the challenge given to them by the politicians to go and serve in East Timor. While we are full of appreciation, we also have some trepidation. We are concerned that this is not an easy task. It is a task of considerable risk. We want to know that all those Australians who go will return.It is not the same as previous peacekeeping forces that Australia has been involved in, but one has to say on past record that Australia's contribution to peacekeeping and management of peace is extremely good. There is something about the reputation and the record of Australians in Somalia, Namibia and Cambodia that should give us considerable heart. Australians are often sought after to contribute to multinational peacekeeping forces. It is recognition of not only our close relationship with Indonesia but also our past reputation and record in that area, and that should give us some comfort. That does not lessen the danger at all, but it means that we can expect a good return from the Australians serving in this force.I join very strongly in the wishes of support and appreciation to all Australians in the defence forces who have chosen to serve, particularly those who have gone overseas to East Timor, in this multinational force and who contribute to its maintenance and ongoing upkeep. We are talking about a grave matter here today. It is a sobering motion and one that, in the fullness of time, will possibly turn out to have a satisfactory outcome. It is in place, though, because of appalling atrocities and tragedy in East Timor over the past months and, some would say, over the past 25 years and more. I join in wishing our very best to all those serving, particularly with the Australian multinational force. I also hope that we will see all of those contributors safely return to Australia and that we will see peace in East Timor—a real peace that allows people to live fruitful, constructive lives in the re-establishment of a thriving East Timor.20:43:008543Bartlett, Sen AndrewSenator BARTLETTDT6QLDAD00—I also rise to speak in support of this motion. It is an important motion because it is an important time in Australia's history, as many commentators have noted. In such a circumstance, I think it is appropriate that, despite the significant number of speakers who have addressed this motion, I also give voice to my views and put on the record not just my views and some aspects of the views of my party but also what I, as a representative of Queensland, believe are the strongly held views of a significant majority of the people of Queensland in relation to the East Timor issue. The motion starts by noting the overwhelming choice for independence which was exercised by the East Timorese people on 30 August. That in itself is a significant component of the resolution and of the issue that we are debating. We are not just debating, speaking in support of or addressing the issue of the here and now—the issue of Australian peace enforcement agents going over to East Timor to try to put an end to the killing and suffering that is occurring there. In a sense, we are talking about the history of East Timor—particularly over the last 24 years, although also prior to that—and the future of East Timor.It is not just some historic motion where we make noble speeches to mark this moment of great import; it is a time where we should put on the record and put forward views that are about not just what has happened in the past. Once the immediacy of establishing security in East Timor has passed, it will be an ongoing and important task of this parliament and other people in the nation to explore in more depth the mistakes and the failings of Australia's attitude and approach towards East Timor in the last couple of decades so that we do not repeat those mistakes. It is also important that we ensure that we use this moment to tie ourselves as a nation to our responsibilities not just now but into the future. That is probably more important because of the failings of our nation in the past.The fact that the choice for independence by the East Timorese people was so overwhelming after such a comprehensive and extended period of oppression says it all. It highlights not just the great perseverance and patience of the East Timorese people over a time when the land was under occupation but also, in a fairly condemning way, the policies of Australian governments since 1975 that turned a blind eye not just to the occupation of East Timor—which is an issue in itself—but to the undeniable, repeated and extensive evidence of atrocities committed. That is probably one of the more unfortunate aspects of the current situation—that whilst the extent of killing and suffering at the moment is perhaps higher than it has been in the past, it is certainly not an isolated incident. It is not the first time that there has been widespread terror vented upon the people of East Timor by forces that are aligned with or part of the Indonesian military. We as a government—and, to an extent, as a parliament and a nation—have chosen to turn a blind eye to that because we felt it suited our immediate diplomatic, political, economic or trade interests. The chickens have come home to roost on that issue, and that is causing some difficulties for us as a nation and as a government at the moment. But these difficulties pale in comparison with those being experienced by the people of East Timor at the moment.It shows again the absurdity and the hollowness of the approach of previous Australian governments. Whilst this is not a time for going too much into a condemnation of previous policies or into shallow political point scoring, it is nonetheless appropriate to highlight those failings to ensure that we do not repeat those mistakes and that we examine exactly why we allowed ourselves to go down that path. We all have to bear some responsibility, regardless of the various positions we may have taken as individuals, for allowing things to get to this particular situation. As a member of the Democrats, it gives me pride to belong to a party that has consistently, since its inception, tried to highlight the suffering of the East Timorese people and the injustices being perpetrated against them. We will continue as a party to keep that tradition strong as we embark on the next important phase of trying to offer assistance and support to East Timor as it develops into an independent nation.If I could add an extra part to this motion—along with noting the choice for independence, welcoming the UN Security Council resolution and endorsing Australia's agreement to it, expressing our support for the Australians serving with the multinational force and looking forward to those Australians' safe return—I would add an extra section looking forward to the establishment of a strong, free and independent East Timorese nation. When that day arrives, as it inevitably will, it will be a day of some significance for the people of East Timor but will also, as many other nations have shown over the years, highlight the importance of perseverance and patience in the continuing fight for human rights, justice and self-determination. Many other nations in the world have highlighted that, in the darkest hours when the forces that are arraigned against people can seem overwhelming, sometimes—sadly not always—justice does prevail. Whilst justice still has a bit of a way to go before it prevails here, we are finally on the right track.I would like to pay tribute to those Timorese who have persevered and fought for so long. So many have lost their lives already not just in the last few weeks but over the last couple of decades. I am paying tribute to their perseverance and sacrifice but also to those in the Australian community who have tried to offer support and to stand by the Timorese. The Catholic Church, in particular, has been a significant force in the region in trying to maintain hope and keep the flame burning.Community Aid Abroad—which I mention partly because of my own involvement with it—is an organisation that has suffered a bit of pain because of its insistence on maintaining involvement in East Timor in sometimes very awkward circumstances. But because of the role that it played, along with many other non-government organisations, it was able to provide better information, intelligence and assistance to the East Timorese than more official and much more well-resourced channels were able to. We have seen that again in recent times. Those organisations that have been active on the ground and that have not developed a culture of denial about the reality of what people are experiencing but have continued to try to give voice to the truth as they see it have been much better placed to ensure that need is able to be met as quickly as possible in urgent situations such as have occurred recently.As the Democrats spokesperson on veterans' affairs, I would particularly like to offer my support and encouragement to both those in the Australian Defence Force and those allied personnel who are currently involved in East Timor. I also mention other people recently returned from East Timor—not only from the Defence Force but also from the Australian Federal Police—who performed a very courageous and important task in providing some protection in very dangerous circumstances.It is most likely that in the future Australian forces will play more and more of these peacekeeping and peace enforcement roles, which are crucial roles. I think the Australian Defence Force needs to be resourced to operate in that particular capacity rather than in other capacities that are a bit more outdated. I hope the Australian government will ensure that, when those defence personnel return from their service in this region, they will be adequately looked after in recognition of the service they have provided. I take particular note of Senator Crowley's comments and reinforce the fact that it is not just brave men of the Defence Force but brave men and women of the Defence Force who are serving in East Timor. I would also like to offer our support to the families of those serving members, because it is obviously a nervous time for them in these circumstances.A few other issues are worth re-emphasising even though I am sure other speakers have already emphasised them. I highlight the importance of humanitarian aid and the aid budget not only in relieving immediate suffering but also in providing a platform and a foundation for development into the future. The best aid is all about providing a foundation that people can build on to determine their own futures.It is crucial that extra aid assistance should not be taken from other areas of the aid program. Areas that are further away from Australia, such as Africa, often tend to fall from people's consciousness. However, we need to maintain our commitment to those areas as well. While increases in the aid budget and, if necessary, in the defence budget need to be explored further, the money should not be found from cutting other expenditure such as social services. We should not be taking from one area of need and moving it across to another.Like many in this chamber and in the Australian community, I have been involved in rallies and forums in relation to East Timor in recent weeks. I was privileged to be able to address a particularly powerful rally that packed the Brisbane City Hall the weekend before last. One issue from that rally which concerned me was that such instances and circumstances may lead to an increase in general anti-Indonesian fervour around the country. I would like to caution and guard against such an approach.I certainly would not like to see a cutback in Australian aid which aims to assist the disadvantaged in Indonesia and to assist Indonesia in building its democracy and an equitable economy. I do not think it is helpful to have a blanket type of backlash against the Indonesian nation or Indonesian people in general. The atrocities in recent times and even going back over the last couple of decades have been actions of the government and the military; they have not been actions of the Indonesian people. I do not think it would be helpful at all for people to foster a blanket anti-Indonesian feeling in response to recent circumstances.I would like to briefly address the issue of refugees, which is another area that I have responsibility for on behalf of the Democrats. We have seen a response from this government offering safe haven to some people from East Timor. I have spoken a number of times before on my concerns about the limitations of the safe haven program, particularly the fact that it prohibits people from being to apply for any other form of visa—including a refugee visa or permanent humanitarian protection—whilst they are on Australian soil. I believe that is a significant flaw in the way that Australia's safe haven visas operate. Whilst they are certainly better than nothing in terms of ensuring that people are removed from immediate danger, I have concerns about such a dangerous principle.Refugees firstly suffer the trauma that has forced them out of their homes and away from the place where they live, but often an equal trauma on an ongoing basis is the lack of control that they have over their own futures. To constrict people's futures in such a way by leaving something as basic as their place of residence completely up to the whim of the government or the minister of the day is potentially unnecessarily adding to that trauma. I think virtually all of the East Timorese people who have come here recently would be keen to return as soon as possible to Timor. Having waited so long for independence, I expect very few of them would want to miss out on the development of a new nation. But that should be their choice, and it should not be restricted or curtailed so comprehensively.In discussing the issue of East Timorese refugees, it is necessary to highlight the ongoing circumstances of refugees or potential refugees—that is, people who are applying, or have applied, for refugee or humanitarian recognition in Australia. That recognition was applied for by some of them many years ago and, through an extended process—which perhaps even now continues—they have been dragged right through the courts. Responsibility for this belongs to a government that has tried to build on Australia's absurd approach to the Indonesia-East Timor relationship in saying that these people are citizens of Portugal and should have the ability, and be required, to seek asylum in Portugal rather than in Australia. Not only does this highlight the absurdity of Australia's approach over many years to East Timor and Indonesia, but it also highlights what I would call an ongoing lack of compassion in our approach to many aspects of humanitarian policy.As I have said many times, this is not an easy area, and a lot of factors have to be balanced. But I believe that a basic humanitarian and compassionate approach to people needs to be put higher up in the equation. I know that the minister talks of important legal principles and precedents being involved in this particular case which concerns a number of East Timorese who are seeking asylum in Australia. Legal principles are important and precedents are important; I agree with that. But the human cost, the human impact, is also important and I believe it has been undervalued in circumstances such as this. I know that many of those who over many years have been involved in this ongoing case have suffered enormous trauma because of what they have had to endure in seeking protection in Australia.As many other speakers have said on this issue, Australia does owe a particular debt to East Timor. Although that factor does not always fit neatly into legal niceties, legal precedents and arguments surrounding the establishment of principles such as those, that does not mean it should be ignored, swept under the carpet or put on hold for extended periods of time. I would urge the government to reconsider its approach to that issue as well as ensure that the assistance it does provide to Timorese refugees is as adequate as is feasible.I do congratulate the government on and acknowledge the efforts it has made in recent times. Perhaps it has not made those efforts quite as quickly as I would have liked but, nonetheless, I do recognise the real hurdles that can be put in the way of such actions, and it is appropriate to congratulate the government and acknowledge the efforts it has made in recent times in providing that assistance. However, I do urge the government to extend and maintain that assistance for a long period of time rather than just while the public heat on this issue is on.In conclusion, I certainly wish the best for our servicepeople in East Timor at the moment. Also, I particularly wish to give a message to the East Timorese that our support and assistance are with you; there is a long way to go, but you have lasted this long and, I am sure, will get there in the end.21:03:008547Patterson, Sen KaySenator PATTERSONLI4VICLP10—I start by saying that I was saddened earlier today when I listened to Mr Beazley's contribution in the House of Representatives. I just thought that for once he may have shown himself to be a statesman and actually have approached the issue in a more bipartisan and non-partisan way. But, as is typical, Labor revises history. The revisionist approach to Labor's performance I think did him a disservice. I think when people look back on his contribution, it will be judged for what it was. It was not the best contribution I have seen him make in the House of Representatives or other places. I just felt very sad that he had to take that approach.In recent weeks, the Australian community has witnessed in East Timor the unfolding of events of unspeakable horror. Most honourable senators here have outlined those events and have paid tribute to the resolve and commitment to self-determination shown by the East Timorese people over a very long period of time. Most honourable senators also have reviewed the horrors following the decisive vote for independence and have outlined the situation that exists in East Timor today. I will not go over those matters again, for the sake of brevity and to enable other colleagues to make a contribution without our being here until all hours of the morning.I just want to seek to highlight the efforts of many Australians, both within the government and the general community, who have sought to extend assistance to the East Timorese—both those in East Timor and those who have fled the violence. It has given me great pride as an Australian to witness the contribution Australia is making to East Timor and its people. There can be no doubt that, without the unrelenting effort and determination shown by the Prime Minister in focusing international attention on East Timor's plight, we would not have been able to galvanise the almost global response we have seen to date. The Prime Minister's actions, coupled with the diplomatic efforts of our foreign minister, Mr Alexander Downer, and the military planning efforts under the guidance of the Minister for Defence—that planning having been put in place months ago—have allowed Australia to take the international lead in the world's response to the crisis and to take appropriate action to stabilise the situation to our north.The strong leadership of the government in this matter has been strongly supported by the professionalism and dedication of members of the Australian Public Service, many of whom have undertaken tasks demanding efforts beyond what is expected of them normally in their roles. Through the efforts of many individuals in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the Department of Defence, Australian Customs, the Australian Federal Police, the Department of Health and Aged Care and my department, the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, Australia has been able to respond quickly to the changing circumstances in East Timor.I must say here that my experience as a parliamentary delegate to the Australian Permanent Mission to the United Nations and attending the General Assembly in 1997 made me very aware of the enormous load the Ambassador to the United Nations, Penny Wensley, and the staff associated with the mission carry during the year, particularly during a General Assembly. Defence Force personnel are also attached to the mission, and I know that they would have been under enormous pressure preparing for UNGA and having the overlay of the enormous diplomatic efforts that were undertaken at the UN in the lead-up to the Security Council's decision. I pay tribute to them; I know that Penny Wensley was very involved, the staff would have had an enormous workload and the Defence Force personnel at the UN mission would have also played a leading role and worked tirelessly.I would also like to pay tribute to the efforts of the Australian police force, which undertook, with other nations, the monitoring of the independence vote and endured threats and risks to their personal safety in assisting those escaping the violence. Along with my colleagues here and in the other house, I would like to pay tribute to the efforts of the Australian Defence Force and those men and women from a host of other countries who, under the leadership of Major General Cosgrove, have taken on the heavy task of restoring peace to East Timor. Many people here today have also commented on the role that the friends, family and loved ones of those people so closely involved play in supporting and encouraging them. As Senator Boswell alluded to earlier, it is no easy task that they are undertaking on behalf of the United Nations; it is one filled with high risks and many challenges, and I pray for their success and for their safety.How else has the government responded to this humanitarian crisis? Through the efforts of the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs and the Defence Force—but, in particular, I am focusing on the department with which I am associated—both locally engaged UNAMET staff and, later, those seeking safety in the UNAMET compound were evacuated from Dili and issued with safe haven visas upon their arrival in Darwin. The rapid processing of the arrival of these evacuees and their relocation to temporary safe haven accommodation were undertaken with efficiency and professionalism far beyond the usual call of duty. Some of the officers concerned were given only hours notice to be in Darwin.They have worked around the clock. I have talked to some of them and I know that they have developed a tremendous spirit working together. They have gone well beyond the call of duty. I pay tribute and take off my hat to them because they have been right in the thick of it. It has meant a disruption not only to their lives but also to the lives of their families. We also forget that, while public servants have gone off to participate either in the peacekeeping force or in caring for the evacuees and assisting with their relocation, their colleagues have shouldered an extra burden in their absence. I acknowledge that and know that many of them have worked extra hard to accommodate the fact that many of their colleagues are missing from their regular tasks.The systems for the successful evacuation and resettlement were developed during the recent crisis in Kosovo and the evacuation of the Kosovars from the border camps to safe havens around Australia. In my role as patron of the safe havens I will continue to work with the East Timorese. I have witnessed many people within DIMA working tirelessly to meet the demands created by the Kosovo crisis. Members of the department have, as I said, worked beyond the call of duty to establish systems and procedures for the transport, processing, housing and ongoing medical, psychological and everyday needs of those fleeing torture and violence. These efforts have been matched by their many state counterparts in the health, education, police, transport and emergency services who provided high levels of support to the needs of the safe haven communities. Now the fruits of that hard work and personal sacrifice made by those federal and state officials only a few months ago are being used in a new humanitarian crisis, one which is much closer to home and no less demanding in its challenges.It has been a salutary experience for me, first of all in meeting the Kosovars as they came off the plane straight from the camps in Macedonia and again last Saturday as I met, with the minister, the evacuees coming from East Timor. Always imprinted on my mind will be the two little girls who clutched my hands on Saturday. They had nothing but a plastic bag with a couple of toys that they had been given in Darwin. One of them said to me, in her very limited English, `Thank you.' My heart went out to them when I realised, through an interpreter, that their grandmother had said that they were not sure where their parents were or whether they were alive or dead. It makes one very grateful for all we have here in Australia.The Australian community has made substantial contributions to the plight of those fleeing persecution and violence, and the outpouring of community support for the previous evacuees has been remarkable. Support has come from community organisations such as the Red Cross, St Vincent de Paul, the Salvation Army, Community Aid Abroad and others, and it has also come from local community schools, service clubs and other organisations which have contributed books, clothing, food, services and other items for the welfare of evacuee groups.The East Timorese moving into safe haven communities will enjoy the same safe haven visa rights and measures of support as received by the Kosovars. These measures include medical, educational, financial, accommodation, and crisis and trauma counselling. Services will be given by the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, as the lead department, the defence forces and other state and federal government agencies. The safe havens at Puckapunyal, Leeuwin and East Hills will become the new homes for the East Timorese evacuees. I know that the Australian community will be as supportive and generous with those East Timorese evacuees as they have been with the previous Kosovar evacuees. I know, too—and I saw this in action on Saturday—that the East Timorese community will be very involved in assisting the East Timorese evacuees. From the level of community concern about the events in East Timor, I have no doubt that Australians will live up to their reputation as a caring and generous supporter of people in need.Senators will be aware that as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs I have responsibility for the administration of the student visa program. I was concerned to read this morning in the Herald Sun about fears raised by Indonesian students at RMIT that their visas may be in doubt as a result of the conflict. In response to this I would like to reiterate the comments of Minister Ruddock in the House of Representatives that, just as any East Timorese currently in Australia on a temporary visa will not be returned until they can do so in safety and dignity, other Indonesians currently in Australia on lawful visas, such as students, need not be concerned that the government would send them back to Indonesia. I will be arranging shortly to meet with the Indonesian students at RMIT to allay their concerns.I take this opportunity to reiterate the ongoing benefits to Australia which have been produced by the longstanding exchange of students between our two nations. As well as providing economic benefits, this intellectual and cultural exchange has helped to facilitate a strong relationship between the Australian and Indonesian peoples, manifesting itself in many mutually beneficial ways, including business relationships, tourism, the formation of cooperative linkages and, of course, lasting friendships between individuals. I hope that some of those foundations which have been laid over the years through students studying here and through students who are currently here may help to heal and bridge some of the divisions that have resulted from the events over the last few weeks.Through the strong leadership of our Prime Minister, ably supported by the government agencies involved at the ground level, the Australian government has provided focused leadership and a strong response at both an international level and a national level to the crisis in East Timor and has provided the East Timorese with a real opportunity for self-determination. I, with my colleagues, wish all of those involved, particularly those on the ground in East Timor in both our own defence forces and those participating in the UN peacekeeping mission, a successful operation, safety and godspeed.21:18:008549Carr, Sen KimSenator CARRAW5VICALP00—Like so many senators have done today, as I rise in this debate my first thoughts are for the young Australian men and women and their comrades from other countries who are being deployed in East Timor. They are undertaking a dangerous and just task. They are performing the duty of the entire world; that is, to protect the democratic human rights of the East Timorese—the right to self-determination and, indeed, the right to life itself. I wish them well. I remember also at this time their families and loved ones at home—their parents, their wives, their husbands, their children. Their hearts are filled with pride. There is also an edge of fear and a worry for the welfare and safety of these young Australians and, of course, for those from other countries.There is another group of young people in this picture as well, another brave fighting people—the hundreds of thousands of East Timorese, many of whom have lost their lives, and possibly hundreds of thousands more whose lives are right now in perilous danger. We must act with all speed and care to protect and save the East Timorese, whether in East Timor or elsewhere in Indonesia, from the terrible danger and terror that now confronts them.I would also like to draw the Senate's attention to a third group of young people who are far from home. Senator Patterson has just relayed her concerns and the concerns of the government about the Indonesian students who are currently studying in this country. This is a group of young people currently also separated from their friends, family and homeland. Right now these people are also nervous and afraid. I welcome Senator Patterson's comments on behalf of the government as to the value of these students and their role in Australian society. I also welcome her commitment that their visas will not be threatened as part of these difficult times.However, Senator Patterson must also acknowledge that these students are genuinely concerned and that many of them want to go home. They sense that some Australians are using the current East Timor crisis as an excuse for racist attacks on innocent and decent young people and other Indonesians in this country. Students are telephoning their parents in Jakarta or Surabaya, pleading with their parents to allow them to go home, back to Indonesia. They no longer feel welcome in our country, and that is a matter of deep regret. It is, in fact, a matter of shame. It is a shame which I must say should be added to many other causes for shame in these terrible times. Almost all Australians are not racist, and I think we have a proud record of multiculturalism and tolerance. I would like to add my personal assurance to those parents of Indonesian students who are worried about their children who are now in Australia. These young people are safe and are welcome guests in this country.I also express my admiration and respect for the brave and long-suffering people of Indonesia itself, for their fight for independence and their own democratic rights. Australians are proud of our small role in supporting the people of Indonesia over 50 years ago. Of course, our efforts were aimed at assisting the Indonesian people to gain their independence after a long, bitter and bloody struggle. We understand, too, that for the people of Indonesia the struggle is not yet over. We watched in amazement last year the brave and resolute actions of Indonesian young people, students and others, which brought an end to the repressive era of the so-called new order, the government of President Suharto. Now Indonesia is struggling to create a new, open and just society, a reformed political system where the citizens can enjoy full democratic rights. We at last can voice their concerns and we can hear their concerns being expressed. We know how difficult that is.The Indonesian people understand far better than we do how fraught, painful and slow this process of democratisation will be. They know the extent to which the evil and ugly tentacles of corruption and nepotism have insinuated themselves within Indonesian society itself. One of the gravest problems facing Indonesia is that of the role of its own military, whether it be ABRI or TNI. The power and dominance of the military in Indonesian politics and public life is not fully realised by most Australians, nor is the fact that the rest of the Indonesian government—including the current President, Habibie—actually has no control over sections of that army. Nor is it well understood that in Indonesia a deadly power struggle between Habibie, ABRI and the political forces and parties is now under way. The bloodbath in East Timor is just part of a reflection of the ruthless bid to regain and expand its power on behalf of that group within the military in Indonesia.We know that by far the overwhelming majority of Indonesians are honest, decent citizens who want to put an end to the sickness and uncertainty in their own country. They have also spoken out in solidarity with the people of East Timor. Many union groups, non-government organisations, women's organisations, human rights groups and the like have spoken publicly in support of the East Timorese in their struggle. They have in many cases provided material assistance to funds for East Timor's independence and resistance groups—and, of course, to Fretilin.Within Australia, similar groups, particularly the ACTU, have played an important role in drawing support to those groups. The ACTU was the first international organisation to recognise the CNRT, who of course sent a delegation to Timor in August to provide practical assistance in the independence ballot. I advise the Senate that one of my staff members, Ms Jane Nicholls, was part of such a delegation. She has been able to provide me with first-hand insight into the horrendous conditions faced by the Timorese people and the pogrom that followed the ballot being declared.She has been very fortunate to return to Australia, very much as a result of the intervention of the Australian consul in Dili and his staff. I would like to place on record at this time my thanks to Mr James Batley and his staff for their assistance. I might also suggest that, if it had not been for their intervention, Ms Nicholls may in fact not have been able to return safely. I believe that their actions may well have saved her life.It is important to appreciate just what the situation is with regard to the militia in Indonesia, in particular in East Timor. I believe that the evidence is overwhelming that the Indonesian army have openly and blatantly been arming, training and supporting these so-called militia forces, many of whom are actually TNI and Indonesian police officers in mufti, dressed up as militia members. Alongside the police and military are young men who are hired guns and nothing more. They are young West Timorese and youths from other parts of Indonesia. Some of them are disaffected East Timorese—young people who, for various reasons, are alienated from their own society. They are orphans, street kids and the unemployed. They are young men displaced by the scorched earth policies of the Indonesian army itself. They have been described to me as the deadbeats of East Timorese society, the drop-outs and petty criminals.We are entitled to ask why it is that these unfortunate young people have joined the militia to engage in such a bloody campaign of terror to thwart their own people's 24-year-old struggle for independence. I believe that the reason is quite straightforward, in the sense that they are paid to do so. The going rate is 50,000 rupiah a day, as I understand it. This amounts to about $A10—a lot of money to people who have very little else to lose, and a lot of money to a person with very few options from West Timor.The campaign of terror, death and intimidation is expensive, and we are entitled to ask who has been paying for it. In fact, much of the money that has been used to pay the wages of the so-called militia has, as I understand it, been largely counterfeit. I am told that members of the military have brought suitcases full of fake 20,000 rupiah notes into East Timor over the last few months and have been using this worthless money to finance their deadly campaign.While ABRI is prepared to use unhappy, unfortunate young people to serve its sinister and savage ends, it remains ruthless even in its treatment of these recruits. It will not even keep its end of the bargain with the militia. At least some of the time, these people have been ripped off by the army that they say they support. Militia members are given by the army a steady stream of drugs. An amphetamine known locally as anjing gila, or `mad dog', renders them completely irrational and violent.There are also reports that the military and police have used press-gang tactics to enlist militia members. Terrified young men report that they have been threatened with death for themselves or for their parents and siblings if they refuse to join the militia. They report that they are constantly under threat of execution if they disobey the orders of ABRI. The lengths to which elements of the Indonesian armed forces have gone to achieve their evil and ruthless ends can scarcely be believed.Potential dangers have to be faced by UN forces currently in Timor—on a psychological and also a physical level. My thoughts and support and the thoughts of all Australians are with them and their international colleagues. I believe we would all like to see them safely back home when their duty is done, and for that to be as soon as possible.Indonesia's economic and social circumstances are a matter of grave concern to Australia—Indonesia being our largest neighbour. There is no doubt that the East Timor bloodbath has been carried out largely at the instigation and under the command of the Indonesian armed forces. There is no doubt that sinister intentions remain in some parts of the army to do harm to the hundreds of thousand of unfortunate persons forcibly frogmarched out of East Timor into West Timor and elsewhere. They are being held hostage in concentration camps, and our capacity to help them is pitiful.ABRI's agenda has to be seen as a claim on holding the real power in Indonesia itself. It has to be understood as an intention to immobilise President Habibie and it will be a major issue in the formation of the next government in Indonesia. Whoever is the next President of Indonesia, that person and their party will be beholden to the military. It is legitimate for some commentators to talk of the situation resembling a military coup.I do not seek to alarm the Australian public about the situation in Indonesia, but I want to highlight the fact that our neighbour is politically unstable and facing huge economic challenges. The real income of the average Indonesian has dropped by 80 per cent since July 1997. More than a quarter of all Indonesian children have dropped out of school because their parents cannot afford the fees, books and uniforms. International aid agencies estimate that up to half of all Indonesian children will grow up weak, small in stature, subject to ongoing health problems and intellectually incapacitated. These are the hidden effects of the so-called Asian crisis. Indonesia is in fact in crisis. Against the background of this economic crisis, the political instability and volatility that I have referred have been thrown into sharp relief. The dire economic situation only exacerbates the political tensions within that country.The military is manoeuvring on all fronts to shore up its position. At this very moment ABRI is forcing through the Indonesian parliament the state security bill, which is designed to radically enhance its own powers. This bill grants the military unlimited authority in a state of emergency, which in turn remains legally undefined. It allows for incarceration without trial and the abolition of press freedoms. In fact, it bears strong resemblance to the subversion law of 1963, only revoked last year in the wake of the former President's resignation.According to an email I received from Muchtar Pakpahan—the leader of the Indonesian Prosperity Workers Union, SBSI, who was imprisoned by Suharto—this new security bill is to be almost the last act of the current parliament in Indonesia. It is intended to entrench the position of the military in politics before the new, more reformist parliament comes in on 3 October.The current political and economic situation is indeed a tragedy for Indonesia, but it is also a matter of grave concern to this country. We will have to make an urgent and thoroughgoing reassessment of our relationship with the new Indonesian regime which is emerging. We have to reassess some of our approaches in terms of our defence and foreign policy postures within the region. It is important for us to face the new uncertainties in our region.While I do not regard Indonesia as a military or security threat to Australia and, like most Australians, I remain committed to building and maintaining a sound, constructive, positive relationship with Indonesia and other countries within the region, I have absolutely no time for the jingoism and the xenophobia that is being peddled in some sections of our media. I think it is important, however, that we view the situation in an objective manner and that we do appreciate the difficulties and the volatility of the present political and economic climate within the region. At all times, however, our sympathy and our focus must be on humanitarianism and on the crying needs of the people of Indonesia in their time of trouble.For the people of East Timor it is hard at this moment to envisage the peaceful, democratic and prosperous future that we all hope for on their behalf. It is important for us to continually work with them to achieve this goal. Their country is in ruins as a result of the orgy of destruction that many have noted this evening. I must say that I am of the view that this situation was preventable. The calls for peacekeepers and for a delay in the ballot until there was stability in East Timor fell on deaf ears. The East Timorese knew what was going to happen. Many could have taken steps to help the people in East Timor, but there was a failure by this government to pay heed to their desperate pleas. The Australian government's ineptitude in these matters has not served this country well—nor the people of Indonesia, nor people of East Timor.The latest brutality in East Timor is only one event in a long 24-year nightmare that most of us in Australia would find difficult to imagine, given our secure and peaceful lives. No family in East Timor is untouched, if not ravaged, by death and misfortune at the hands of the Indonesian military forces. The tenacity, resolve and the spirit of the people of East Timor—and the fact that they have never given up—are inspiring in themselves. When peace is finally restored and when forced refugees are brought safely back to their homeland from West Timor and elsewhere, then we as Australians must commit ourselves to working side by side with our brothers and sisters in East Timor to help them rebuild their country. This must be a high policy priority for all the parties within this parliament in Australia. We owe the East Timorese nothing less.21:37:008553Coonan, Sen HelenSenator COONAN2M6NSWLP10—I am very pleased to support this historic motion on East Timor. Even though it is supported unanimously and even though the tragic history of East Timor has been covered by different governments and different administrations, it is a shame that partisan comments have crept into the debate. It is fair to say, though, that all Australians have been both dismayed and horrified at the unacceptable violence and brutality of the militia towards the East Timorese. To the extent that it was aided and abetted by the Indonesian military, who totally failed to prevent these outrages against a defenceless people, history will be the judge.It is particularly poignant that a small and vulnerable community in fact terrorised by this outrage merely wanted to have their independence—and I have made a note here that 78.6 per cent of the East Timorese voted for independence. On any measure of decency owed to other human beings in distress, the terror simply could not go unchecked. It is undoubtedly a reflection of our national will that Australia should have played the role that it has in negotiating a United Nations mandated multinational peacekeeping force. Australians can be justifiably proud of the fact that, in March this year, the government raised the readiness of a second brigade sized force to 28 days notice to move. This has permitted Australia to respond immediately to the United Nations' request to both participate in and lead the multinational force.Many speakers today have already expressed our gratitude, affection and admiration for those Australians, be they in the armed forces, in the Australian Federal Police or other Australians involved in the United Nations effort. We are proud of you and what you are doing on our behalf. Similarly, the historical, strategic and future implications for our region and our relations with near neighbours, including Indonesia, have been discussed, and I do not propose to canvass these issues as well.What I do want to speak about briefly has been the subject of many hundreds of letters and emails received in my electorate office—that is, what Australia is doing by way of humanitarian effort. There is no doubt that those Australians who took the trouble to make their views known were and are genuinely distressed at the plight of those dispossessed East Timorese in both East and West Timor. Most understood that, in the absence of a negotiated agreement, it was not possible to either commit Australian troops to East Timor or conduct relief flights over Indonesian airspace in West Timor.However, it is now possible to undertake a range of humanitarian initiatives. We are faced with a humanitarian crisis of almost inestimable proportions. The violence and terror has generated a crisis in East and West Timor through the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people. It is simply impossible to estimate accurately how many East Timorese people have been displaced within and outside East Timor, but the total could be 400,000 or even more.Australia, I am pleased to say, has taken the lead in assisting United Nations agencies to get humanitarian assistance to where it is most needed in the shortest possible time. To that end, we have already made an initial commitment of $A3 million. Darwin has become the jump-off point for international relief operations. Australian funded food drops to East Timor began on 17 September, using RAAF planes, crews and logistical support, and will continue, as necessary. Australia is also providing warehouse facilities in Darwin for Australian and international relief supplies with one being used as a logistic centre.The plight of displaced East Timorese in West Timor is also of enormous concern to Australia's humanitarian effort. Australia is supporting fully efforts by the international community to gain access to displaced East Timorese in West Timor, which remains logistically and extremely difficult. Australian aid to United Nations and other international relief agencies will help support their operations in West Timor. INTERFET will be doing its utmost to create a secure environment in East Timor in which the East Timorese feel safe to return from across the border.In addition, the Australian government has evacuated around 1,450 people from East Timor under Operation Safe Haven. These are made up of around 1,350 East Timorese internally displaced people—primarily, I should say, women and young children who are not in good condition; at least many of the children are not—75 UNAMET ex-patriot staff, who are mainly Australians and New Zealanders, and 40 UNAMET locally engaged staff and their families.The Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs is the lead agency for both visa and relevant processing and settlement, and Emergency Management Australia, part of the Department of Defence, is working closely with the Northern Territory government and many other agencies in relation to logistical support, and Senator Tambling outlined some of that logistical support being provided in his territory.Upon arrival in Darwin, evacuees have been transferred to the Marrara Sports Stadium for initial health checks, quarantine checks and immigration clearance before moving to the reception centre where they will settle temporarily. After initial health checks and processing in temporary accommodation in Darwin, the East Timorese will go to existing safe havens that were set up for the Kosovar evacuees in Puckapunyal in Victoria, Leeuwin in Western Australia and East Hills in New South Wales.Over last weekend the first group of East Timorese were transferred to Puckapunyal. Further transfers will occur in the coming weeks, with dates being determined largely by medical processing times and the fitness and condition of the evacuees. I must say that I look forward to welcoming those who are sheltered in New South Wales.The services available to the East Timorese are the same as the services provided recently to the Kosovars, which include: accommodation; culturally appropriate food and diet; torture and trauma counselling; clothing suitable to the climate that they are in; medical, dental and nursing facilities; basic education for children; a small allowance of $27 for those aged over 12 years and $10 for children under 12 to cover some personal items; phone cards; English language classes; the availability of translators; and appropriate religious services.Staff have been working closely with the East Timorese community in Australia to ensure that the evacuees move into an envi ronment that is as comfortable and suitable as possible, given the conditions under which they have been living. All signage, for instance, within the havens has been translated to assist residents. Haven residents will be free to come and go from the havens, and the East Timorese are able to stay with relatives or friends outside the haven, provided they will then, in those circumstances, be responsible for their own financial support. It is certainly hoped that most will remain within the havens, simply because it is thought that they are mostly likely to avail themselves of some of these services if they are actually on the premises or in close proximity.The East Timorese will be given temporary safe haven visas for an initial period of three months, which will be extended if circumstances require. They will not be required to return home until it is safe and they can return with dignity. As with the Kosovars, the government will extend limited work rights to the East Timorese if they cannot return home in the near future. We are, for the East Timorese, repeating the successful formula used recently for the Kosovar refugees that did indeed receive I think almost unanimous community support.I did wish to place these matters on the record during this debate because it has been the primary concern of so many constituents who have contacted our electorate offices over the past couple of weeks. It demonstrates Australia's ongoing commitment to meeting the acute humanitarian needs of the East Timorese. The East Timorese have paid a terrible price for their choice for independence and it is now up to the international community to make sure that those who paid with their blood did not die in vain.Australia is ready to assist, including through reconstruction and development. We have long been the largest provider of development aid and development assistance in East Timor, and this will continue. Australia will be there to assist the East Timorese in the long process of recovery, including achieving reconciliation amongst the East Timorese people themselves. This is necessary to consolidate Australia's regional standing and influence. It is also about building the future for all Timorese and for Australian-Indonesian relations and, indeed, for our own security and stability in the region. I commend the motion to the Senate.21:48:008555McGauran, Sen JulianSenator McGAURANWH4VICNP10—I join with the Senate to express our heartfelt emotions and deepest thoughts for our soldiers on their mission to protect the East Timorese people. How obvious it is that these soldiers are carrying on a proud tradition of our armed forces. Like the diggers of old, when questioned on their task, they laconically answer, `We are going to do the job for which we are trained.' Though very late, as our soldiers headed to Dili there was a sense of finally fulfilling our war debt—a debt that matched what we owed the fuzzy wuzzy angels in Papua New Guinea, for the East Timorese in the Second World War helped and sheltered our soldiers at the cost of their own lives.No-one can doubt the world-class level to which our soldiers are trained and equipped. Their early securing of Dili is proof enough. In words, their mission is to go into East Timor to restore peace and stability and to facilitate humanitarian aid. They are also to protect and support the United Nations in supervising the peaceful transition to independence of the territory. But the soldiers' mission in essence is summed up in today's media pictures being relayed back of fully equipped and armed soldiers acting as guardians for the children in the streets.The reason Australia has taken the responsibility of heading up an international peace force is plain for the world to see. It was the total failure of the Indonesian forces to control the violence and butchery of the innocent by the militia, and indeed the military's own razing and slaughter, which forced Australia to act—regardless of Indonesia's indignation at their nearest neighbour's action.In the end, this is a moral issue. It is not one directly affecting Australia's sovereignty or welfare. Rather it is all about the defence of a people seeking a just freedom, achieving an infant democracy, then having it brutally snuffed out. And the world in force is with us. Anyone who believes the collapse of the Berlin Wall was a miracle can believe that East Timor's freedom is a miracle. Given all that was involved in East Timor's fight for freedom, and though the path to freedom has been bloody, strewn with martyrs, and so often bewildering, the fact that we have arrived at this point is phenomenal.For certain, Australia will be changed forever from this experience. Firstly, in terms of our defence forces, military spending will greatly increase and stay high—not just to maintain our present force in East Timor but to further equip Australia for the now changing regional environment and the new role Australia will play. Secondly, just as defence will take centre stage in Australian politics, so will foreign affairs after so long in the wings. It is certain our relationship with Indonesia will not stay the same. It will be chilled for some time to come. It was inevitable that our relationship with Jakarta would be damaged when Jakarta itself left us with no choice but to choose between good relations at any cost or a free East Timor. We chose a free East Timor.It is not surprising that Jakarta is stunned by our choice as since the invasion of East Timor in 1975 Australian foreign policy had clearly signalled that when push came to shove we would always place good relations with Jakarta ahead of an independent East Timor. To this end I believe the military establishment had calculated that Australia's reaction to the mayhem post election would be along the lines of past policy. Therefore it is a fair conclusion that the military's urging on of the militia to violate people and property was aimed at the military re-establishing sovereign authority over the province, firstly, by provoking a reaction from the armed Fretilin fighters in the surrounding hills and therefore creating a situation of civil war not dissimilar to 1975 and, secondly, that the world would not react beyond diplomacy to the mayhem created in East Timor given past history. On both counts they were wrong.The Fretilin fighters under order of Xanana Gusmao did not retaliate even in the face of the bloodbath. Consider how difficult this must have been looking down on Dili to see nuns, priests, women and children slaughtered inside churches. And the Indonesian military may have been right in regard to the world reaction, except they miscalculated Australia's tangible reaction beyond the diplomatic channels. Australia's strength counteracted the dark side of the plotters—that is, the militia and the armed forces—and that strength has saved hundreds of thousands of lives and a country.Much has been said that Australia should have and could have arranged for a UN peacekeeping force to go into East Timor before the ballot so as to prevent any post-ballot retribution. There is no doubt that the result of the ballot was predictable as was the militia reaction to the result. I refer the Senate to a speech I made on 19 April this year following the Liquica massacre in which I stated:The history of East Timor under Indonesian rule shows that such bloodbaths are never the product of rogue elements. If Jakarta does not orchestrate it, then it is unhindered by Jakarta. The turn of events in East Timor places the country in grave danger of sliding into civil war with, consequently, the abandonment of the independent process—which of course is the prime aim of the militia. There is no doubt that following the abandonment of the independence process there would be an even greater suppression and slaughter of the population.But even with this knowledge, three factors need to be kept in mind: firstly, the utter betrayal of Jakarta's commitment to the United Nations and directly to Australia to keep the peace; secondly, the sheer magnitude of the atrocities could not be predicted; and, thirdly, the United Nations Security Council was not prepared to support such a force at this time with Russia and China indicating the use of their veto. Tragically we know the price of the failure on all three points.Australia, though ready itself to send a force, was diplomatically incapacitated. The United Nations made the decision that the ballot should go ahead on schedule. As the UN Secretary-General said, if the United Nations had not accepted a ballot in the circumstances available, the ballot probably would not have happened. In a fine judgment we thought it was not right to take that ballot away from the East Timorese.For one shining moment the people of East Timor inspired the world as they dressed up to go down to the polling booth for the first time and vote for independence in a peaceful democratic way—something in Australia we take for granted. While we can all pore over the intricacies of this sorry matter starting 25 years ago when the Australian government first waved through the Indonesian invasion and subsequent governments' justification and acceptance of the invasion and all its consequences or we can pore over the intricacies leading to the tragedies coming out of East Timor of late, we must never forget that the Indonesian administration and military are to blame, not us. The end point is that we are in there protecting and the land under our guardianship will be safe and free. While we do not fully know the dangers ahead, we do know our responsibilities and Australia can proudly say, `We are prepared.' We are prepared militarily, we are prepared diplomatically, we are prepared economically and, above all, we are prepared morally.As we now bury the old constructive engagement policy with Indonesia and formulate a new frank engagement, it is worth now burying many of the errors and myths of the past. Firstly, `the Portuguese were bad colonisers'. Well, they did not leave East Timor in the state of destruction and misery it is in today. Further, `Portugal will be contributing infrastructure funds and expertise to rebuild East Timor into the future'. I have no doubt about the genuine warmth the Portuguese have for the East Timorese.Secondly, `the purpose of the 1975 invasion and the subsequent holding of East Timor by the Indonesians was due to the threat of communism as symbolised by the Fretilin movement'. The truth is that the faith of these people is mutually exclusive to such a regime. All they ever sought was democracy even at the price of martyrdom. And how this faith sustained them in their darkest hour.Thirdly, `Australia had to prove itself within the South-East Asian region and how we doubted our standing'. This culture grew up within the foreign affairs department, breeding a relationship of appeasement with our nearest neighbour. It was a policy designed to get close to the long-serving Suharto regime to win their confidence. We would therefore be in a position to influence the regime in areas of political, social and economic reform to the advantage of the interests of Australia. Yet, for all this neighbourly bonding, we seem to have gained very little. While carried out in the name of national interest, in the end it was found to be nothing more than a doctrine of feebleness that reaped what it sowed.In conclusion, it is amazing how this little country has captured the world's imagination with its quest for freedom and fever of faith. But just as East Timor needs us to protect it, maybe we need East Timor to remind us of the value of our safe democracy and to inspire our faith.22:01:008557Sherry, Sen NickSenator SHERRYZW4TASALP00—We are now just past the eighth hour of this debate. Many have made contributions, and I would particularly like to acknowledge the contribution of Senator Bourne which I heard earlier when presiding in the chair. Fortunately, this is a very rare motion that comes before the parliament. It deals with the support of Australia's contribution to and leadership of a United Nations force that is being sent to East Timor of around probably 4,500 troops, not just in a peacekeeping capacity but almost certainly in a peacemaking capacity and almost certainly, I believe, for a long time.I would like to personally take the opportunity to make a contribution. There may be something new in what I say, but I have had the opportunity to visit both East Timor and West Timor. I have had a long interest of participation and involvement in the East Timor groups, particularly on the north-west coast of my home state of Tasmania. I have a more than passing interest in history. I wish to deal with some of the issues, both past and present, as well as look at some of the future challenges Australia will face because of what has occurred in East Timor.Firstly, I would like to place on record my very best wishes to the men and women in the peacekeeping force who have gone to East Timor. I think this is the first occasion that women in our armed services will be serving in what is a very dangerous situation which could possibly verge on warfare. So my best goes to the men and women and also to their families who are left behind in Australia. I do look forward to their safe return. I would also like to pay public tribute to a very small and very dedicated group, the Coastal East Timor Group, and the local secretary, Barry Hibbard, whom I have known for some 10 years. As I said, it is a very small group, but without his ongoing commitment and dedication I am sure that the issue of East Timor, at least on the north-west coast of Tasmania, would not have had the attention it has received.As I said earlier, I had the opportunity in 1990 to visit both West and East Timor. The visit was interesting for the contrast between the two provinces. On visiting West Timor, you were immediately struck by a province that was commercially thriving, where the people certainly appeared happy and content and where there was relatively little military presence in evidence. Crossing the border into East Timor, it was a totally different environment. It was then a province of Indonesia that was almost totally undeveloped commercially. The only industry of any kind was basic subsistence agriculture and some commercial plantations, which interestingly used to be run by the Portuguese and were taken over by the Indonesian military. They had a direct commercial stake in East Timor.YW4MACDONALDSenator Ian Macdonald—And the marble factory.ZW4Sherry, Sen NickSenator SHERRY—I was just about to mention that, Senator Macdonald. Senator Macdonald was also on that delegation. The only manufacturing industry at all in East Timor was a marble quarry and factory. That was the only industry that existed. I understand that things have not changed greatly in the last nine years. The other very obvious issue was the dominance of the Indonesian military in East Timor. It was extremely obvious. It struck me as being a military camp.If we look back on the history of East Timor, for the first 425 years it was a Portuguese colony, so there was the establishment of a very distinct history and culture from the Portuguese East Indies. It was a brutal colonial regime. That was followed very briefly by the Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1945 and the very valuable assistance the East Timorese gave to the Australian troops, a number of hundred of whom were in East Timor at that stage and who were assisted whilst the Japanese occupied the country. I might say that the Japanese brutalised the population of East Timor for the assistance they provided to those Australian troops.In 1975 there was the military occupation by Indonesia with the tacit approval of Australia and, I believe, with the direct approval of the United States. I do not think it was just coincidence that President Ford and his foreign policy adviser, Mr Kissinger, were in the country the day before Indonesia occupied East Timor. In the last two weeks there has been a further example of the horrific brutality of at least part of the Indonesian military and militias.In looking at the past as a member of a Labor government, at least in my time in this Senate since 1990, we do have to look very hard and critically and reflect on the role of not just the government I was a part of but previous governments—Liberal, National and Labor. We have to seriously question ourselves as to whether we could and should have done more and whether the events of the last two weeks could have been avoided.It amazes me that a people can suffer so much over 450 years and then, given the opportunity in the past few months to vote in the first democratic election that they have ever participated in, have a 98 per cent voluntary turnout and an 80 per cent vote in support of independence—and that was in an atmosphere of total terror, killing and intimidation in the lead-up to the referendum. It is a wonderful example of the human spirit and an amazing testimony to the human spirit to be free that, despite all that horrific suffering and intimidation, particularly in the last 25 years, they were willing to vote in such overwhelming numbers with such an overwhelming desire for independence.Before I turn to the events of the last two weeks, we need to draw an important distinction between the events leading up to the Indonesian occupation of East Timor in 1975 and the difficulties that Indonesia faces in other provinces of Indonesia such as Aceh and Irian Jaya. After World War II, when we had a very significant period of decolonisation, it was an accepted principle that colonial boundaries would be respected and that colonies would have the right of self-determination. That was an accepted principle for fairly obvious reasons: if you started readjusting the boundaries of colonies, it would lead to very significant problems.As far as I can determine, there are only a few occasions when that principle has not been put into practice. One is obviously East Timor. Another is the former colony of Goa, interestingly a former Portuguese colony which I think was invaded by India in 1949, though certainly not in the same brutal way as Indonesia invaded East Timor. The ongoing treatment of the people of Goa has obviously not been anywhere near as brutal, as I understand it. There were two other former colonies: the Spanish Sahara, where there is an ongoing war of independence, and Eritrea, where there has been a revolution for the past 25 years against Ethiopia and their independence has finally been accepted. They are the only four examples where the colonial boundaries and the right to self-determination have not been accepted and acted on by the world community.The argument is often put that former colonies of the small size and population and the poor level of resources of East Timor cannot survive independently without great difficulty and struggle. Frankly, this is a nonsense argument. It is a nonsense argument for people to be incorporated against their will, as has occurred with East Timor, in the name of stability and anticommunism, as happened at the time of the incorporation, and yet for them to have suffered for the last 24 years in the name of stability and anticommunism. We have to reflect that, if they had obtained their independence at that time, the level of suffering of the people would have been significantly less than has occurred under Indonesian occupation. At least if East Timor had been independent, made mistakes and had to struggle, the mistakes they undoubtedly would have made would have been their own mistakes. It is a totally paternalistic argument to put forward that former colonies of the size of East Timor should be incorporated within the broader nation state. If people want to be free, they have the right to be free and we should respect that.We had the referendum two weeks ago. There was, however, some clear intention three or four months ago that at least part of the Indonesian military was planning a systematic ethnic cleansing of East Timor if its people voted for independence. Indeed, we have had public utterances from some Indonesian generals that that is exactly what they intended to do through the militias that they had established. There has been some comment in this debate, as there should have been, about the intelligence warnings that were given to the bureaucrats, particularly in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and to our political leadership. It is quite legitimate in this debate—and Senator Hogg and Senator Cook have touched on it—to criticise a policy failure by the government of the day where there has been a policy failure. It is the role and duty of an opposition to point out that policy failure. It is only by learning from those mistakes and correcting them, particularly when there are 4,500 Australian troops at risk fighting overseas, that those policy failures can be accepted, acknowledged and corrected.As I said earlier, with the events of the past two weeks we have seen a planned campaign of ethnic cleansing implemented by the militias, who are the frontmen of some of the Indonesian military. Of course, it is interesting that the military did not want to get their hands bloody directly. We have seen this campaign of bloodshed perpetrated against the people of East Timor who Indonesia claim are their own people. I would contend that, in the way Indonesia has behaved in East Timor in the last few weeks, it has lost any vestige of moral or political claim that it could have had in East Timor.I would also like to acknowledge the very deep strength of the Australian people in the last few weeks. Again, it has been wonderful to see the response of the Australian people—their recognition of the repression and the horror in East Timor and their determination to ensure that the democratic will as expressed in the referendum for independence is upheld. I also understand there have been significant demonstrations of support in Portugal. I hope that is followed through with significant financial and practical support to assist the East Timorese and to offset at least to some extent Portugal's neglect, over the 425 years prior to Indonesian military occupation, of its most distant colony. I would also express concern for what I understand is now some 200,000 refugees in West Timor and other parts of Indonesia. If Australia and other countries had not expressed outrage at what was going on in Indonesia, I do not think many of those 200,000 would have survived, and those that had survived either disease or starvation would have been transplanted somewhere else in Indonesia.This may be a protracted military commitment. I would pose a couple of questions. What happens if the Indonesian parliament rejects East Timor's independence? If it does accept that independence, what happens if it—tacitly, at least—aids militias in their terrorist activities across the border between West and East Timor? No-one would suggest, and no-one has suggested, that any United Nations and Australian military activity can enter into West Timor or any other part of Indonesia—nor should they. I suspect that Australian troops and other UN forces will need to be in East Timor for a significant period of time to defend the developing free republic of East Timor. That will have my personal, ongoing support.I would like to conclude by touching on a few issues for the future. We should not be blaming the people of Indonesia for what has occurred. I notice there has been some attempt to whip up nationalist fervour on the streets of Indonesian cities. I suspect in part that has to do with the forthcoming election for the new President of Indonesia. I do not believe Australia has—and I do not have—any ill will whatsoever towards the Indonesian people. They are going through their own struggle for democracy. I just hope that the new leadership of Indonesia is able to bring the military, in particular, under some control and to some form of accountability for what has happened.Whatever happens in Indonesia, I do not believe Australia can have any ongoing military relationship whatsoever with Indonesia for the foreseeable future and certainly in the next five or 10 years. We need to maintain a relationship with the new government that emerges in Jakarta but, at the same time, we need to recognise and respect our own clear cultural and democratic differences. We will need to provide military support and protection to the developing republic of East Timor in the event of Indonesia accepting East Timorese independence not just in words and on paper but by clearly following through with actions to prevent terrorist activity by militias. I also believe there should be a war crimes tribunal established to bring to account the military, some of which engaged in the activities planned and implemented over the last few weeks. We will need a very significant and ongoing aid and assistance program to East Timor. There is literally nothing there; there is nothing left. That program will need to occur, and Portugal should be a major contributor, along with the rest of the international community. Australia has a very major commitment to make there and, again, it will probably be for at least 10 to 15 years.We should re-establish the Cox Peninsula transmitter to ensure that what is occurring in East Timor—and, for that matter, in other parts of the world—is freely transmitted not just to Indonesia but to other parts of Asia. We will also have to re-examine our defence priorities, particularly in light of the US reluctance to engage more directly and extensively in East Timor. In part, I can understand the US reluctance, given the problems of Australian policy implementation. But we are in a pretty lonely world at the edge of Asia, and that requires a re-examination of defence priorities. We need to re-examine our migration and population policy with a view to significantly increasing our migration. In 25 years the population of Australia will start declining on current population projections. Where that leaves us in the world, particularly in Asia, has very important implications.22:21:008561Macdonald, Sen IanSenator IAN MACDONALDYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—After hearing from more than 30 senators in the debate today, there is not a lot more that I can add in support of the motion before the Senate. My colleagues on this side of the chamber have very carefully and sensitively canvassed most of the issues pertinent to the debate, and I concur with most of what my Liberal Senate colleagues have said.I must also congratulate Senator Sherry on what I think was a very balanced and thoughtful speech. Senator Sherry reminds me of my visit to East and West Timor about nine years ago and of the state of both provinces. His recollections are similar to mine. I recall the stories by locals of the Portuguese regime and—to describe it at its very best—its very wanting governance. I also remember the stories that locals told me of murder and riot as the Portuguese simply walked away from the people of East Timor, leaving them to their own internal turmoil.I want to congratulate John Howard, Alexander Downer and John Moore on the significant leadership they have shown in the last several months in the interests of the people of Timor and the region generally. I must record, though, that I and many other Australians were disappointed at the arguments of the Labor leader in the other place, Mr Beazley, who used the occasion, which should have been a time for bipartisan support, to enter into a partisan political attack. But I do not want to dwell on that.I would like to take a short while to focus on the impact of the Timor mission on North Queenslanders. Coming from the north as I do, I recognise that the deployment of soldiers, sailors and airmen from the Australian defence forces to East Timor has a particular significance to the north because Townsville is the home of the 3rd Brigade, the Army's rapid deployment force, 10 Force Support Battalion and the RAAF base Garbutt. A significant slice of the INTERFET peacekeeping force comes from these units from Townsville. Townsville has been described as a `garrison town'. It is that and more. It is certainly true that the defence forces are a special part of our community and, as a community, Townsville feels very deeply the peacekeeping responsibilities Australia has taken on.The commander of the Townsville based 3rd Brigade, Brigadier Mark Evans, is commanding the Australian contingent and we wish him well in his very significant responsibility. He is just one of many Townsville soldiers and airmen of all ranks contributing to this force in East Timor, and they are all leaving behind spouses, children, parents and other relatives. Like Brigadier Evans's children, many Townsville children will be spending their current school holidays wondering just what dad or mum is doing in East Timor and hoping for their safe return. Families from many other places in Australia will be facing the same mixed emotions of pride, trepidation and concern for loved ones.Because of this unique sense of community with our local forces, it is with some pride that I recount that two Townsville radio personalities, Steve Price and Dave Harrison, have encouraged the North Queensland community to publicly demonstrate their support for the deployed forces by flying or displaying the Australian flag in their windows for as long as our troops are in Timor. This is a positive and constructive idea from two Townsville media personalities. They mirror northern sentiment by recognising just how important the men and women of the ADF are not only to Townsville but to the wider Australian community. The member for Herbert, Peter Lindsay, and I have been honoured to have been part of this campaign by providing the flags for the cause. I commend this idea from radio station 4TO. Perhaps other senators and members and their local community groups, businesses and media outlets would consider similar initiatives in their home towns.It is true that Australia has not been traditionally a nation of flag wavers. We have always preferred more measured and private forms of patriotism, but this initiative which puts a focus on our national flag as proposed by the radio station in Townsville is, I believe, an appropriate recognition not only of the community support for the ADF but also of the leadership role Australia has taken on in our region. The good will is not just confined to Townsville or to public personalities. In Bowen, about 100 kilometres south of my home in Ayr, a local group held a rally at which they sold yellow ribbons and raised, I understand, in a very short period some $400 for the International Red Cross humanitarian relief effort in East Timor, while simultaneously recognising the deployment of our ADF personnel. Bowen is, like many other communities in Australia, wanting to do something, wanting to show support. Bowen is a community not without its own difficulties, but that community has shown with this rally a generosity that characterises the Australian spirit. It is befitting of the spirit with which our troops deploy to East Timor.In Townsville tonight, civic leaders, the ADF support personnel and major religious denominations are banding together to host a candlelight vigil and remembrance service for the community and families of the ADF people in Townsville and East Timor. The leaders behind these gestures would all be encouraged by the positive attitude of the deployed forces and, notwithstanding recent events in East Timor, by the mature and positive approach taken by TNI forces on the arrival of INTERFET.Australia is a very firm supporter of Indonesia's democratic transformation. We have demonstrated good will towards Indonesia over many years, starting with the support for Indonesia's struggle for independence. Clearly, there have been strains on our relationship with Indonesia in the immediate past but, despite this, Australia's long-term approach to our near northern neighbour has not changed.We continue to believe that Indonesia is vital to the stability and prosperity of the region, and we have no interest in undermining Indonesia or the peoples of Indonesia. It is for this reason, amongst others, that we wanted to see the East Timor problems resolved, preferably with Indonesia's cooperation. I look forward in the not too distant future to a continuation of our extremely close relationships with Indonesia. I hope, along with most other Australians, that the positive signs of the reception of the INTERFET troops in East Timor by TNI are indicative of the future of the deployment and our longer-term relationship with Indonesia. We all hope that more forceful means of fulfilling the UN Security Council's resolution 1264 to restore peace and security in East Timor will not be necessary.However, should worst come to worst, the families left behind would also be encouraged, as I have been, by the firm leadership taken already by the INTERFET commander, Australian Major General Peter Cosgrove. Without belligerence, Major General Cosgrove has indicated that Australian and other INTERFET troops will be able to respond appropriately to any threat by rogue militias, should the need arise—and the arrest tonight of some militia people outside the airport clearly demonstrates that firmness. Either way, I am sure that our defence forces are up to the challenge that we as a nation have set them. I know that the professionalism of the Townsville based soldiers, sailors and airmen will do Australia proud. I am sure that they will discharge their responsibilities without fear or favour and will set a solid foundation for the long-term cause of good Australian relations with our regional neighbours.As a historical aside, in looking through some records of Australian service personnel in Timor during World War II, as I know many other senators have also done, I was interested to see that the main units were the 2/40th Battalion of the 8th Division of the AIF, and the 2/2nd Independent Company. The 2/2nd was hand-picked from units throughout the country because those men showed aptitude for the difficult conditions of Timor. Without being too parochial, I was proud to see that the commander of the 2/2nd Independent Company, or Sparrow Force as it was known at one stage, was a Major A. Spence, a regional Queenslander, born in Bundaberg and living in Longreach at the time of his enlistment. He later won the Distinguished Service Order for gallantry in Timor. I am confident that many other Queenslanders—indeed, Australian service men and women from every state and territory—will echo that proud tradition as mem bers of the United Nations peacekeeping force in East Timor.Tonight I offer, on the public record, my best wishes and those of the Queensland community for the deployed force and the many thousands of unsung supporters behind the scenes who are so necessary to support the front-line troops. Above all, I offer our support to the families left behind. One quite astute but anonymous local pointed out in the Townsville media recently that we should not allow the families to slip from our thoughts as this deployment slides off the front pages of the newspapers in times to come. The families maintain their commitment to their loved ones throughout the deployment, and it is essential that community support for them should also be ongoing. The tiny gesture of flying the national flag in home and shop windows—promoted in Townsville—will serve to remind us of our troops and the East Timorese people they are helping, until such time as the service men and women are able to return safely home. I commend the motion to the Senate.22:33:008563Coonan, Sen HelenSenator COONAN2M6NSWLP10—On behalf of Senator Ellison, I seek leave to have the text of his speech in support of the motion incorporated in the Hansard record of this debate.Leave granted.The speech read as follows—Speech by Senator Christopher Ellison, Special Minister of StateMotion relating to East Timor, Wednesday, 21 September 1999Mr Acting Deputy President, all Australians would deplore the bloodshed in East Timor recently where Indonesian militias have reigned unchecked against the civilian population. Although it is gratifying to see the Senate overwhelmingly support the Government's motion this evening it is unfortunate that the Opposition has chosen to attempt political mileage during such a time as this.Before I address the current situation it is worthwhile to look at the history of the relationship between East Timor and Australia.Australia's history is to some extent bound up with the Timorese people, and especially with the people of the Eastern half of that island.In 1942 on Timor, the 2/2 and 2/4 Independent Companies fought an incredible rearguard action against an overwhelming Japanese invasion force. The Australian contingent which was known as Sparrow Force was isolated and the guerilla war that resulted rivals the much better known exploits of the Australian forces on the Kokoda Trail.As Christopher Wray, the author of Timor 1942, points out:"The Timorese were impressed by the skill and bravery shown by the Australians in fighting the Japanese and provided them with great assistance . . . Like all guerilla armies, Sparrow force needed the support of the local population to operate successfully. Without this, the ability to remain an effective fighting force or even survive would have been placed in doubt. . . Each soldier soon acquired a Timorese servant who carried his pack and other non military equipment and who would quickly lead him to safety after an attack on the Japanese"For their support of Sparrow Force, the Timorese paid a very high price. Thousands of them were killed by enemy forces because of their assistance to the Australians.Two generations later, Australian troops have returned to East Timor. Many Australians would know or have a relative serving in the peace-keeping force.Indeed, I have a nephew who is serving on HMAS ANZAC and I look forward to him and his colleagues returning safely to Australia to join their loved ones.I know that all Australians are proud of the Australian men and women who have been joined by international forces in East Timor.The level of expertise and training of our service personnel is truly remarkable. They handle some of the most sophisticated equipment in the world's armory, and they maintain that famous elan that is the hallmark of Australia's troops throughout a century of conflict.I know I speak for everyone here today when I say to them that we are proud of the way they are doing their duty and that they have our complete support. Nobody should consider that this will be a soft assignment.The peace must first be made, before it can be kept—and neither operation is without risk. It is up to all Australians to maintain their support and will during this difficult task.Mr Acting Deputy President, I speak today as someone who has had an interest in East Timor for sometime. In June 1995, I attended a conference in Portugal in relation to the situation in East Timor. Historically that year, Indonesian Officials met with East Timorese representatives however it was to be another four years before a ballot for self-determination was to take place. Of course, more recently history has not been as inspiring as that during the War which I have mentioned. Both sides of politics have reluctantly acquiesced in Indonesia's occupation of East Timor, however the Labor Party is now in the process of trying to rewrite history. It is trying to forget that it was Gough Whitlam who encouraged the Indonesians to invade East Timor in 1975.A quote of Gough Whitlam in the House on 26 August 1975 reads:"We, for our part, understand Indonesia's concern that the territory should not be allowed to become a source of instability on Indonesia's border. Portuguese Timor is in many ways part of the Indonesian world and its future is obviously a matter of great importance to Indonesia"Gareth Evans, a former Foreign Affairs Minister declared that the incorporation of East Timor into Indonesia was irreversible" and described expatriate East Timorese in Australia as "a recurring irritant".As I have said, there was a reluctant acquiescence on both sides of politics and I do not deny that for one moment; Australia sat on its hands for too long.Of course we now have former Keating Cabinet ministers criticising the Government but what did they ever do to help the East Timorese? It is indeed sad to see the Leader of the Opposition, Kim Beazley, trying to score political points during a time when all Australians should be putting their full support behind our peacekeeping efforts.It is all very easy for the Opposition to say we should have sent troops earlier. As early as May this year the Prime Minister approached President Habibie with regard to a peace keeping force however that was rejected.President Habibie agreed to a ballot, after 24 years of occupation and unsuccessful attempts to assimilate East Timor into Indonesia. This was a courageous decision on his part as there was much opposition in his country to this.The subsequent ballot was free, fair and overwhelmingly representative of the views of East Timorese—78.5% of East Timorese voted for independence.I must say that in relation to the poll, the Australian Federal Police and the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) both performed sterling roles in assisting the UN to conduct the vote—the former in Timor, and the latter in Australia. As the Minister responsible for the AEC, I can say that it has played a great role in the region in assisting in elections.Prior to the ballot it was just not possible to send in a peacekeeping force without Indonesia's consent. As we have already heard today, even the Leader of the Opposition has previously expressed the view, on a number of occasions prior to the ballot, that peacekeeping forces were neither practical nor necessary.This Government, however, did attempt to increase the UN police presence prior to the ballot. Most importantly, we brought two army brigades up to 24 hour readiness for a peace keeping role.It was only after the ballot that sufficient international support could be mustered to bring about the peacekeeping force we have today.We have been recognised as the leaders on this issue—we now have international support and are playing the key role in bringing East Timor to independence. The role of the Prime Minister, Foreign Affairs Minister, Alexander Downer, and Defence Minister, John Moore, has been pivotal.We are not anti-Indonesian, we are not anti-Asian but we are pro democracy.Just last week in my home State, the Australia-Asia Association overwhelmingly expressed its support for the Howard Government's handling of the East Timor situation.We want to work with Indonesia for a peaceful future not just in East Timor, but in the region.I have no doubt that the UN peacekeeping force will perform its job with great distinction but East Timor needs more than that. The economy of East Timor is in ruins. The cities and towns of East Timor are deserted at best—looted and burnt at worst.Rebuilding will require a large amount of money and this Government, in concert with other nations and International bodies, will not shirk its responsibility on this matter.Rebuilding East Timor is more than just bricks and mortar.There is a huge diaspora of East Timorese that must be successfully returned—including a large number forcibly evicted in recent times by pro-integrationist militia.We cannot allow a de facto hostage population to be maintained. In this, we will require the assistance of Indonesia.Everyone is aware of the prominent role that the Church has played in the lives of ordinary East Timorese, and in their struggle for freedom.I welcome the day when Archbishop Belo can safely return to East Timor.Mr Acting Deputy President, the Labor Party should stop trying to score political points. Let us all as Australians put our support behind the peace-keeping efforts in East Timor.With the grace of God let us hope for the safe return of our service men and women and enduring peace in East Timor. 22:33:008565Forshaw, Sen MichaelSenator FORSHAW656NSWALP00—I rise to support the motion on East Timor. It has been supported by all members of the Senate and the House of Representatives who have spoken so far in the debate today.It is extremely important that our troops as they go to East Timor—and those who have already arrived—know that they go with our total, absolute support. Their mission is to uphold the fundamental principles of human rights. That is a noble mission, and it is a mission that must be carried out. It falls to our armed forces to do that not just on behalf of the Australian people but, indeed, on behalf of the international community. It is therefore important that this parliament express its overwhelming, total and absolute support for their mission.In doing so, we reflect upon our commitment to the principles of justice, freedom, security, democracy and the rule of law. In taking this action under the auspices of the United Nations, we demonstrate our commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The United Nations General Assembly adopted that declaration in 1948. Only last year in December, we celebrated its 50th anniversary. We in the international community at this time are called upon now to back up our commitment with deeds, not just words. The words of that declaration are truly inspiring. Unfortunately, as history, and indeed recent history, has shown, the words have often counted for nought. Just to remind ourselves, it is worth quoting a few sections of the preamble to that Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It states:. . . recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world. . . . . . . . .. . . disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people . . . . . . . . .. . . it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law. . . . . . . . .. . . it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations. . . . . . . . .. . . the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. . . . . . . . .. . . Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms . . . As I said, they are noble words. Our troops are now actively engaged in giving meaning to those principles. However, if we are to achieve the outcomes contained in those principles for the people of East Timor, it is also important that in this debate we reflect upon how we arrived at this situation—how we arrived at a situation where it is necessary for Australia and the world community to take firm action to rebuild this ravaged country and to protect its innocent people.During this debate, and indeed in recent days, the government has criticised the opposition for raising real issues of concern about our approach to and involvement in the United Nations conducted ballot. But we must raise them, not to score political points but because we owe it to the people of East Timor and to the people of Australia to examine how and why this tragedy occurred. We cannot just sweep the lives of so many under the carpet and explain it away as an error of judgment or diplomacy. We cannot simply claim that the result of the ballot on 30 August justified the loss of so many innocent people.Whilst we can today in this debate on this motion take pride in the fact that our troops are now in East Timor to uphold the freedoms which are, as I said, enshrined in that Univer sal Declaration on Human Rights, we must also recognise that mistakes have been made in coming to this situation. The price of freedom is eternal vigilance; it is not the slaughter of many lives and the destruction of a fledgling nation. The oft quoted maxim is true: if we do not learn from the mistakes of history we are condemned to repeat them. If we are going to salvage something out of this carnage, if we are going to really help the people of East Timor and restore their confidence, restore their belief that the rest of the international community will protect them, we must examine these important issues now and in the coming months.It has been pointed out that there were warnings about the likely catastrophe if the people voted for independence. It has been pointed out that many were calling for a peacekeeping force to be installed in East Timor prior to the ballot on 30 August. Indeed, we recall that the date for the ballot was on a couple of occasions delayed because of the security problems within East Timor. The government's response is that this was tried; that pressure was applied to Indonesia to accept a peacekeeping force prior to the conduct of the ballot, but that they would not agree. It has been stated that it was simply not possible to get Indonesia to accept that proposition. The plain fact is, as events have shown, that we did not try hard enough. The very fact that Indonesia has been forced to accept a peacekeeping force, has been forced to accept the will and the determination of the international community, the pressure particularly from the United States and from the United Nations, demonstrates that, with sufficient pressure, they could well have been put into a position where they would have had to accept it prior to the ballot.Much has been made of the dogged persistence of the Prime Minister at the APEC meeting in Auckland in pressuring other countries for support. I recognise and pay tribute to the Prime Minister's dogged persistence in those discussions that took place. Much has been made of his determination to pressure Indonesia to accept the peacekeeping force. Much has been made of his dogged persistence to pressure the US into using its influence to get Indonesia to agree to a peacekeeping force. But the question that hangs in the air is—and I do not restrict it just to the Prime Minister—why didn't we try harder before the ballot? Why didn't we see that same dogged persistence and determination evident then? This is not said with the benefit of hindsight. There were numerous warnings, even from the East Timorese leaders, about the dangers of simply relying upon the Indonesian military to respect the result of the ballot and to maintain security.Today we have heard some government speakers—I recall Senator Newman particularly—who have tried to politicise this debate and deflect criticism from the opposition by claiming that, in our 13 years of government, we never pursued an independence plebiscite. That is true. But, given the aftermath of the recent ballot, I do not think the government should be using that as an argument. I also notice that in recent days the government has endeavoured to make some political capital from this issue by drawing a distinction between their approach to the relationship with Indonesia when they came to office and since and that of the former Labor government. I will not take too much time tonight to debate that at this time, except to draw attention to this government's own white paper on foreign and trade policy, issued in August 1997. I ask government senators and members to read the sections in that white paper on our relationship with Indonesia and the East Timor issue.C16HEFFERNANSenator Heffernan—Why didn't Keating take it to cabinet?656Forshaw, Sen MichaelSenator FORSHAW—For the benefit of Senator Heffernan, I will quote from this government's own white paper on foreign and trade policy. This is what the government's own white paper, which was released by Mr Downer and the Hon. Tim Fischer in August 1997, said about our relationship with Indonesia and particularly the East Timor issue. These are the words of this government in its own white paper. I quote from page 62, which says:Australia and Indonesia share significant strategic interests and an expanding structure of consultation and cooperation on strategic issues. This is reflect ed in the historic bilateral Agreement on Maintaining Security, and in the substantial bilateral defence cooperation program. Australia will be working to consolidate and enhance its strategic dialogue with Indonesia.They are the words of this government's senior representatives, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the then Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Trade, in respect of our relationship on defence, strategic and security matters with Indonesia. The same document says:Developments in East Timor will remain important in shaping Australian public attitudes towards Indonesia and Indonesia's standing internationally. Australia will continue to encourage the protection of human rights and an internationally acceptable solution to the problem of East Timor, and believes that this would have a positive impact on Indonesia's international relationships. While the overall administration of the Province is primarily a matter for the Indonesian Government to determine, the Australian Government considers that an improved human rights situation, and a greater role in the administration of the Province for indigenous East Timorese would contribute to an overall resolution of the issue.I invite government senators and members to read the rest of the comments in regard to our relationship with Indonesia in the government's own white paper and to think seriously before they make some of the comments and some of the accusations that they have made in recent days.Let me also recall the circumstances that have surrounded these events. First of all, we have had, only in a short space of time, the collapse of the Suharto regime in Indonesia. We have had, following that, a movement within Indonesia towards democracy and the holding of elections in that country. However, as we know, the processes of democracy have not yet been completed. They will not be completed until the meeting of the Indonesian parliament in November. We have also seen in that time the relaxation of the imprisonment of the East Timorese leader Xanana Gusmao. We have had also, as a backdrop to this developing situation, the economic collapse in Indonesia.All of these events happened quickly and, as I said, the process towards democracy in Indonesia is still to be finalised. In such a rapidly changing political and social environment within Indonesia itself caution should have been the guiding maxim. This was indeed urged by East Timorese leaders such as Bishop Belo and Xanana Gusmao.In all of this we must also look at the role of the United Nations. There is no doubt that the international community must accept responsibility. It was the United Nations that promised the East Timorese that they would be protected. It was the United Nations, the international community, that let them down in their hour of need. The people of East Timor were betrayed. They were told and convinced into believing that if they voted for independence they would be protected. But when the time came to deliver that promise, we—the international community; those with the authority and the power—were unable to deliver on that promise. Sadly, this saga is one more repetition of what has occurred in other countries in recent times—in Rwanda, in Bosnia, in Kosovo and now in East Timor.People throughout this country and, indeed, throughout the world are legitimately asking the question: why is it that the international community—the powerful nations of this world; the United Nations itself—is always too late to get involved in these situations? Why is it that people are slaughtered, people are dispossessed, people are displaced before the international community finally takes some form of action? The United Nations General Assembly is meeting in New York at this very moment. It must critically examine its role and it must develop ways to give effect to the noble words and principles that it so often espouses. It must find a way to prevent the slaughter of thousands of people, rather than reacting to such events after they have occurred.As Edmund Burke, the famous liberal, said: it is necessary only for the good man to do nothing for evil to triumph. Unfortunately, evil has prevailed in East Timor whilst the world has watched and done very little. We who are privileged to live in safe democratic countries all share that responsibility.Let me conclude by reflecting on what we—particularly those of us here in Australia—can do now. Firstly, we have taken a leading role in the peacekeeping force, as we should. Our armed forces will no doubt be a front-line representation of our support for protecting the people and helping to reconstruct this ravaged country. But we must follow this action with other action. We need to continue—and, indeed, increase—our diplomatic pressure on Indonesia and the United Nations to ensure the safety of those refugees now in camps in West Timor. Our efforts in sending in the peacekeepers is only the beginning. We should take steps—as was stated by Senator Cook earlier—to withdraw our recognition of the Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor.We should also immediately reopen the Cox Peninsula transmission station and restore Radio Australia's services, as was indeed recommended in the Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee's report in April 1997. Unfortunately, the severe cuts to Radio Australia have reduced our opportunities to promote our national interests in this region at a time when we most need that service. There are now many people in Indonesia who are probably hearing only one message—that Australia is only interested in gun-boat diplomacy. If we are to get our message out to the people of the region, to tell them that we do want a constructive and friendly relationship with the people of Indonesia, then Radio Australia is fundamental to that objective.We also have to be prepared to provide substantial aid and assistance to the people of East Timor, particularly for the rebuilding of the infrastructure that has been laid waste. We also have to be resolute in supporting the efforts by the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights and others in pursuing the perpetrators of these crimes against humanity.Finally, I wish to pay a special tribute to those incredibly brave journalists, religious and humanitarian representatives and UNAMET personnel who risked—and in some cases gave—their lives in trying to protect the lives of the East Timorese. I do not think any Australian will ever forget listening to the news reports and watching the footage on TV of those people in the UN compound in Dili as they were terrorised by the militia and the military. If not for those few brave people who remained to give them succour and protection, then many more civilians would no doubt have been slaughtered. Their bravery is now being followed up by our armed forces. We wish them well. We wish their families well, and we pray for their safe return.22:52:008568Ludwig, Sen JoeSenator LUDWIG84NQldALP00—I rise to support the motion moved by Senator Alston. Today the Senate has heard from many speakers about the serious circumstances that confront both Timor and Australia. The speakers before me have touched on many matters of great concern. They have spoken about the horrors that have occurred in East Timor.East Timor itself is situated just some 500 kilometres north-west of Darwin—about the same distance as from Brisbane to a country town called Roma in Queensland. Prior to the current turmoil, the population was around 800,000. East Timor has a long association with Australia; however, 1975 was a watershed for East Timor. In August 1975 the Portuguese colonial government withdrew, and the Revolutionary Front for the Independence of East Timor took control.Shortly following this, independence occurred in late November 1975. It should have ended there. This was not to be. The annexation of Indonesia followed. Australia literally turned its back on this action, and the struggle in East Timor began. It did not start recently at the ballot box. It has been a long and difficult road, and the East Timorese have had to travel it mostly alone.This government failed to act quickly for the East Timorese people. It is too easy to blame only the TNI. The East Timorese voted on 30 August 1999 under the eyes of the United Nations. The outcome of the ballot was announced on 4 September 1999. Dili was razed. Some call it `scorched earth'. Labels such as this disguise the true happenings in Dili. The reports that have reached us show a capital sacked and burned, with death and destruction everywhere. People are now hiding in the hills or have been forced into West Timor, and others have fled to Indonesia. It is too easy to describe this terrible result. The true work, the difficult work, is now to secure Timor; restore peace and order; rebuild East Timor; reconstruct schools, hospitals and homes; and pray that the people will return and that there exist facilitative mechanisms to promote this free flow of Timorese back to East Timor.Our troops are now on the ground in East Timor. It is a difficult task that they face. They have my unqualified support. They will experience first-hand the matters that have been debated tonight in the Senate. There is, however, a question that we as a nation must face in this matter. We have the onerous task of slowly and methodically going over the chain of events that led to this terrible ordeal that descended upon the East Timorese people. We as a nation need to critically examine our role in this. We need to do this as a nation.If we do not do this, other parties will. Some will draw adverse conclusions about our actions and our capacity to deal with the crises that confront Australia in its international role in its sphere of influence. By way of example, on 14 March 1999, Mr Brereton was saying that Labor had repeatedly called for the Howard government to give an in principle commitment to participate in a United Nations peacekeeping presence in East Timor. Mr Brereton said:While the transition of East Timor to its future status is underway, it is vital that early international action be initiated to stabilise the situation on the ground and allow East Timorese people to determine their future, free from violence and intimidation.Shortly after that, on 28 March, Mr Brereton said:Plans to hold a ballot to decide East Timor's future may prove to be fraught with difficulty, indeed danger, in the absence of a process of disarmament verified by an effective United Nations peace keeping presence.Mr Brereton's press statements as shadow minister for foreign affairs continued to point to the right path for Australia to take. However, the spirit of cooperation in politics failed. His messages were misinterpreted or bluntly ignored. We now have a force not of peacekeepers, as we really should have, but of soldiers who will need to restore law and order.Clearly, our troops are there with our utter support. I pray that they will be kept safe. I do know that they are well-trained and capable soldiers. It is incumbent on government to ensure not only that their needs are now catered for but also that their families are not ignored and that they remain firmly in the loop. Efforts need to be made to ensure that good clear lines of communication are maintained for partners and families. In addition, it is necessary that the Minister for Defence reconsider the effect on the ADF of his policy on the fringe benefits tax. Symbols like this will send unqualified support to the ADF. In addition, it is necessary that, when they return, proper services are put in place to ensure that they are debriefed not only in the military sense but also because they will have experienced a range of circumstances that, gratefully, most Australians will never face.The minister, Mr Downer, stated in a press statement on 20 September 1999 that Australia's lead role in the multinational peacekeeping force in East Timor `could be wound up before Christmas' and that INTERFET `would probably complete its task in three months'. I seek some comfort from this, but it is not enough to rely on this. The government must plan for contingencies. It is not enough to be hopeful that circumstances will draw to a close in three months.However, it is critical that this government also look to the future and examine its ability to respond over time to this crisis and others. The government needs to assure the Australian community that it can and will maintain soldiers in the field for as long as it takes. It can be done; it requires planning now—planning that this government needs to take, such as making sure that the part-time army is well resourced and that a new cooperative spirit is put in place to ensure that employers recognise the contribution that they make and can make in times like this. Legislation to encourage job security for part-time soldiers and recognition of part-time service is long overdue.I have received many faxes and emails from people who are concerned about the situation in East Timor. The faxes and emails call on us as politicians to do whatever is necessary to help restore law and order in East Timor. A concerned person from Toowoomba begged—and I am paraphrasing here—that we bring pressure to alleviate the suffering in East Timor. Another asked senators to use their influence to help East Timor. The email went on to say that they felt deep shame at the lack of effective action taken by our Prime Minister and the desperate state we have left these people in after encouraging them to vote for independence.On a saddening note, some of the messages I have received do not portray Indonesia in a positive light. Efforts need to be put in to make it plain that our concern is not with the people of Indonesia. Some quarters may wrongly use this opportunity to drive a wedge between us and Indonesia or for other ill-conceived purposes. Australia is part of the Asia-Pacific region. Our place is to be understanding and caring, and to lead by example in the region. This does not mean that those individuals responsible for the horrors which have occurred should not be brought to account. It is clear that we must spend time reiterating this point.It is also necessary to recognise the contribution of our union movement. It has taken action when the government was silent. Our humanitarian response has been and needs to be swift and generous. The safe haven visa is one response that is applauded. This government must not rest now; it must continue to challenge and explore all possibilities. In addition, community support for the ADF is to be encouraged. I encourage citizens to embrace programs that demonstrate support for our ADF.Question resolved in the affirmative.Adjournment857010000ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENTThe ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT (Senator Sherry)—Order! The motion having been approved, I propose the question:That the Senate do now adjourn.857023:01:008570Tierney, Sen JohnSenator TIERNEYO15NSWLP10—Tonight I rise to declare my formal position on the issue of Australia becoming a republic. I entered the Senate eight years ago as a constitutional monarchist and stand here tonight as a republican. My journey over this time parallels that of many of my colleagues. In the federal parliamentary Liberal Party at present, the balance between the constitutional monarchists and the republicans stands at about fifty-fifty. This is a major shift in Liberal Party sentiment.It was only five years ago that the Young Liberals in Sydney had the temerity to suggest to the state council of the party that they should debate the proposition that Australia become a republic—just debate it. The motion created uproar. A mere five years later, such a suggestion would be considered passe.Leading the debate in the councils of the Liberal Party at that time was Marise Payne. Three years before entering the Senate, Marise Payne stuck to her principles as a member of the Australian Republican Movement and eloquently backed the then unpopular cause of the republic in the councils of the Liberal Party at that time. Tonight I pay tribute to her personal and political courage. With a Senate preselection imminent, it was—to quote Yes, Minister—a `courageous stand'.But, tonight, Senator Payne's stand is not radical. Many Liberals have been won over to the republican cause by the sheer weight of the argument—people like Marie Wood, former President of the Women's Council of the Liberal Party, who would have called herself a conservative. At that time, she and I accepted the traditional monarchist argument that `if it ain't broke, don't fix it'.Of course, our current system of government has served us very well to this point in our political evolution. But as we stand at the beginning of the new century it is time to move on, just as we decided 100 years ago that it was time to move on when we formed the Australian Federation. At that time, Australia was seen as a laboratory for democratic reform. Back then, a growing number of people began to see themselves as liberal democrats, people who rejected tyranny of all kinds—particularly hierarchy and privilege. Indeed, before Federation, in this laboratory we had created for democratic reform, Aus tralia had already achieved secret ballots, universal male voting and the abolition of property qualifications of MPs—all things that we take for granted now but which at the time were considered quite progressive.When we adopted an Australian federation in 1901 under the aegis of the British Empire, we also adapted the British Westminster system of democratic government. This also brought with it for Australia the considerable economic benefits of our special trading arrangements with the British Empire. But during this century our formal ties with Britain have slowly faded. Special trading arrangements ended in 1962 when Britain entered the European Economic Community. In 1971 Britain shut down its defence presence east of Suez. God Save the Queen was replaced by Advance Australia Fair in 1984. And appeals to the Privy Council formally ended with the passage of the Australia Act in 1986. Now, as we stand on the edge of a new century, the ties to our former colonial master are purely symbolic.Just as we grasped change at the end of the l9th century, it is now time, at the end of the 20th century, to move on. Now it is time to take the next step in our political evolution. If our symbolic ties to the British monarchy serve no useful economic, political or strategic value, why keep them and create an impression in the rest of the world that Australia is not a truly independent nation?This point was brought home to me very starkly during a luncheon in honour of the United States President, Bill Clinton, in 1997 in parliament's Great Hall. Like many of my colleagues, I crossed the Rubicon between the constitutional monarchy and the republic at the point of toasts offered by the Prime Minister and the US President. Mr Howard toasted the President of the United States. Mr Clinton toasted Queen Elizabeth II. The protocol was impeccable but the exchange seemed totally bizarre to many observers.It is time to move on and to become a truly independent nation in reality and perception.It is time for an Australian republic. We have spent most of the 1990s debating what shape a republic would take. The proposed republic represents a small evolutionary step, much smaller than the step we took in 1901.It is unfortunate that such a reasonable proposition has been subjected to such a smear campaign by some of the pro status quo mob. Terms like ethnic cleansing and appeasers, invoking the images of the German Weimar Republic before the rise of Hitler and talk of a possible coup have no place in this debate. Such a campaign has been branded as inflammatory, unnecessary and irrational.As the Attorney-General, Daryl Williams, has pointed out, what is proposed is a small but very important change for Australia. The model is home grown. The proposal does not affect the present powers in the Constitution. It would not give the President more powers than or different powers from the Queen's representative in Australia, the Governor-General. We are assured of this by the Attorney-General, Daryl Williams, former Governor-General Sir Zelman Cowan and two former High Court chief justices, Sir Anthony Mason and Sir Gerard Brennan.Surely this is an evolutionary improvement—a less capricious selection of a head of state while maintaining the rest of our political system with all its checks and balances. We will keep our two houses of parliament, our Prime Minister, our legal system, our Constitution, our flag and our membership of the British Commonwealth. Let us seize this historic opportunity to have a head of state chosen on merit, not by privilege of birth—an Australian President who represents our unique Australian identity as we face the new millennium, someone who will proudly promote Australia and our interests first, someone who is one of us. I urge all my colleagues to support the yes case for an Australian republic at the November referendum. A republic will deliver a fully independent Australia in perception and reality.Senate adjourned at 11.09 p.m.Answers to Questions on Notice8572The following answers to questions were circulated:8572(Question No. 604)6048572Bourne, Sen VickiSenator BourneTW4NSWAD00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Foreign Affairs, upon notice, on 18 March 1999:With reference to the huge debt incurred by the world's poorest nations and their increasing inability to repay their donor countries:(1) Does the Minister agree that the heavily indebted poor countries initiative makes an important advance in international debt relief strategies to enable human and social development in some of the world's poorest nations.(2) (a) Does the Government support this initiative; and (b) in what practical ways will the Government demonstrate that it is committed to poverty reduction and human development not only in our region but throughout the world.(3) Can a list be provided of the countries that owe a debt to Australia.(4) What are the levels of that debt.(5) What goods or services have been purchased by those countries to incur that debt.(6) What would the impact on Australia's economy be, if Australia were to retire the debt of those nations in accordance with a heavily indebted poor countries initiative, such as Jubilee 2000.8572Hill, Sen RobertSenator HillBH4SALPEnvironment and Heritage10—The Minister for Foreign Affairs has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:This supplementary answer is additional to the answer provided on 11 May 1999.(3), (4) and (5) In addition to debts owed to Australia by Ethiopia, Nicaragua and Vietnam, a fourth Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC), Lao People's Democratic Republic, has a sovereign debt with Australia. The debt owed to Australia by Lao PDR was A$803,194 as at 31 December 1998 and A$189,321 as at 31 July 1999. The debt is on an export credit loan provided by the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation (EFIC) for steel bridging components.8572(Question No. 682)6828572O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, upon notice, on 21 April 1999:(1) Is the Bureau of Air Safety Investigation (BASI) required to fully investigate all confidential aviation incident reports (CAIRs).(2) Was a CAIR submitted to BASI concerning a breakdown in separation, on 28 January 1999, between a Cessna twin-engine aircraft, which was in cloud on final approach for runway 15 at Cairns and a Navajo aircraft, which was turned in front of the Cessna by Cairns air traffic control (ATC).(3) Did BASI immediately move to ensure that the Cairns radar tapes relating to the above incident were secure so they would be available for its investigation; if not, why not.(4) Did BASI immediately advise Airservices Australia (ASA) of the incident; if so, when was ASA contacted; if not, why not.(5) Did BASI interview any of the ATC staff at Cairns who were on duty at the time of the incident and the pilots of the aircraft involved; if not, why not.(6) (a) Did the ATC manager at Cairns Airport advise the BASI investigator that the incident did not require further investigation; and (b) what was the investigator's response to that advice.(7) Did BASI suspend its inquiries into the incident as a result of the advice from the Cairns ATC manager.(8) Did Cairns ATC management advise controllers at that airport to disregard the CAIR into the breakdown of two aircraft at the airport on 28 January 1999; if so, what was the basis for that advice.(9) (a) What were the findings of the BASI investigations; and (b) can a copy be provided of both the interim and final BASI reports.(10) What actions did ASA take following the receipt of the BASI report on the incident at Cairns Airport on 28 January 1999.8572Macdonald, Sen IanSenator Ian MacdonaldYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—The Minister for Transport and Regional Services has provided the following answers to the honourable senator's questions:(1) No. The Bureau of Air Safety Investigation (BASI) has advised that Section 19CB of the Air Navigation Act 1920 (the Act) determines the Director's powers to investigate accidents etc., in particular, Sub Section 19CB(2), does not impose on the Director [of BASI] any duty to investigate a particular accident, serious incident, incident or safety deficiency. Sub Section 19CB(3) of the Act determines that the Director is not subject to any liability whatever for failing to investigate a particular accident, serious incident, incident or safety deficiency.(2) Yes. BASI has advised that a CAIR report was received on 3 February 1999. The report mainly concerned local Cairns ATC management issues, but also alleged a breakdown in separation standards on 28 January 1999 near Cairns. The report did not provide sufficient information to identify the aircraft allegedly involved.(3) No. BASI has advised that other than the CAIR report received on 3 February 1999 alleging a breakdown of separation standards, no incident reports had been received from pilots or air traffic controllers reporting the same occurrence. (Had a breakdown in separation standards occurred, incident reports would have been expected from the pilots and air traffic controllers involved as it is a requirement under the Act that occurrences involving a breakdown in separation standards are immediately notified to BASI.) On 18 February the CAIR reporter was interviewed, and the breakdown in separation standards issue was raised. Based on the information provided in that interview, the radar and audio tapes were requested from Airservices Australia. The recorded radar data was not available as the tapes had since been recycled in accordance with normal operational practice. Information gained from recorded audio transmissions could not corroborate the reported breakdown in separation.(4) BASI has advised that the existence of a CAIR report was briefly mentioned to the Manager of Air Traffic Services Cairns in early February 1999 during a conversation on another matter. Airservices advises that it was not provided with sufficient detail to take any action until 18 February when a request was received from BASI for audio and radar tapes.(5) BASI has advised that the Manager of Cairns ATC, the Tower and Terminal Control Unit "Stream Specialists" and the CAIR reporter were interviewed a number of times. The CAIR report did not provide sufficient information to identify the aircraft allegedly involved.(6) No.(7) No.(8) No. ATC management reiterated to controllers the requirement to report any incidents.(9) (a) and (b) BASI has advised that its initial inquiries determined that there was insufficient evidence to warrant further investigation.(10) Upon receipt of information pertaining to the CAIR report alleging a breakdown of separation Cairns Airservices management immediately commenced a preliminary investigation. 8573(Question No. 706)7068573Evans, Sen ChrisSenator Chris EvansAX5WAALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Aged Care, upon notice, on 28 April 1999:With reference to the current capital activity in the residential aged care sector and, in particular, a circular sent to the industry on 22 April 1999 in which the Minister states that, `upgrades, rebuilds and new facilities worth an estimated $409 million were completed during the survey period of 1 October 1997 to 30 June 1998':(1) (a) On what information was this estimate based; and (b) can a copy of this information be provided.(2) What information was provided by the industry to support this estimate.(3) If a survey was carried out across the industry, what are the details of that survey, including the numbers surveyed, the number of responses and the distribution of those surveyed.(4) When was any information from the industry provided.(5) Of the $409 million, how much was spent: (a) on upgrades and rebuilds; (b) building new facilities; (c) on low-care facilities; (e) on high-care facilities; (f) in privately run facilities; (g) in not-for-profit facilities (h) in each state/territory; and (i) in rural/remote regions.(6) Does the $409 million include Commonwealth capital grants under the previous funding arrangements; if so, how much were these grants worth.(7) How much of the $409 million spent in this period was spent in combination with Commonwealth capital grants under the previous funding arrangements.(8) How much was provided to the sector in the 1996-97, 1997-98 and 1998-99 financial years through capital grants under the previous funding arrangements.(9) Does the $409 million include the annual $10 million capital funding pool for rural areas and the $20 million special capital funding pool announced in 1998.(10) With reference to the statement in the Minister's circular that projects worth an estimated $317 million were in progress: Given that it is not clear when the estimate is current, when was there an estimated $317 million worth of projects in progress.(11) Of the $317 million, how much was being spent: (a) on upgrades and rebuilds; (b) building new facilities; (c) on low-care facilities; (d) on high-care facilities; (e) in privately run facilities; (f) in not-for-profit facilities; (g) in each state/territory; and (h) in rural/remote regions.(12) Does the $317 million include Commonwealth capital grants under the previous funding arrangements; if so, how much were these grants worth.(13) How much of the $317 million spent in this period was spent in combination with Commonwealth capital grants under the previous funding arrangements.(14) Does the $317 million include the annual $10 million capital funding pool for rural areas and the $20 million special capital funding pool announced in 1998.(15) Does the fall from $409 million to $317 million represent a fall in capital investment in the residential aged care industry.(16) (a) What estimates does the department have for future development within the sector; and (b) what is the basis for these estimates.(17) (a) What departmental processes are in place to monitor capital development within the sector; and (b) will the department produce regular updates on the capital activity in the sector.(18) What is the process by which the department monitors the use of: (a) the accommodation charge in upgrading capital infrastructure; and (b) the concessional resident subsidy in upgrading capital infrastructure.8574Herron, Sen JohnSenator HerronVW4QLDLPAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs10—The Minister for Aged Care has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:Due to an administrative error by the Department of Health and Aged Care, the second page of questions Senator Evans asked were not addressed in my previous answer to question No. 706. These questions are included in the answer below.(1) (a) The estimate of $409 million was based on a survey of facilities that were required to report on their upgrading, rebuilding and new building activity. Facilities were required to report the actual cost of projects completed during the period from 1 October 1997 to 30 June 1998. The results of the survey were projected industry wide to produce the estimate.(b) A copy of the survey instrument requesting the building activity information is at Attachment A.(2) Facilities reported the actual cost of upgrading, rebuilding and new building projects completed during the period from 1 October 1997 to 30 June 1998.(3) The survey was conducted across all services (approximately 3030). The survey was completed and returned by 1685 services, or about 56% of all services. The distribution of responses and those surveyed is presented at Attachment B.(4) The survey was conducted during August and September of 1998.(5) Of the $409 million,(a) $255 million was reported as spent on upgrades and rebuilds;(b) $154 million was reported as spent on new facilities;(c) $192 million was reported as spent by low care facilities;(e) $218 million was reported as spent by high care facilities;(f) $104 million was reported as spent by private facilities;(g) $249 million was reported as spent by religious and charitable facilities (the balance of $56 million was reported as spent by Government and Ex-Government facilities);(h) The amount reported as spent in each state and territory is as follows:State Amount reportedStateAmount reportedNSW$142 millionVIC$119 millionQLD$86 millionWA$20 millionSA$27 millionTAS$13 millionACT$1.33 millionNT$0.29 million(i) $119 million was reported as being spent in rural and remote areas.(6) The survey did not include questions on whether the facilities were in receipt of Commonwealth capital funding.(7) The survey did not include questions on whether the facilities were in receipt of Commonwealth capital funding.(8) Actual Expenditure (please note that capital expenditure for these years reflects capital grant approvals for years before 1996-97):1996-97—$105.2 million; 1997-98—$39.8 million; 1998-99—$ 26.4 million to 30 April 1999.(9) The $409 million does not include funding from the Targeted Capital Assistance pool or the Industry Restructuring pool as this funding was not taken up by industry until after the survey period.(10) The estimate of $317 million worth of projects in progress was based on a survey that covered the period from 1 October 1997 to 30 June 1998. The estimate therefore refers to the estimatedcost on completion of upgrading projects in progress on 30 June 1998.(11) In relation to the $317 million,(a) $225 million was reported as the cost on completion of upgrades and rebuilds;(b) $92 million was reported as the cost on completion of new facilities;(c)$111 million was reported as the cost of projects on completion by low care facilities;(d) $206 million was reported as the cost of projects on completion by high care facilities;(e) $59 million was reported as the cost of projects on completion by private facilities;(f) $218 million was reported as the cost of projects on completion by religious and charitable facilities (the balance of $40 million was reported as the cost of projects on completion by Government and Ex-Government facilities);(g) The amount reported as the cost of projects on completion in each state and territory is as follows:State Amount reportedStateAmount reportedNSW$133 millionVIC$78 millionQLD$42 millionWA$19 millionSA$32 millionTAS$11 millionACT$2 millionNT$0(h) $119 million was reported as the cost of projects on completion in rural and remote areas.(12) The survey did not include questions on whether the facilities were in receipt of Commonwealth capital funding.(13) The survey did not include questions on whether the facilities were in receipt of Commonwealth capital funding.(14) The $317 million does not include funding from the Targeted Capital Assistance pool or the Industry Restructuring pool as this funding was not taken up by industry until after the survey period.(15) The difference between the $409 million and $317 million amounts does not represent a fall in capital investment in the residential care industry. The $409 million amount represents the estimated building activity completed during the period from 1 October 1997 to 30 June 1998, while the $317 million amount is the estimated cost on completion of projects that were in progress on 30 June 1998. Other projects would have commenced after 30 June 1998.(16) (a) The Department has just initiated another survey of building activity within the sector. This survey will be used for estimating the amount of building activity for the financial year 1998-99. (b) The basis for these estimates will again be the extrapolation of the results of the survey across the sector.(17) (a) The Department has just initiated another survey of building activity within the sector for the financial year 1998-99. The survey will be conducted annually. (b) The Department will be including the results of these surveys annually as part of an Annual Report on the Operations of the Aged Care Act 1997. These reports will be publicly available.(18) The Department monitors building activity annually through the survey of building and upgrading activity. The survey also gathers infor mation on the amounts of accommodation bonds and charges that facilities are charging. Services that do not invest in capital upgrading and subsequently cannot meet strict building certificationrequirements cannot ask residents to pay accommodation charges or bonds. Services whose quality of care and services do not satisfy the accreditation standards by January 2001 will not be funded.Attachment ACopies of the attachment are available from the Table Office.Attachment BDistribution of responses.RegionFacilitiesResponsesResponse RateCapital City174990651.8%Other metropolitan20611957.8%Rural98662363.2%Remote843744.0%StateACT221359.1%NSW95554256.8%NT15746.7%QLD48627656.8%SA31218158.0%TAS1057874.3%VIC84843150.8%WA28215755.7%Facility TypeHostel150988858.8%NursingHome145576952.9%New612845.9%Facility Size0-20 residents51525749.9%21-40 residents128775658.7%>40 residents122367254.9%8576(Question No. 1150)11508576Evans, Sen ChrisSenator Chris EvansAX5WAALP00 asked the Minister for Family and Community Services, upon notice, on 28 June 1999:With reference to the Commonwealth Childcare Program, In-Service Training, Field Staff Resources Pool and Quality Improvement and Accreditation Support grants for the 1999-2000 financial year:(1) What was the total funding provided for these projects in the 1996, 1997 and 1998 calendar years.(2) Can a list be provided of: (a) the organisations which received grants in 1996, 1997 and 1998 calender years; (b) the amount that each received; and (c) the purpose of the grant. (3) Has the department written to organisations that have received grants in previous years advising them that funding could not be guaranteed to continue in the 1999-2000 financial year.(4) Have officers of the department provided oral advice to organisations that have received grants in previous years that the 1999-2000 financial year grants are to be put out to competitive tender and they would shortly receive a grant equal to 50 per cent of the value of the 1998 grant to maintain funding until the competitive tenders are opened; if so (a) when will the organisations be provided with formal written advice that this decision has been taken; (b) why was this decision taken; (c) will the Minister guarantee that the funding to be opened to tender will also be equivalent to 50 per cent of the total funding for 1998. (5) Is the Minister aware of the criticisms of competitive tendering of welfare services made in the report by Anglicare Australia and the Australia Institute, Competing Interests, in particular, that the authors of this report found that competitive tendering has caused reduction in quality due to the need to produce low-priced quotations and has diminished cooperation between agencies, with a resulting loss in specialist knowledge.(6) Does the Minister consider that competitive tendering could have similar effects on in-service training and other quality enhancing projects in child care; if not, why not.8577Newman, Sen JocelynSenator NewmanBE4TASLPFamily and Community Services; Minister Assisting the Prime Minister for the Status of Women10—The answer to the honourable senator's question is as follows:(1) During 1996, In-service Training (IST) funds were used to enter into calendar year funding agreements. However, since 1 July 1997 In-service Training (IST) funding has been used to enter into financial year funding agreements. Field Staff Resources Pool (FSRP) and Quality Improvement and Accreditation System Training have always been provided on a financial year, rather than calendar year basis.Therefore, for consistency, all data is presented as financial year funding:Funded Item1996-971997-981998-99IST$1,989,775$2,051,429$1,718,525FSRP$998,934$902,994$571,437QIAS Training$1,056,859$1,037,960$894,846(2) In-service Training 1996-97 Financial YearState Territory(a) Organisation(b) AmountNSWCommunity Child Care Cooperative$142,561Network of Community Activities$162,700Western Sydney Regional Organisation of Councils$24,720NSW Family Day Care Association$187,681Contact Incorporated$30,456NSW Association of Children's Services Resource and Support Consultants$73,750Occasional Child Care Association of NSW$21,000Family Resource and Network Support$14,963Awabakal Child Care Service$25,000Youth Action and Policy Association$13,250Country Children's Services Association$38,919Ethnic Child Care Family and Community Services Co-operative$10,000NSW Total$745,000VICCommunity Child Care$284,373Family Day Care Resource Unit$74,574Lady Gowrie Child Centre (Vic)$124,827VIC Total$483,774QLDLady Gowrie Child Centre (Qld)$30,336Family Day Care Assn of Qld$72,786Qld Children's Activities Net$100,208Qld Council of Social Services$129,876QLD Total$333,206SALady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (SA)$125,000Network SA $17,000SA Total$142,000 WAChildren's Services Support Unit$91,278Lady Gowrie Centre (WA) Inc.$54,722WA Total$146,000TASLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (Tas)$32,000Tasmanian Council of Social Services$9,795TAS Total$41,795NTResource & Advisory Program Inc.—Northern Region$29,630NT Southern Region Childrens Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$13,370ACTACT Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$55,000ACT Total$55,000In-service Training 1997-98 Financial YearState Territory(a) Organisation(b) AmountNSWCommunity Child Care Cooperative$147,051Network of Community Activities$206,800Western Sydney Regional Organisation of Councils$11,280NSW Family Day Care Association $229,100Contact Incorporated$15,879NSW Association of Children's Services Resource and Support Consultants$18,221Youth Action and Policy Association$11,750Country Children's Services Association$49,919Dubbo Aboriginal Pre-school$25,000NSW Total$715,000VICLady Gowrie Child Centre (Vic)$120,497Community Child Care$255,513Family Day Care Resource Unit$77,946Youth Advisory Council of Victoria$19,000VIC Total$472,956QLDLady Gowrie Child Centre (Qld)$47,584Family Day Care Assn of Qld$70,765Qld Children's Activities Net$115,297Qld Council of Social Services$144,037Australian Nutrition Foundation Inc$4,000QLD Total$381,683SALady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (SA)$146,000Network SA$17,000SA Total$163,000WAChildren's Services Support Unit$89,933Lady Gowrie Centre (WA) Inc.$74,067WA Total$164,000TASCommunity Focus$5,000Community Childcare Inc.$16,540Lady Gowrie Child Centre Inc. (Tas)$18,460Tasmanian Council of Social Services$3,790Tasmanian Family Day Care Coordinators Association$10,000TAS Total$53,790NTResource & Advisory Program Inc.—Northern Region$39,159NT Southern Region Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$5,841NT Total$45,000ACTACT Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$56,000ACT Total$56,000In-service Training 1998-99 Financial YearState Territory(a) Organisation(b) AmountNSWCommunity Child Care Cooperative$111,000Network of Community Activities$185,000NSW Family Day Care Association$236,000Occasional Child Care Association of NSW$4,000Youth Action and Policy Association$22,350Country Children's Services Association$25,000Birrelee Pre-school Aboriginal Corporation$27,000NSW Total$610,350VICFamily Day Care Resource Unit$75,000Lady Gowrie Child Centre (Vic)$102,000Community Child Care$183,000Youth Advisory Council of Victoria$30,000VIC Total$390,000QLDLady Gowrie Child Centre (Qld)$48,000Family Day Care Assn of Qld$75,625Qld Children's Activities Net$134,375Qld Council of Social Services$120,175QLD Total$378,175SALady Gowrie Child Centre (SA)$105,000SA Total105,000WAChildren's Services Support Unit$89,395Lady Gowrie Centre (WA) Inc.$65,605WA Total$155,000TASLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc. (Tas)$21,200Tasmanian Association of Children's Services $2,540Tasmanian Family Day Care Coordinators Association$1,260TAS Total$25,000NTKidmobile Remote Service$10,600Waltja Tjuntangku Palyapayi$14,400NT Total$25,000ACTACT Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$30,000ACT Total$30,000 Purpose IST: In-Service Training funding is used to purchase short term training projects to ensure child care services have access to appropriate training for the delivering of quality child care.Projects include training and support activities for staff and management committees of Commonwealth funded child care services such as: workshops; seminars; train-the-trainer programs; on-the-job training; state-based conferences; training needs analyses; and development of resources such as kits, booklets, videos, and handbooks.Field Staff Resources pool 1996-97 Financial YearState Territory(a) Organisation(b) AmountNSWNSW Family Day Care Association$71,043KU Children's Services$49,221NSW Family Day Care Association$27,387Network of Community Activities$142,349NSW Total$290,000VICCommunity Child Care$185,312VIC Total$185,312QLDLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (Qld)$154,000QLD Total$154,000SABrompton Parent Child Centre Inc$69,223Lady Gowrie Child Centre (SA)$11,100Direct contract—Manfred Heide$2,000Direct Contract—Janet Robson$7,800Minya Bunhii Children's Centre$1,086Out of School Hours Care Assoc. SA$18,768Direct Contract—Jane Northey$2,000Direct Contract—Bronwyn Keddie$5,069Port Lincoln Childrens Centre$1,770Remote & Isolated Children's Exercise$16,054SA Total$134,870WAChildren's Services Support Unit$73,260Family Day Care Schemes of WA$62,367Riverlinks Child Care Centre$4,125WA Total$139,752TASFamily Day Care Co-ordinators$21,000East Coast Family Day Care$2,000Blackmans Bay Child Care Centre$2,000Huon Valley Council$2,000Lady Gowrie Child Centre Inc. (Tas)$4,000TAS Total$31,000NTBatchelor College$16,442Central Australian Family Resource Centre$9,157NT Southern Region Childrens Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$19,401NT Total$45,000ACTACT Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$19,000ACT Total$19,000Field Staff Resources Pool 1997-98 Financial YearState Territory(a) Organisation(b) AmountNSWContact Incorporated$47,707Network of Community Activities$120,006NSW Family Day Care Assoc.$51,618NSW Total$219,331VICCommunity Child Care$122,506Family Day Care Resource Unit$23,000Wimmera Community Care$30,000VIC Total$175,506QLDLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (Qld)$100,530QLD Total$100,530SABrompton Parent Child Centre$61,272Local Government Association$30,875Out of School Hours Care Assoc. SA$61,916SA Total$154,063WAChildren's Services Support Unit$92,329Bojanning Aboriginal Progress Association$2,803Family Day Care Schemes of WA$56,180Shire of Manjimup$3,400Tree House Child Care Centre$4,125WA Total$158,837TASGlenorchy City Council$5,000Lady Gowrie Child Centre Inc. (Tas)$4,000Family Day Care Coordinators$5,000TAS Total$14,000NTNT Council of Social Services$45,100Kidmobile Remote Service$17,950Nemarluk Special School$386Nguiu Community Govt.$2,003Ramingining Community Council$1,980Yirrkala Dhanbul Community Council$2,574NT Southern Region Childrens Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$10,734NT Total$80,727Field Staff Resources Pool 1998-99 Financial YearState Territory(a) Organisation(b) AmountNSWNetwork of Community Activities$102,280KU Children's Services$20,000SDN Children's Services$20,000NSW Family Day Care Association$15,000Family Support Services Association$17,720NSW Total$175,000VICCommunity Child Care$50,506Victorian Aboriginal Education Association Incorporated$15,000VIC Total$65,506QLDLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (Qld)$65,000QLD Total$65,000SABrompton Parent Child Centre$66,148Ceduna Child Care Centre$706Remote & Isolated Children's Exercise $1,100Carol Murray Children's Centre$17,416Maralinga Tjarutja Inc$8,461Murray Bridge Child Care Centre$8,100Out of School Hours Care Assoc. SA $31,003SA Total$132,934 WAChildren's Services Support Unit$42,997Family Day Care Schemes of WA$25,000WA Total$67,997TASBlackmans Bay Childcare Centre$21,500Lady Gowrie Child Centre Inc. (Tas)$3,500TAS Total$25,000NTResource & Advisory Program Inc.—Northern Region$30,000NT Total$30,000ACTSnow & Associates (Consultants)$10,000ACT Total$10,000(d) Purpose—FSRP: FSRP funding is used to fund short term projects that assist with the rationale, planning and development of children's services throughout Australia. Projects include: short-term employment of field workers to assist with the establishment of new childcare places and community based or non-profit services; and research of the specific child care needs of high need areas.QIAS Training 1996-97 Financial YearState Territory(a) Organisation(b) AmountNSWLady Gowrie Child Centre (NSW)$376,000VICLady Gowrie Child Centre (Vic)$212,860QLDLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (Qld)$206,775Queensland Council of Social Service Inc$23,224SALady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (SA)$59,000WALady Gowrie Centre (WA) Inc.$108,000TASLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc. (Tas)$20,000NTNT Southern Region Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$5,440Resource & Advisory Program Inc.—Northern Region$26,560ACTACT Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$19,000QIAS Training 1997-98 Financial YearState Territory(a) Organisation(b) AmountNSWLady Gowrie Child Centre (NSW)$377,000VICLady Gowrie Child Centre (Vic)$190,960QLDLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (Qld)$230,000SALady Gowrie Child Centre Inc (SA)$59,000WALady Gowrie Centre (WA) Inc.$108,000TASLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc. (Tas)$22,000NTNT Southern Region Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$6,400Resource & Advisory Program Inc.—Northern Region$25,600ACTACT Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$19,000QIAS Training 1998-99 Financial YearState Territory(a) Organisation(b) AmountNSWLady Gowrie Child Centre (NSW)$287,000VICLady Gowrie Child Centre (Vic)$177,846QLDLady Gowrie Child Centre (Qld)$219,000SALady Gowrie Child Centre (SA)$51,000WALady Gowrie Centre (WA) Inc.$96,000TASLady Gowrie Child Centre Inc. (Tas)$19,000NTNT Southern Region Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$8,400Resource & Advisory Program Inc.—Northern Region$19,600ACTACT Children's Services Resource & Advisory Program Inc.$17,000Purpose—QIAS Training. QIAS Training funds are used for purchasing short-term training and/or support projects to assist long day care services participating in the QIAS.Traditionally, the Department has provided separate funding for IST and QIAS Training, however, as of 1 July 1999, these two items have merged to form a single pool of In-service Training funding to accommodate all training associated with child care quality and quality assurance issues.Funding Agreements for IST, FSRP and QIAS Training are short-term (no longer than 12 months) agreements. The conclusion date of the work to be performed, and the associated funding, is clearly specified as part of the formal agreement.With the exception of the training agencies funded through the Department's Offices in South Australia, Australian Capital Territory and Northern Territory, all training agencies for 1998-99 have been provided written confirmation of the conclusion date for their funding agreement. The variation in approach reflects the discretionary powers devolved to the State and Territory Offices, to negotiate and manage funding agreements to meet their local circumstances.No. However, the Department is wishing to test the market with at least a portion of the In-service Training funds in 1999-2000. This has lead to two training agencies, in New South Wales, being offered 1999-2000 IST funding agreements equivalent to 50% of the funding awarded to them in 1998-99, with advice that further IST project work will be contracted by tender processes.Yes.No. In-service Training (including QIAS training) and FSRP funding is used to enter into funding agreements for the provision of short-term training, support and/or research projects and not to purchase welfare services. 8583(Question No. 1168)11688583O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, upon notice, on 5 July 1999:(1) Is the Civil Aviation Safety Authority to be the subject of an audit by the International Civil Aviation Organisation in August 1999; if so, on whose initiative is the audit to take place.(2) On how many occasions has such an audit taken place.(3) Who will actually undertake the audit.8583Macdonald, Sen IanSenator Ian MacdonaldYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—The Minister for Transport and Regional Services has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:(1) Yes. The International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) conducted a safety audit of Australia from 9—20 August 1999. The 32nd Session of the ICAO Assembly (Montreal, September/October 1998) unanimously adopted Resolution A32-11 regarding the establishment of an ICAO Universal Safety Oversight Audit program providing for regular, mandatory, systematic and harmonised safety audits to be carried out by ICAO. The audit examined Australia's compliance with safety-related standards and recommended practices of ICAO. ICAO intends to conduct audits of all 185 Contracting States over the 1999-2001 triennium.(2) This was the first audit of Australia under ICAO's Universal Safety Oversight Audit program.(3) The audit was undertaken by a team selected by ICAO, comprising staff of the ICAO Secretariat and experts seconded to the program by other Contracting States. 8584(Question No. 1169)11698584O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, upon notice, on 5 July 1999: (1) Have any internal reviews by officers, or consultants, of the Civil Aviation Safety Authority into the authority's compliance with International Civil Aviation Organisation standards taken place since March 1996; if so: (a) when did each review take place; (b) who undertook each review; and (c) what was the outcome of each review.(2) Who determined that the above reviews take place.(3) If there have been no reviews undertaken, why not.8584Macdonald, Sen IanSenator Ian MacdonaldYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—The Minister for Transport and Regional Services has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:(1) The Civil Aviation Safety Authority (CASA) is conducting a comprehensive review of Australia's aviation safety regulatory framework. The purpose of the review is to produce regulations that are simpler, easier to follow and harmonised with international standards and practices. An important element of this process has been consideration of standards and recommended practices promulgated by the International Civil Aviation Organisation.(2) See (1) above.(3) See (1) above.8584(Question No. 1197)11978584O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, upon notice, on 13 July 1999:(1) On how many occasions did the Board of the Civil Aviation Safety Authority (CASA) consider any aspect of the operation of Aquatic Air and the relationship between CASA and that operator.(2) What were the dates of the CASA Board meetings at which matters, either directly or indirectly relating to Aquatic Air were considered.(3) On how many occasions did the Board Safety Committee of the Civil Aviation Safety Authority consider any aspect of the operation of Aquatic Air and the relationship between CASA and that operator. (4) What were the dates of the CASA Board Safety Committee meetings at which matters either directly or indirectly relating to Aquatic Air were considered.8584Macdonald, Sen IanSenator Ian MacdonaldYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—The Minister for Transport and Regional Services has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:The Civil Aviation Safety Authority's effective corporate governance depends on the ability of Board members to engage in full and frank debate about safety issues. Providing public information about the details of Board discussions relating to an individual airline may impinge on future discussions and restrict the Board's ability to undertake the onerous responsibilities that they have been given.CASA has advised, however, that Aquatic Air was considered by the Board on at least a dozen occasions and by the Board Safety Committee on at least nine occasions.8584(Question No. 1214)12148584O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, upon notice, on 26 July 1999:(1) Is Airservices Australia upgrading and extending the National Aeronautical Information Processing System; if so: (a) when was the decision taken to upgrade and extend the system; (b) who made that decision; (c) when will the work be completed; and (d) what will the upgrade and extension cost.(2) Has Airservices Australia engaged any consultants as part of the process of upgrading and extending the system; if so was the consultancy the subject of a tender process; if not, why not.8584Macdonald, Sen IanSenator Ian MacdonaldYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—The Minister for Transport and Regional Services has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:Airservices Australia has advised that:(1) Yes.(a) and (b) The National Aeronautical Information Processing System (NAIPS) is a software program supporting the delivery of briefing information, the processing of Notices to Airmen (NOTAM) and the processing of flight plans. As such it is subject to continuous improvement, with each improvement being subject to the preparation of a business case and the necessary approvals. (c) NAIPS upgrades and enhancements are ongoing activities that are programmed to meet customer needs through out the asset life. Each enhancement stage has its own specific implementation schedule. The program is reviewed annually to ensure that appropriate benefits are associated with any expenditure.(d) A total of $725K was spent on NAIPS upgrades and enhancements during 1998/99 and $656K is budgeted for 1999/00. A further $450K is included in Airservices project expenditure program for 2000/01.(2) Airservices uses contractors when necessary to supplement its NAIPS development and support team. Airservices was originally tied to a single supplier for all NAIPS software support. However, to reduce costs, a more cost effective method of using a combination of internal and contract staff has been adopted. As such, Airservices has retained two contractors on a fixed daily rate to support NAIPS. A separate contract is being let with a specialist software house to assist in introducing an Internet facility. Given the limited availability of qualified contractors to assist in the NAIPS activities, formal tendering was not used on these occasions.8585(Question No. 1215)12158585O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, upon notice, on 26 July 1999:(1) How many regional airlines currently have access to the National Aeronautical Information Processing System.(2) Does Airservices Australia have a program to extend access to the system to all regional airlines, training schools and other regular flying organisations such as the Royal Flying Doctor Service; if so: (a) what is the current timetable for the roll-out of the system; (b) what is the cost of the roll-out of the system to Airservices Australia; and (c) what is the cost to individual system users.(3) What savings, in the form of reduced labour needs, will result from the full roll-out of the system.(4) What is the scheduled reduction in staff involved in the provision of flight information services as the system is extended.(5) What arrangements does Airservices Australia have in place to ensure adequate staff are available to provide flight information services if there is a delay in the roll-out and upgrade of the system.8585Macdonald, Sen IanSenator Ian MacdonaldYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—The Minister for Transport and Regional Services has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:Airservices Australia has advised that:(1) Access to the National Aeronautical Information Processing System (NAIPS) is available to all regional airlines through the pilot access functionality, provided they have suitable computing equipment including a modem. At this stage only a small number of regional airlines are using the system.(2) Yes.(a) The roll out of the new pilot access functionality is currently taking place with the timetable to have the majority of regional airlines using the system by 1 December 1999. Other users will be encouraged to use this method of access on an ongoing basis.(b) Airservices' cost of the roll out of the new interface is part of the cost of a number of interrelated improvements being introduced through the Aeronautical Data Service business strategy and has not been separately costed. Information on the overall cost is provided in response to Senate Question on Notice Number 1214.(c) The software to use the NAIPS pilot access functionality is being provided by Airservices free of charge and currently access is via a toll free number. The cost of providing the overall briefing service is included in other charges such as enroute charges.(3) The savings will depend on the number of electronic users, but are expected to be up to $4m per annum.(4) It is anticipated that up to 40 staff may be affected.(5) Reductions in staffing levels will occur as workload falls and management will ensure staff are not released prematurely.8585(Question No. 1227)12278585O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, upon notice, on 5 August 1999:(1) Has the Australian Maritime Safety Authority (AMSA) investigated the safety problems associated with a multiplicity of interfering signals from many radiating 121.5 megahertz emergency beacons within a small area as occurred in the 1998 Sydney to Hobart yacht race; if so:(a) has the investigation been completed;(b) what other agencies and organisations were involved in the investigation; and (c) what was the outcome of the investigation.(2) Can a copy be provided of the report of the investigation.(3) If there has been no investigation by AMSA of this matter, why not.8586Macdonald, Sen IanSenator Ian MacdonaldYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—The Minister for Transport and Regional Services has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:(1) Following the 1998 Sydney to Hobart Yacht Race, the Australian Maritime Safety Authority (AMSA) conducted a questionnaire of aircraft pilots involved in the search and rescue effort. The purpose of the questionnaire was to establish whether lessons could be learned from their experiences and observations. Of the 52 questions in the questionnaire, two related to the effects of multiple signals from emergency beacons in the search area.In addition AMSA has responded to the Cruising Yacht Club of Australia's (CYCA) investigation of the race. AMSA's advice relating to multiple beacon signals is reflected in the CYCA's `Report of the 1998 Sydney Hobart Race Review Committee'.AMSA is also assisting with the Coronial Inquest into the race and has provided material on emergency beacons, to the Inquest.(a) AMSA's questionnaire of pilots involved in the search and rescue effort is complete.(b) Apart from the pilots involved in the search and rescue effort, no other agencies or organisations were involved in AMSA's questionnaire.(c) Nine of the 13 respondents indicated that search aircraft experienced difficulties because of the multiple beacon signals. Three survey responses also provided some suggestions as to how such difficulties might be alleviated in future incidents. This information has been taken directly from the two relevant questions contained in the survey.(2) AMSA has not prepared a report of its questionnaire of aircraft pilots involved in the search and rescue effort.(3) Refer to Question 1.8586(Question No. 1229)12298586O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, upon notice, on 5 August 1999:(1) (a) What procedures are followed in assessing applications from state governments, local government authorities and community groups for funding through the Roads of National Importance (RONI) program; and (b) who undertakes the assessment.(2) By type of applicant, how many applications for funding through the RONI program were assessed in the 1997-98, 1998-99 and to date in the 1999-2000 financial years.(3) How many applications were approved in the above financial years.8586Macdonald, Sen IanSenator Ian MacdonaldYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—The Minister for Transport and Regional Services has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:(1) (a) There is no formal application process for Roads of National Importance (RONI) funding. In its RONI program, the Government is responding to a strong view in the community that its road responsibilities extend further than the National Highway network.Candidate roads are selected against the issued guidelines, the Government's assessment of community needs and available funding.(b) The Government makes the assessment of which roads will receive funding.(2) There is no application process for RONI funding. Numerous requests for funding assistance are received from time to time from State and local governments and a wide range of community groups for many roads across Australia. It would be a significant diversion of resources to provide a list of these requests.(3) The Government agreed to provide funding for 3 RONIs in 1997-98, 1 in 1998-99 and 3 to date in 1999-2000.8586(Question No. 1242)12428586O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, upon notice, on 12 August 1999:(1) Is the Stevedoring Industry Levy Act still in effect and are the arrangements the Act underpinned still in place; if so, when does the Government intend to wind up the above arrangements.(2) If the above arrangements are no longer in existence: (a) when were they wound up; (b) how were any moneys remaining in the fund at that time dispersed; (c) how much money was distributed; and (d) who received the funds.8586Macdonald, Sen IanSenator Ian MacdonaldYW4QLDLPRegional Services, Territories and Local Government10—The Minister for Transport and Regional Services has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:(1) Yes. The Government is working to wind up the arrangements as soon as possible.(2) Not applicable.8587(Question No. 1253)12538587O'Brien, Sen KerrySenator O'Brien8O6TASALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry, upon notice, on 18 August 1999:(1) When did the Australian Quarantine and Inspection Service (AQIS) commence the process of establishing a panel to oversee the risk assessment of imported uncooked chicken meat.(2) (a) When was the panel established; (b) who is on the panel; (c) what are the qualifications of panel members; and (d) what process was followed to select panel members.(3) Who has been appointed to chair the panel.(4) (a) How advanced is the uncooked chicken meat risk assessment process; and (b) what is the estimated completion time for each of the remaining steps in the process as set out in the AQIS Risk Assessment Handbook.8587Alston, Sen RichardSenator AlstonLD4VICLPCommunications, Information Technology and the Arts10—The Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:(1) The Australian Quarantine and Inspection Service (AQIS) commenced the import risk analysis (IRA) for uncooked chicken meat in December 1998.(2) and (3) AQIS will shortly consult stakeholders on the membership of the Risk Analysis Panel (RAP).(4) (a) After consultation with stakeholders AQIS has decided that the non-routine approach be followed for this risk analysis and is in the process of selecting members for the RAP.(b) The RAP, when formed, will develop a work program. If the RAP identifies a requirement for external technical inputs, there may be consequences for the timing of the various stages of the IRA. Without prejudging the RAP's consideration of its work program, AQIS anticipates that the issues paper will be released in December 1999, the draft IRA paper in May 2000 and the final recommendations brought forward for consideration by the Executive Director of AQIS in October 2000.8587(Question No. 1338)13388587Ray, Sen RobertSenator Robert RayUI4VICALP00 asked the Minister representing the Minister for Finance and Administration, upon notice, on 23 August 1999:Is any money owed to the department by the United Nations or its agencies for peacekeeping operations in which Australia has participated; if so, how much.8587Ellison, Sen ChrisSenator Ellison9X5WALPSpecial Minister of State10—The Minister for Finance and Administration has provided the following answer to the honourable senator's question:No.